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November 18, 2025

Bamako is under pressure, not under siege: the difference and why it matters

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Lamine Doumbia, Research Associate – Dep. African History /Institute for Asian and African Studies, Humboldt University of Berlin

Mali has been struggling for over a decade to defeat “jihadists” around Gao, Kidal and Ségou. Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), linked to al-Qaida, is believed to be the most vicious of the terrorist groups operating there, based on the scale of its attacks.

The group’s aims include an imposition of its strict interpretation of Islam and sharia. Recently it raised the ante with attacks in certain zones in Mali. This has put strain on trade routes and the supply of essential commodities, including fuel.

Consequently, there have been media reports raising concerns about the deepening security crisis in the country. Yet, as Malian researchers, we think some of these claims are exaggerated. We work in African studies, social anthropology, history, economics and development studies, and have been conducting fieldwork in Bamako over the past six months. Our view also draws on our broader research on urban market dynamics and social resilience in west Africa.

We argue that what is being reported is more like guesses based on certain conditions than solid conclusions backed by evidence.

For instance, the fuel crisis in Bamako has been interpreted as the direct consequence of terrorist activity. A contributing factor may be the limited institutional and governmental capacity to effectively coordinate fuel and energy procurement and storage of the country.

Indeed, since September 2025, Mali has a fuel shortage and a sharp rise in prices. Government efforts have not yet brought the crisis under lasting control. But this does not necessarily mean the capital city is under siege.

Our field observations suggest a different picture. Bamako is indeed under immense pressure and activities have been disrupted. But markets continue to function, and people display remarkable solidarity and adaptability in their daily lives.

The distinction matters, not to minimise the crisis, but to capture it with the nuance, complexity and empirical sensitivity that local realities demand.

Beyond the narrative of collapse

Framing Bamako as “blockaded” risks obscuring these complex social realities. While insecurity on key transport corridors is real, the city remains functional.

Markets continue to operate, albeit under difficult conditions. Schools, though intermittently closed, have reopened after a shutdown of two weeks, and many urban communities are mobilising local forms of resilience. External analyses too often overlook these.

To call this situation a “blockade” is to conflate logistical disruption with military encirclement. A blockade would imply that no movement of people or goods is possible, which is not the case. What we are witnessing is a progressive suffocation of the city’s economic arteries, not a total siege.

Everyday realities: markets and hardship

To understand the present crisis around Bamako, one must trace its history. As the emeritus social anthropologist Georg Klute explains, conflict in the Sahara-Sahel region has long taken the form of asymmetric, nomadic “small wars”.

These were not total wars but mobile and negotiated confrontations, rooted in strategies of autonomy and survival in marginal environments. What we see today is a continuation of this tradition of localised contestation.

The asymmetric “small war” has evolved into hybrid insurgencies blending historical modes of resistance, political grievances from the 1990s onwards, and transnational terrorists’ ideology.

This trajectory was already visible more than a decade ago, when the 2012 coup was followed by the occupation of northern Mali by Tuareg separatists and terrorists Islamist groups.

Once celebrated as a model democracy, Mali entered a prolonged cycle of fragility, marked by military coups, fragmented authority and the erosion of public trust.

While Bamako faces shortages and rising prices, the epicentre of economic suffering lies further north and east, in the Mopti, Kayes and Ségou regions. Recent studies show how armed groups have inserted themselves into everyday economic life, controlling markets, taxing trade routes and regulating mobility.

In Mopti, “jihadist” factions have established parallel systems of governance, collecting “zakat” taxes, enforcing their own codes of justice, and offering minimal security in exchange for compliance.

In Ségou, transport networks are heavily monitored; farmers and traders are often forced to pay informal levies to move goods between villages. These measures have distorted local economies, redirected value chains and imposed new hierarchies of control.

What began as localised insurgency in nomadic peripheries has now reached the urban heart of Mali’s political and economic life.

Yet, as we observed during our recent fieldwork in Bamako’s Grand Marché, this is not a war fought solely with weapons, it is also a struggle for survival, dignity and sovereignty.

Resilience and solidarity

During our recent field research on urban market dynamics and contestations in west Africa, we witnessed how the current crisis has reshaped everyday life in Bamako.

In the Grand Marché, the city’s commercial heart, traders and consumers alike are facing hardship. The shortage of fuel has disrupted the circulation of goods and people, making transport scarce and expensive.

This shortage has set off a chain reaction. Prices of basic commodities have soared and electricity cuts have multiplied, undermining cold storage, small-scale industries, and household livelihoods. Although we don’t have official data, we have observed “unregistered” workers – the majority of Bamako’s labour force – seeing their income sources collapse.

Yet resilience and solidarity remain striking. Many traders continue to walk long distances to reach the market, often uncertain whether customers will come at all. On Saturdays, when fuel becomes slightly more available, market areas come alive with crowds of vendors and buyers.

Across the city, long queues form at petrol stations, and people wait patiently, sharing water, information and small acts of support.

What emerges from these scenes is a remarkable atmosphere of mutuality, a collective will to endure and to adapt. In the face of scarcity, Bamako’s residents are reinventing everyday life through cooperation, perseverance, and a sense of community.

In this context, the lesson is that military escalation cannot resolve what began as an asymmetric, socially embedded crisis. As both our field observations and long-term research suggest, negotiation (rooted in local realities and historical understanding) offers the only sustainable path forward.

Negotiation, not militarisation

From the vantage point of the Grand Marché, Bamako’s current crisis is not one of imminent collapse, but of cumulative exhaustion. The people’s resilience cannot indefinitely compensate for the paralysis of governance.

The Malian crisis has demonstrated, time and again, the limits of a purely military response. The social and economic despair we are witnessing today reinforces the urgency of a social political dialogue, not as a sign of weakness, but as a pragmatic acknowledgment of reality.

Negotiation must go beyond the binary of “state versus armed groups”. It must include religious leaders, market actors, civil society groups, university scholars and local communities.

Such a process will be difficult, especially given the commitment to laïcité (secularism) in Mali’s constitutional framework. Yet, refusing dialogue only deepens isolation (political, social, and humanitarian).

Rather than framing Mali’s capital as a city under siege, we should recognise it as a city struggling under immense strain; one that still breathes, resists and adapts. Negotiation, not militarisation, remains the only credible route to sustainable peace in Bamako.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Bamako is under pressure, not under siege: the difference and why it matters – https://theconversation.com/bamako-is-under-pressure-not-under-siege-the-difference-and-why-it-matters-269447

November 18, 2025

Comprendre le cerveau des entrepreneurs grâce à une étude scientifique unique

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Frédéric Ooms, Chargé de cours, Université de Liège

Si le cerveau est capable de renforcer certains réseaux neuronaux grâce à l’entraînement, comme on muscle son corps par le sport, alors l’expérience entrepreneuriale répétée pourrait elle-même être un facteur de développement de ces connexions particulières. BillionPhotos/Shutterstock

L’entrepreneuriat façonne-t-il le cerveau ? Certaines personnes naissent-elles avec des caractéristiques cérébrales qui les prédisposent à entreprendre ? Pour tenter de répondre à ces questions, une étude récente explore le fonctionnement du cerveau d’entrepreneurs grâce à l’imagerie par résonance magnétique fonctionnelle, une technique qui permet de visualiser l’activité cérébrale.

Si l’on reconnaît l’importance des processus cognitifs chez les entrepreneurs
– comment pensent-ils et agissent-il face à l’incertitude ? –, on s’est peu intéressé à l’étude de leur cerveau lorsqu’ils prennent leurs décisions.

Pourquoi certains individus semblent exceller dans la création d’entreprises et naviguent habilement à travers l’incertitude, tandis que d’autres peinent à s’adapter ?

Pour tenter de faire la lumière sur la réponse à cette question, nous avons mené des travaux faisant converger neurosciences et recherche en entrepreneuriat. Nous avons en effet exploré l’activité cérébrale chez des entrepreneurs grâce à une technique d’imagerie médicale, l’imagerie par résonance magnétique fonctionnelle (IRMf).

Fruit d’une collaboration entre le centre de recherche interdisciplinaire en sciences biomédicales GIGA Consciousness Research Unit de l’Université de Liège (Belgique) et le Centre hospitalier universitaire (CHU) de Liège, notre étude ouvre de nouvelles perspectives sur la manière dont les entrepreneurs abordent la prise de décision, gèrent l’incertitude et exploitent de nouvelles opportunités.

Imagerie par résonance magnétique fonctionnelle (IRMf)

L’IRMf permet de visualiser l’activité cérébrale en mesurant les variations du flux sanguin dans le cerveau. Cette méthode repose sur un principe simple : lorsqu’une région du cerveau est activée, elle consomme plus d’oxygène, ce qui entraîne une augmentation du flux sanguin vers cette zone. Ce surplus d’oxygène modifie légèrement les propriétés magnétiques du sang. C’est cette différence que l’IRMf mesure pour créer des cartes d’activité cérébrale en temps réel, offrant ainsi une vue détaillée de la fonction cérébrale.

Plus précisément, notre étude s’est concentrée sur 23 entrepreneurs habituels
– c’est-à-dire ceux qui ont lancé plusieurs entreprises, en les comparant à 17 managers travaillant dans de grandes organisations.

L’analyse de connectivité en état de repos basée sur une région cérébrale d’intérêt (seed-based resting state fMRI) a révélé que ces entrepreneurs expérimentés présentent une connectivité neuronale accrue entre certaines régions de l’hémisphère droit du cerveau : l’insula et le cortex préfrontal. Ces zones jouent un rôle dans la flexibilité cognitive et la prise de décisions exploratoires, c’est-à-dire la capacité à ajuster sa stratégie et à penser autrement face à des situations nouvelles ou incertaines.

Mieux gérer l’incertitude

Ce réseau cérébral plus connecté pourrait contribuer à expliquer pourquoi ces entrepreneurs semblent mieux armés pour gérer l’incertitude et faire preuve de flexibilité cognitive, des capacités souvent associées à l’identification d’opportunités entrepreneuriales.

Que ce soit de manière séquentielle – les serial entrepreneurs, qui créent une entreprise après l’autre – ou de façon concurrente – les portfolio entrepreneurs qui gèrent plusieurs entreprises en même temps –, ces profils paraissent exceller dans l’art de s’adapter rapidement. Une compétence précieuse dans le monde des start-ups, où les repères sont rarement stables.

Une autre étude, portant sur le même groupe d’entrepreneurs et de managers met en lumière un autre phénomène intrigant : ces entrepreneurs habituels présentent un volume de matière grise plus important dans l’insula gauche. Bien que l’étude n’ait pas directement mesuré la pensée divergente, d’autres travaux ont montré que l’augmentation du volume de matière grise dans l’insula gauche est associée à cette capacité – c’est-à-dire la faculté de générer de nombreuses idées différentes pour résoudre un même problème.

Ce qui suggère que les différences observées chez ces entrepreneurs pourraient refléter une plus grande propension à la pensée divergente.

Une question essentielle reste ouverte : l’entrepreneuriat façonne-t-il le cerveau… ou bien certaines personnes naissent-elles avec ces caractéristiques cérébrales qui les prédisposent à entreprendre ?

Autrement dit, sommes-nous entrepreneurs par nature ou par culture ?

Nature ou culture ?

Cette interrogation est aujourd’hui au cœur des nouveaux projets de recherche menés par l’équipe d’HEC Liège et du Centre de recherche du cyclotron (CRC) de l’Université de Liège. Cette orientation de recherche s’appuie sur le concept de « plasticité cérébrale », c’est-à-dire la capacité du cerveau à se modifier sous l’effet des expériences et des apprentissages.

Si le cerveau est capable de renforcer certains réseaux neuronaux grâce à l’entraînement, comme on muscle son corps par le sport, alors l’expérience entrepreneuriale répétée pourrait elle-même être un facteur de développement de ces connexions particulières. À l’inverse, si ces différences cérébrales sont présentes dès le départ, cela poserait la question de traits cognitifs ou neurobiologiques favorisant l’esprit d’entreprise.

Pour répondre à ces questions, de nouveaux travaux sont en cours au sein du laboratoire et du GIGA-CRC, avec notamment des études longitudinales visant à suivre l’évolution des cerveaux d’entrepreneurs au fil de leur parcours, mais aussi des comparaisons avec de jeunes porteurs de projets ou des aspirants entrepreneurs.

L’enjeu est de mieux comprendre si, et comment, l’expérience de l’entrepreneuriat peut façonner notre cerveau. Cette nouvelle phase de la recherche est en cours et entre dans une phase clé : le recrutement des participants pour une étude en imagerie par résonance magnétique (IRM). Nous recherchons des volontaires, entrepreneurs ou non, prêts à contribuer à cette exploration scientifique inédite sur les effets de la pratique entrepreneuriale sur le cerveau.

Former les futurs entrepreneurs

L’intégration des neurosciences dans l’étude de l’entrepreneuriat offre une perspective novatrice sur les facteurs qui pourraient contribuer à l’esprit entrepreneurial. En comprenant si – et comment – l’expérience entrepreneuriale influence la structure et la fonction cérébrales, il deviendrait possible de concevoir des approches de formation spécifiques pour favoriser l’esprit d’entreprendre. On pourrait, par exemple, imaginer de mettre au point des exercices pratiques et des approches d’apprentissage immersif afin de développer chez les étudiants les compétences observées chez des entrepreneurs habituels.

Cet article a été rédigé avec l’aide du Dr Arnaud Stiepen, expert en communication et vulgarisation scientifiques.

Frédéric Ooms a été financé par une subvention ARC (Actions de Recherche Concertée) de la Fédération Wallonie‑Bruxelles.

– ref. Comprendre le cerveau des entrepreneurs grâce à une étude scientifique unique – https://theconversation.com/comprendre-le-cerveau-des-entrepreneurs-grace-a-une-etude-scientifique-unique-259324

November 18, 2025

Why it’s so hard to know what Jane Austen thought about slavery

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anna Walker, Senior Arts + Culture Editor, The Conversation

Jane Austen’s Paper Trail is a podcast from The Conversation celebrating 250 years since the author’s birth. In each episode, we’ll be investigating a different aspect of Austen’s personality by interrogating one of her novels with leading researchers. Along the way, we’ll visit locations important to Austen to uncover a particular aspect of her life and the times she lived in. In episode 3, we look at her politics, and what we can learn about her views on slavery through the pages of Mansfield Park.

There are no strident political takes in Jane Austen’s novels, but there are many subtle and carefully crafted signals. As we are learning over the course of our podcast series, she kept her cards very close to her chest.

One of the biggest and most urgent public debates of Austen’s time was slavery. It’s an issue most modern readers would like to see her coming down on the right side of. But she only ever wrote one black character: Miss Lambe in the unfinished work Sanditon (1817). And the novel which deals most with the issue, Mansfield Park (1814), still only mentions slavery directly once.

What we do know is that three of Austen’s brothers were engaged in anti-slavery activism. Her letters also show that she admired the abolitionists Thomas Clarkson and William Cowper. But while it’s tempting to assume Austen shared their convictions, it isn’t that simple – as Mansfield Park demonstrates.

A portrait of a black woman in regency dress — The artist Lela Harris created a portrait of Austen’s only known black character, Miss Lambe, from her unfinished novel Sanditon.
Anna Walker, CC BY-SA

The novel follows Fanny Price, who is taken in by her wealthy relatives, the Bertrams, and raised on their country estate. Mansfield Park explores shifting social dynamics and Fanny’s emotional struggles. Although slavery is not central to the plot, the Bertrams’ wealth comes from a West Indian plantation sustained by enslaved labour.

Like the Bertrams, many people in Austen’s day made their money through the empire. The British economy was highly dependent on enslaved labourers, from the goods they produced to the institutions and industries the economy of slavery funded.

The profits of slavery flooded into the British countryside, supporting the lifestyles of those within the grand estates of the landed gentry. As such, the businesses of slavery and empire are the economic foundations on which Austen’s domestic worlds stand. Yet Mansfield Park is arguably the only novel that glances, however obliquely, toward that reality.

In the third episode of Jane Austen’s Paper Trail, Naomi Joseph visits the Liverpool docks which were at the centre of Britain’s transatlantic slave trade with Corinne Fowler, professor of postcolonial literature at the University of Leicester. Fowler has worked on projects reinterpreting the colonial connections of country houses for both the National Trust and English Heritage.

As the Sun shines upon the Irish Sea where ships once brought enslaved people and the goods they produced to England, Fowler helps us understand the sometimes contradictory feelings Austen seemed to have about slavery.

“Many people tried, and often failed, to make money in empire – and in slavery in particular,” explains Fowler. “The issue of Austen’s position in relation to slavery itself is interesting, because it’s typically really ambivalent.”

Later in the episode, Anna Walker takes a deeper dive into Austen’s view of the slave trade in Mansfield Park with two more experts: Olivia Robotham Carpenter, a lecturer in literature at the University of York, and Markman Ellis, a professor of 18th-century studies at Queen Mary University London.

“I think [Mansfield Park] tells us something quite important about how these incredibly violent institutions were functioning at the level of the domestic household, and what they might mean in actual British women’s lives during the period,” Robotham Carpenter explains.

“This is a book which addresses the topic of wealthy British people’s responsibility for a series of immoral acts in the colonies,” Ellis agrees. However, Austen “didn’t set it in Antigua, she doesn’t have a black character. All the things she could have done, she doesn’t do.”

Listen to episode 3 of Jane Austen’s Paper Trail wherever you get your podcasts. And if you’re craving more Austen, check out our Jane Austen 250 page for more expert articles celebrating the anniversary.

Disclosure statement

Corinne Fowler has received funding from the Arts Council England, English Heritage, the National Trust and the National Lottery Heritage Fund.

Markman Ellis and Olivia Robotham Carpenter do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Jane Austen’s Paper Trail is hosted by Anna Walker with reporting from Jane Wright and Naomi Joseph. Senior producer and sound designer is Eloise Stevens and the executive producer is Gemma Ware. Artwork by Alice Mason and Naomi Joseph.

Listen to The Conversation Weekly via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here.

– ref. Why it’s so hard to know what Jane Austen thought about slavery – https://theconversation.com/why-its-so-hard-to-know-what-jane-austen-thought-about-slavery-269053

November 18, 2025

Finally, Indigenous peoples have an influential voice at COP30. They’re speaking loud and clear

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Danilo Urzedo, Research fellow, The University of Western Australia

Indigenous peoples are on the vanguard of climate action. Longstanding relationships with land means they endure the direct consequences of climate change. And their unique knowledge offers effective solutions to climate problems.

But despite this, international climate policies have fallen short of encouraging Indigenous leadership. With the UN climate summit hosted in the Amazon for the first time, COP30 marks an unprecedented effort to elevate Indigenous voices.

Returning to Brazil again after the 1992 and 2012 Rio conferences, COP30 has the largest Indigenous delegation in the summit’s history. More than 3,000 Indigenous representatives from around the world are in the Amazonian city of Belém.

Inside and outside the negotiation rooms, Indigenous organisations and coalitions have brought an unprecedented agenda to the summit: pressure for climate justice centred on the recognition of land rights and fair financing mechanisms.

Indigenous voices in diplomacy

A new form of climate diplomacy is emerging. This shift marks the creation of space for Indigenous delegates to participate in formal discussions that were previously exclusive to government officials.

Since 2019, the UN’s Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform has expanded the Indigenous role in official negotiations. At this year’s summit, more than 900 Indigenous delegates – a record number – are participating in official debates.

Led by Brazil’s Minister for Indigenous Peoples, Sônia Guajajara, the COP30 presidency has encouraged Indigenous leadership in decision-making. This includes giving Indigenous delegates seats in negotiation rooms and embedding their demands in climate pledges and finance mechanisms.

“Indigenous Peoples want to take part, not just show up”, said Guajajara. “We want to lead and be part of the solution. So far, the investments driven by COP decisions have failed to deliver results – the 1.5°C goal is slipping out of reach”.

But turning community participation into political influence requires more than participation. Initiatives such as Kuntari Katu in Brazil assist Indigenous leaders in connecting their priorities with broader climate policies. Such training provides modules on topics such as carbon market mechanisms and equips Indigenous representatives with tools to communicate their priorities in climate debates.

Indigenous influence at COP30 is not confined to formal diplomacy. Protests inside and outside the COP venue have amplified long-sidelined demands. Under the rallying cry “Our land is not for sale”, one of the demonstrations occupied areas of the COP30 venue with direct confrontation with the security staff.

Thousands of activists also joined a four-kilometre march in the host city of Belém to call for action from leaders to stop environmental destruction. These protests have brought global attention to injustices that climate politics have long tried to contain. They highlight unresolved land-tenure conflicts and the rising violence faced by Indigenous communities on the frontline of climate impacts.

Land rights as climate solutions

Indigenous territories deliver some of the world’s most effective responses to the climate crisis, from curbing deforestation to storing vast amounts of carbon. Yet much Indigenous land remains without formal recognition, leaving it exposed to invasions by illegal mining, agribusiness expansion, and land grabs, including for renewable energy projects.

COP30 has brought commitments to recognising Indigenous territories as climate solutions. During the opening ceremony, Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva emphasised the centrality of Indigenous territories to promote effective climate action. World leaders pledged to secure 160 million hectares of Indigenous and community lands by 2030.

Indigenous organisations say pledges remain far from sufficient given the threats to their lands. The Munduruku Indigenous community, an indigenous people living in the Amazon River basin, made this clear with a major blockade at COP30. Their action created long queues at the summit entrance, delaying thousands of delegates. The disruption compelled the COP presidency to meet with Munduruku leaders, who pressed for the demarcation of their territories and the right to be consulted on development projects in their territory.

Fair climate finance

One of COP30’s major negotiation challenges is finalising the Baku-Belém Roadmap, which aims to unlock A$1.5 trillion in climate funding. Yet climate finance mechanisms have a long history of undervaluing Indigenous knowledge and governance. Indigenous organisations say that fairness must be central to these pledges.

At the Leaders’ Summit, a multilateral coalition launched the Tropical Forests Forever Fund. This commits A$7.6 billion to protect over one billion hectares of forests. With backing from 53 nations and 19 sovereign investors, the fund earmarks 20% of its finance for Indigenous projects. The Forest Tenure Funders Group also renewed its pledge, with a commitment of A$2.7 billion to secure Indigenous land rights.

Still, Indigenous advocates warn climate finance must go beyond dollar amounts. They want a shift in who controls the funding and how projects are governed. Placing Indigenous leadership at the centre of financing means making sure Indigenous communities can receive funding directly and have fair agreements that protect them from financial risks.

Transformative leadership

UN climate conferences have long been criticised for delivering incremental progress but little systemic change. Yet signs of political transformation are emerging.

Beyond climate debates, significant Indigenous leadership is gaining momentum across other international environmental policies. In 2024, the UN’s meeting to combat desertification formalised a new caucus for Indigenous Peoples, while the Convention on Biological Diversity established a permanent Indigenous subsidiary body.

These growing political shifts reveal that effective environmental actions depend on dismantling power inequalities in decisions. Inclusive leadership in policymaking may not completely address the environmental crisis, but it marks a turning point as historically silenced voices begin to lead from the centre.

Danilo Urzedo receives funding from the Australian Research Council under the Industrial Transformation Training Centre for Healing Country (IC210100034).

Oliver Tester receives funding from the ARC Industrial Transformation Training Centre for Healing Country.

Stephen van Leeuwen receives funding from the ARC Industrial Transformation Training Centre for Healing Country.

– ref. Finally, Indigenous peoples have an influential voice at COP30. They’re speaking loud and clear – https://theconversation.com/finally-indigenous-peoples-have-an-influential-voice-at-cop30-theyre-speaking-loud-and-clear-269403

November 18, 2025

By delaying a decision on using Russia’s frozen assets for Ukraine, Europe is quietly hedging its bets

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Alexander Korolev, Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, UNSW Sydney

As Russia continues its grinding offensive and Ukraine braces for another winter of war, the European Union remains paralysed over a seemingly straightforward decision: whether to use 140 billion euros (A$250 billion) in frozen Russian assets to support Kyiv.

Officially, the delay is about legal caution and financial liability.

But beneath the surface, a more uncomfortable truth is emerging: some EU leaders may no longer believe Ukraine can win.

This isn’t about public rhetoric. Most European heads of state still affirm their support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

But when we examine strategic behaviour – especially the hesitation to deploy high-risk financial tools, such as using Russia’s frozen assets in Europe – we see signs of realist recalibration.

The EU’s frozen assets debate has become a litmus test for Brussels’ confidence in Ukraine’s long-term viability.

What are the concerns over using the assets?

Belgium holds the bulk of Russia’s frozen assets, amounting to about 210 billion euros (A$374 billion) in a financial institution called Euroclear. European finance ministers have discussed using the assets as a loan to Ukraine, which would only be repaid if Russia provided reparations following the war.

Brussels is insisting on legal guarantees before releasing the funds. It is also demanding collective liability shielding from other EU states, citing concerns about lawsuits filed by Russia and financial exposure.

There’s a reputational risk, as well, if other countries such as China or India start to view European banks as an unreliable place to park their funds.

In parallel, Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico has suspended military aid to Ukraine and said his country’s goal is not Russia’s defeat, but to “end war as soon as possible”.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has gone further, saying Ukraine “cannot win on the battlefield”.

Although Fico and Orbán are more pro-Russia than other EU leaders, they reflect a growing undercurrent of realist strategic thinking within the bloc.

Even among more supportive states, there is growing ambiguity about the war effort. France and Germany continue to support Kyiv, but with increasing emphasis on diplomacy and “realistic expectations.”

And while Poland and the Baltic states are the most vocal supporters of using Russia’s frozen assets, Germany, France and Italy have adopted a more cautious posture or demanded Ukraine commit to spending the assets on European weapons – a demand Kyiv resists.

Strategic posturing is happening, too

Unavoidably, these frozen assets are not merely financial – they are a geopolitical wager. To deploy them now is to bet on Ukraine’s victory. To delay is to preserve flexibility in case Russia prevails or the war ends in a frozen stalemate.

In 2022, supporting Ukraine was framed as a moral imperative. By late 2025, some now see it as a strategic liability.

As is invariably the case in international politics, moral aspirations give way to strategic imperatives when the geopolitical push comes to shove. As war fatigue is rising across Europe, many Ukrainians are wondering if Europe still cares.

These concerns are amplified by the shifting battlefield: the key transit city of Pokrovsk in eastern Ukraine is under siege and Russian forces are advancing in Huliaipole in the south. Ukraine’s energy infrastructure is being systematically dismantled by Russian drone strikes.

This also explains the hesitance of EU leaders about releasing Russian frozen assets. Aside from the legal concerns, questions are increasingly being asked about the trajectory of the war. Could the EU risk billions of euros on a failed cause, while forfeiting leverage in postwar negotiations?

From an international politics perspective, this classic realist logic and the widening gap between ethics and interstate relations are neither new nor surprising: states act in their interests, not in service of ideals.

The frozen assets are being treated not as aid, but as a bargaining chip – to be deployed only if Ukraine stabilises the situation on the battlefield or if Russia can be pressured into concession.

By delaying a decision on the frozen assets, the EU preserves optionality. If Ukraine regains ground, the assets can be deployed with stronger justification. If Russia ultimately prevails, the EU avoids being seen as the architect of a failed financial intervention.

This ambiguity is not indecision – it’s strategic posture. The EU is hedging its bets, quietly preparing for multiple outcomes. The longer the war drags on, the more likely unity fractures and realism overtake idealism.

No perfect outcomes

A final decision on the assets is expected in December. But even if approved, the funds may be disbursed in cautious tranches, tied to battlefield developments and political optics, locking Ukraine into the unforgiving calculus of great power rivalry between Russia and the West.

The EU is not abandoning Ukraine, but it is recalibrating its risk exposure. That recalibration is grounded in strategic doubt as EU leaders are no longer sure Ukraine can win – even if they won’t say so aloud.

In the end, whether or not the assets are deployed, Ukraine’s outlook remains bleak unless both Russia and the West find a way to de-escalate their zero-sum rivalry in the region.

Any future settlement is unlikely to be optimal and will likely disappoint Ukrainians. But the current challenge is not to pursue perfect outcomes, which no longer exist, but to choose the least damaging path to ending the war, among all the imperfect options.

Alexander Korolev does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. By delaying a decision on using Russia’s frozen assets for Ukraine, Europe is quietly hedging its bets – https://theconversation.com/by-delaying-a-decision-on-using-russias-frozen-assets-for-ukraine-europe-is-quietly-hedging-its-bets-269507

November 17, 2025

Florida’s new open carry ruling combines with ‘stand your ground’ to create new freedoms – and new dangers

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Caroline Light, Senior Lecturer on Studies of Women, Gender, and Sexuality, Harvard University

As of September 2025, Florida allows open carry and permitless carry, in addition to its stand your ground law. Joe Raedle/Getty Images News

Twenty years ago, Florida Gov. Jeb Bush signed the first “stand your ground” law, calling it a “good, common-sense, anti-crime issue.”

The law’s creators promised it would protect law-abiding citizens from prosecution if they used force in self-defense. Then-Florida state Rep. Dennis Baxley, who cosponsored the bill, claimed – in the wake of George Zimmerman’s controversial acquittal for the killing of Trayvon Martin – that “we’re really safer if we empower people to stop violent acts.”

I’m a historian who has studied the roots of stand your ground laws. I published a book on the subject in 2017. My ongoing investigation of the laws suggests that, 20 years on, they have not made communities any safer, nor have they helped prevent crime. In fact, there is reliable evidence they have done just the opposite.

In the past 20 years, stand your ground has spread to 38 states.

Then, in September 2025, an appellate court struck down Florida’s long-standing ban on the open carry of firearms.

Florida’s attorney general, James Uthmeier, quickly announced that open carry is now “the law of the state,” directing law enforcement not to arrest people who display handguns in public.

Under the state’s permitless carry law, enacted in 2023, adults without a criminal record also don’t need a permit or any training to carry firearms publicly.

In my view, this combination of stand your ground, open carry and permitless carry is likely to make the Sunshine State far less safe.

Let’s look at the evidence.

What ‘stand your ground’ means

Under traditional self-defense law, a person had a duty to retreat – to try to avoid a violent confrontation if they could safely do so – before resorting to deadly force.

The main exception to the duty to retreat was known as the castle doctrine, whereby people could defend themselves, with force if necessary, if they were attacked in their own homes.

Stand your ground laws effectively expand the boundaries of the castle doctrine to the wider world, removing the duty to retreat and allowing people to use lethal force anywhere they have a legal right to be, as long as they believe it’s necessary to prevent death or serious harm.

On paper, the expansion of the right to self-defense may sound reasonable. But in practice, stand your ground laws have blurred the line between self-defense and aggression by expanding legal immunity for some who claim self-defense and shifting the burden of proof to prosecutors.

While supporters of these laws claim they mitigate crime and make people safer, evidence shows the opposite. The nonpartisan RAND Corp. discovered that states adopting stand your ground laws experienced significant increases in homicide, typically between 8% and 11% higher than before the laws took effect.

A study of violent crime in Florida revealed a 31.6% increase in firearm homicides following the 2005 passage of the stand your ground law. There is no credible evidence that these laws deter crime.

On the contrary, evidence shows that stand your ground laws lower the legal, moral and psychological costs of pulling the trigger.

Stand your ground and race

While the language of stand your ground laws is race-neutral, their enforcement is not. Data from the Urban Institute and the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights show that in states with stand your ground laws, homicides are far more likely to be deemed “justified” when the shooter is white and the victim is Black.

I’ve found that these laws have redefined not only when force is justified but who is justified in using force.

In my assessment, these laws don’t create racial bias. Rather, they magnify the biases already present in our criminal legal system. They give broader discretion to a legal system in which law enforcement officers, judges, prosecutors and juries often hold unacknowledged biases that associate Black men with criminality, while perceiving white people who say they were defending themselves as credible.

A sign for a rally after the Trayvon Martin shooting in Sanford, Florida. — Seventeen-year-old Trayvon Martin was unarmed when George Zimmerman shot and killed him on March 20, 2012, in Sanford, Fla. Zimmerman claimed he killed Martin in self-defense and was acquitted by a jury.
Gerardo Mora/Getty Images News

That dynamic is visible in a growing multitude of cases, such as the shootings of unarmed teenagers Trayvon Martin, Jordan Davis, Renisha McBride and Ralph Yarl.

Each instance illustrates how stand your ground transforms ordinary mistakes or misunderstandings into lethal outcomes, and how armed citizens’ claims of “reasonable fear” often reflect racial stereotypes more than objective threats.

A dangerous mix

Florida’s legalization of open carry intersects with the state’s permitless carry and stand your ground laws in alarming ways. Open carry increases the visibility – and perceived legitimacy – of guns in everyday life.

Combined with the removal of licensing procedures and training requirements, laws that broaden the right to use deadly force create a permissive environment for opportunistic violence.

When everyone is visibly armed, every encounter can look like a potential threat. And when the law tells you that you don’t have to back down, that perception can turn lethal in seconds.

Florida has become a model for what gun rights advocates call “freedom” but what public health experts see as a recipe for more shootings and more death.

National implications: ‘Reciprocity’ and expansion

Two decades later, stand your ground laws have spread, in various forms, to 38 states. While 30 states have legislatively enacted stand your ground statutes like Florida’s, eight others implement stand your ground through case law and jury instructions that effectively remove the duty to retreat.

On top of this, 29 states have enacted laws allowing permitless carry, and 47 technically allow open carry, though restrictions vary across the states.

President Donald Trump has made clear he wants to take this deregulatory approach nationwide. While on the campaign trail, he promised to sign a “concealed-carry reciprocity” law, which would require all states to allow people from states with permissive laws to exercise those rights in all 50. “Your Second Amendment does not end at the state line,” he announced in a 2023 video.

If that vision becomes reality, it would mean the most permissive state laws will set the standard for the entire country. National reciprocity would allow Floridians, and other gun owners from permitless carry states, to carry their firearms – and potentially claim stand your ground immunity – in any other state, including those with stricter rules and lower rates of firearm death and injury.

This prospect raises deep questions about states’ rights, safety and justice. Research shows that stand your ground laws increase homicide and exacerbate racial disparities. National reciprocity would export those effects nationwide.

In my view, the convergence of stand your ground, open carry and national reciprocity marks the culmination of a 20-year experiment in armed citizenship. The results are clear: more people armed, more shootings and more deaths “justified.”

The question now is whether the rest of the nation will follow Florida’s lead.

Read more stories from The Conversation about Florida.

Caroline Light is affiliated with GVPedia and collaborates with Giffords.

– ref. Florida’s new open carry ruling combines with ‘stand your ground’ to create new freedoms – and new dangers – https://theconversation.com/floridas-new-open-carry-ruling-combines-with-stand-your-ground-to-create-new-freedoms-and-new-dangers-267496

November 17, 2025

Federal budget 2025: Is Canada Strong actually weak on AI?

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Nicolas Chartier-Edwards, PhD student, Politics, Science and Technology, Institut national de la recherche scientifique (INRS)

Prime Minister Mark Carney’s Liberal government has tabled its first official budget, entitled Canada Strong. It frames itself as a road map of investments being made to strengthen national sovereignty via economic productivity and national defence. Central to those efforts is artificial intelligence.

AI-heavy technologies have been identified by eight federal agencies in the 2025 budget as a way to reduce operational expenditures while fuelling productivity.

Many of the investments in the budget are aimed at developing the defence industry through the creation and commercialization of what’s known as dual-use technology — goods, software and technology that can be used for both civilian and military applications — which can also include AI.

But is Canada Strong actually weak on AI?

Given the current legislative landscape and the new budget, we argue that Canada Strong’s AI plan downplays regulation and guardrail development, since funding is geared chiefly toward adoption. It overlooks the risks, impacts and potential weaknesses that come with an over-reliance on these technologies.

Past budgets

Indirectly, the Canadian government has consistently supported AI research through the Federal Granting Agency, the Canada Foundation for Innovation and the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research.

Between 2006 and 2015, Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s government invested more than $13 billion in science, technology and innovation during its mandate.

Justin Trudeau’s government changed how AI was marketed to Canadians and how it was funded. The 2017 budget, entitled Building a Strong Middle Class, made the first explicit references to AI in a federal budget, describing it as representing a transformative force for the Canadian economy.

The government emphasized “Canada’s advantage in artificial intelligence,” which it said could translate into “a more innovative economy, stronger economic growth, and an improved quality of life for Canadians.”

Bill Morneau, the finance minister at the time, proposed funding AI superclusters and allocating $125 million to establish the first Pan-Canadian Artificial Intelligence Strategy.

This commitment to AI was reaffirmed in the 2021 budget, when the technology was presented as “one of the most significant technological transformations of our time.” The federal government’s investments in the sector were portrayed as essential to ensure the economy benefited, and that Canada’s position of strength enabled the “integration of Canadian values into global platforms.”

The government renewed the Pan-Canadian AI Strategy with another $368 million. An additional $2.4 billion was committed in the 2024 budget, which emphasized the “safe and responsible use” of AI, notably through the creation of new standards and the establishment of a Canadian AI Safety Institute

Sovereignty focus

The 2025 budget marks another substantial shift in Canada’s approach to AI. This third phase of funding focuses on adoption, productivity, sovereignty and the fundamental principle of dual use, both civilian and military.

But we don’t believe it fosters research and projects addressing the key issues tied to AI, and instead amplifies promotional language.

We believe the large-scale adoption of AI across federal departments and agencies (like the Canada Revenue Agency, Employment and Social Development Canada, Fisheries and Oceans Canada, Public Services and Procurement Canada, Statistics Canada, Natural Resources Canada and Canadian Heritage) will actually reduce the capacity to pursue regulatory development, guardrail design, ethical deliberation and meaningful civil-society input because its widespread integration will permeate the entire bureaucracy.

AI presented as an economic driver through cost reduction and dual-use applications has become the new promotional narrative for the government.

The AI weakness in Canada Strong

What vulnerabilities arise when AI is aggressively deployed within the public service? Since the abandonment of the Artificial Intelligence and Data Act in 2025, Canada’s approach to AI governance has relied more on norms and standards than on the rule of law.

This environment could risk overturning a perceived AI advantage into one of weakness. This is especially true given an over-reliance by the government on foreign software (such as Microsoft CoPilot) and hardware (NVIDIA chips needed for super computers), a lack of comprehensive understanding of the technologies already in use by different agencies and no guidelines on lethal autonomous weapons — weapons systems that can independently search for, identify and attack targets without direct human intervention.

Promoting rapid regulatory design and AI adoption within a budget focused on stimulating dual-use research, development, commercialization and implementation risks overlooking many of AI’s pitfalls, including:

Promotion AI as an economic boon — through public administration automation and military dual use — within an unregulated environment, and without dedicated funding for oversight, risks disrupting key sectors and services that sustain Canadian democracy, the very foundation of “Canada Strong.”

Nicolas Chartier-Edwards receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

François-Olivier Picard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Federal budget 2025: Is Canada Strong actually weak on AI? – https://theconversation.com/federal-budget-2025-is-canada-strong-actually-weak-on-ai-269230

November 17, 2025

Will AI automation really kill jobs? A new survey finds Canadian workers are split on the answer

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Scott Schieman, Professor of Sociology and Canada Research Chair, University of Toronto

Since 2023, there has been a steady increase in media stories about the potential for automation by artificial intelligence (AI) to displace workers. As sociologists who study what people think and feel about work, we wondered if these narratives were gaining any traction among workers.

Understanding worker attitudes toward automation is a crucial part of studying AI’s broader impact on work and society. If large segments of the workforce feel threatened or left behind by AI, we risk not just economic disruption but a loss of trust in institutions and technological progress.

To explore these attitudes, we fielded a nationally representative survey of 2,519 working Canadians from Sept. 8 to 18 with the support of the Angus Reid Forum. The survey was designed to assess public attitudes and perceptions about the AI-related threat of job displacement.

We found Canadians’ responses were far from uniform, reflecting a mix of concern, skepticism and cautious optimism.

Mixed reactions to job loss

We asked respondents:

“A CEO of a major AI company recently made this statement: ‘AI could wipe out half of all entry-level white-collar jobs and spike unemployment to 10 to 20 per cent in the next one to five years.’ How likely do you think this is?”

The quote came from Dario Amodei, CEO of Anthropic, who was interviewed in an Axios article in May. The central thrust of the article was the imminent AI-related turbulence in the world of work.

In our survey, however, Canadian workers expressed mixed reactions to that dismal scenario: 16 per cent felt it was “very likely,” while another 48 per cent said it was only “somewhat likely.” The remaining 36 per cent said it was “not too likely” or “not at all likely.”

We then asked open-ended followup questions to gather qualitative insights about the ways that people are thinking and feeling about the AI threat. Most respondents expressed a pessimistic outlook, but a significant minority contrasted their view with optimism.

Concerns about corporate greed and job loss

A common thread among pessimistic responses was concern over corporate greed and profit. “Companies are greedy,” a 63-year-old writer said. “They want to get rid of as many jobs as possible.”

A 66-year-old clinical manager echoed the sentiment: “Companies are always looking to reduce cost and improve efficacies, so there is a strong probability this is going to happen in many organizations over the next 5 to 10 years as AI continues to be used.”

Some respondents felt these trends were happening already. “The trends and increases in speed of which AI has begun dominating the business world,” a 30-year-old engineer said. “I believe that whether or not society approves, companies will attempt to replace their entry level-jobs with AI.”

A 32-year-old real estate legal assistant said: “AI has already advanced so much in a short space of time. Combined with our society’s prioritization of profit, I doubt many companies will have any scruples about replacing people with machines.”

Others were concerned about the looming loss of dignity and respect for workers. “Executives do not see the value of the human mind compared to a machine,” a 53-year-old senior government policy analyst told us. “It shows they have no concern for employees, just profits.”

A 70-year-old civil construction inspector similarly said: “Worker productivity is low, immigration has overwhelmed services and housing, corporations have no respect for workers no matter where or what the task. There will simply be too many people competing for jobs.”

“Companies see AI as a cheap way to lay off many workers and maximize their own profits — even though doing so will make their products worse,” said a 22-year-old barista. “Companies only care about money, not the workers that generate their revenue.”

Optimism about human adaptability

Not everyone was so gloomy. Many expressed optimism about AI and the human capacity to adapt and evolve.

“AI is not a replacement for humans,” said a 54-year-old community television producer, while emphasizing that rather than replace humans, AI “should allow humans to accomplish more at their jobs.”

Others shared this confidence, drawing parallels to other historical changes in technology. “The job market will adapt as needed,” speculated a 34-year-old service officer, “switching to different roles that match the current technology, just as we have done in the past.”

A 33-year-old project co-ordinator said: “I think people and jobs will adapt to utilize technology in the same way we adapted to the internet. I think the job market will change, but overall, we’re more likely to adapt than have high unemployment.”

Some reinforced the human relevance of work. “Regardless of the nature of the job, individuals will still need to train the younger generation” said a 32-year-old economist. “While we might not need data entry people anymore, we still need to understand how data entry works to hold upper-level positions — it can’t just be taken away from people completely.”

What this tells us

These findings show that, despite sensational headlines about AI and job loss, Canadian workers’ perceptions about the issue are complex.

It’s clear that the emotional landscape of work is filled with frustrations about corporate priorities and skepticism about whether workers will be protected. And yet, our survey found traces of resilience in the belief in the essential humanness of work.

Over the next one to five years, we’ll continue to track how this all plays out, and the ways that Canadian workers, business leaders and policymakers adapt and evolve to the ongoing changes brought by AI.

Scott Schieman receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

Alexander Wilson receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

– ref. Will AI automation really kill jobs? A new survey finds Canadian workers are split on the answer – https://theconversation.com/will-ai-automation-really-kill-jobs-a-new-survey-finds-canadian-workers-are-split-on-the-answer-268649

November 17, 2025

La Constitution québécoise prétend vouloir protéger les femmes. La réalité est toute autre

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Naïma Hamrouni, Professeure agrégée de philosophie et titulaire de la Chaire de recherche du Canada en éthique féministe, Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières (UQTR)

Écoutez cet article en version audio générée par l’IA.

Le Québec pourrait bientôt inscrire le droit à l’avortement dans sa Constitution. Présenté au public comme un symbole fort pour l’égalité des sexes, ce geste risque paradoxalement de fragiliser l’accès réel des femmes à ce service, en plus de véhiculer une vision réductrice de la lutte féministe pour la justice reproductive.

Le 9 octobre dernier, le ministre de la Justice du gouvernement caquiste Simon Jolin-Barrette déposait le projet de Loi 1, visant à doter le Québec de sa propre Constitution. Présenté comme un geste d’affirmation nationale progressiste, visant à « définir la nation québécoise » et ses « valeurs sociales distinctes, dont l’égalité entre femmes et hommes », ce projet inclut deux dispositions touchant spécifiquement l’égalité des sexes.

Ce texte se concentre sur la disposition prévoyant l’inscription constitutionnelle du droit à l’avortement. À travers ce débat ouvert par le gouvernement, je propose, à titre de titulaire de la Chaire de recherche du Canada en éthique féministe à l’Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières, d’y voir une occasion rare de réfléchir collectivement – en incluant les Premiers peuples, grands oubliés de ce projet – à la perspective féministe que nous souhaitons voir structurer et inspirer notre projet de société.

Contre la constitutionnalisation de l’avortement

En 2023, la Coalition avenir Québec a tenté d’inscrire le droit à l’avortement dans la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne. De nombreux groupes de femmes, le Barreau du Québec ainsi que plus de 400 médecins, s’y sont alors opposés, craignant d’abord qu’en ciblant l’avortement comme un service de santé distinct des autres, on risquait de raviver la stigmatisation des femmes qui y ont recours.

Ils rappelaient surtout que l’enchâssement du droit à l’interruption volontaire de grossesse dans une loi constitutionnelle ouvrirait de facto la porte à sa contestation devant les tribunaux. Cela fragiliserait des acquis menacés par les vents conservateurs qui soufflent sur la province depuis le renversement, en 2022, de l’arrêt Roe v. Wade, qui, depuis 1973, accordait aux États-Uniennes le droit d’avorter dans tout le pays.

Comme pour la vasectomie ou la chirurgie de la hanche, il n’est pas nécessaire de constitutionnaliser l’accès à l’avortement, mieux protégé comme soin que comme droit. Rappelons qu’au Québec, comme ailleurs au Canada, l’avortement n’est pas un droit constitutionnel : il est entièrement décriminalisé depuis 1988, à la suite d’une décision de la Cour suprême ayant invalidé les restrictions du Code criminel – qui, depuis 1969, n’autorisait l’avortement que dans certaines circonstances exceptionnelles et sous des conditions très restrictives. Depuis, l’interruption volontaire de grossesse relève du réseau de la santé, et non de la Constitution.

En décembre 2023, la ministre responsable de la Condition féminine Martine Biron avait su écouter les groupes de femmes et faire marche arrière sur son projet de loi. Aujourd’hui, le gouvernement caquiste choisit de faire fi de leurs voix – tout en s’autoproclamant champion de l’égalité des sexes. Il voudrait délibérément mettre en péril la protection du droit à l’avortement qu’il ne s’y prendrait pas autrement.

Ce qui menace le droit à l’avortement

Les groupes de femmes et les chercheuses féministes n’ont jamais demandé la constitutionnalisation du droit à l’avortement, qu’elles ont même critiquée. Elles rappellent toutefois que l’accès réel à ce service reste entravé par des obstacles concrets : manque de services hors des grands centres, manque d’accès à la pilule abortive, délais d’attente longs, absence de congés payés, et manque d’investissement dans l’accompagnement de celles qui subissent violence ou contrôle de la part de leur partenaire.

Mais constitutionnaliser un droit à l’avortement est plus spectaculaire et politiquement payant. Ce geste qui frappe l’imaginaire citoyen dispense surtout de s’engager là où cela ferait une véritable différence pour les femmes. L’exercice réel de notre liberté reproductive dépend d’autres facteurs sur lesquels nos gouvernements ont un pouvoir d’agir : l’existence d’une clinique à distance raisonnable et l’accès rapide à une consultation dans une société féministe qui soutient et valorise les femmes et leur autonomie.

S’ajoutent aussi des facteurs socio-économiques et relationnels sur lesquels le gouvernement peut agir par l’éducation et les programmes sociaux : vivre une relation égalitaire et respectueuse, et avoir des moyens financiers permettant de réaliser ses projets reproductifs ou de quitter une relation toxique. La pauvreté, la crise du logement et la réduction des ressources pour femmes et enfants victimes de violence conjugale restent des enjeux féministes cruciaux, liés à la justice reproductive.

Au-delà de ces obstacles pratiques à la liberté reproductive, les féministes s’entendent pour dire que la principale menace à nos droits à l’heure actuelle est représentée par la montée des droites conservatrices. En ligne, ces mouvements tissent de nouvelles communautés réactionnaires, nourries par des discours natalistes, nostalgiques des rôles de genre traditionnels et d’une époque pure-laine fantasmée.

Vers une pleine justice reproductive

L’histoire classique du féminisme présente le droit à l’avortement comme un combat emblématique des années 1960. Mais ce récit est partiel. Il occulte les expériences des femmes autochtones, noires et racisées, des femmes vivant avec une déficience intellectuelle et de celles en situation de handicap, qui ont fait les frais des politiques génocidaires et eugénistes : stérilisations imposées, coercition reproductive, et retraits d’enfants, justifiés par des préjugés sur leur capacité à être mères.

Pour élargir la compréhension des droits reproductifs, la militante et cofondatrice du collectif SisterSong Loretta Ross – elle-même stérilisée sans consentement à l’âge de 23 ans –, a élaboré avec ses consœurs le concept de justice reproductive. Ancrée dans une compréhension intersectionnelle des oppressions (sexiste, mais aussi capacististe, raciste et coloniale), cette notion relie le droit de ne pas avoir d’enfants à celui d’en avoir, librement. Elle intègre également aux droits d’avorter et de mettre des enfants au monde, celui d’élever nos enfants dans la dignité, dans des conditions sociales qui soutiennent la valeur égale de leurs vies et des nôtres.

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Dans cette perspective élargie, la justice reproductive implique donc bien davantage que la seule lutte pour l’accès à l’avortement. Elle conçoit comme indissociable de la liberté reproductive l’accès universel aux soins de santé, aux services sociaux et à une éducation de qualité. La justice reproductive implique aussi la lutte pour l’accès des femmes et de leurs enfants à un logement abordable et sain, à une alimentation nourrissante et suffisante, et à une vie libérée de la pauvreté et de la violence, qu’elle soit exercée au sein du foyer ou par l’État.

Autrement dit, en plus de fragiliser l’accès à l’avortement en ouvrant la porte à sa contestation devant les tribunaux, l’inscription de ce droit dans la Constitution refléterait une vision bien partielle de la lutte féministe pour la justice reproductive.

Prendre les droits des femmes au sérieux exige un leadership politique capable de dénoncer d’un même souffle les menaces au droit à l’avortement et les injustices issues des systèmes d’oppression qui limitent l’exercice réel de notre liberté reproductive. Sans un tel programme d’action féministe ambitieux, l’engagement de notre gouvernement pour l’égalité des sexes n’est qu’un vernis superficiel appliqué à un projet constitutionnel qui, fondamentalement, n’a rien de féministe.

Naïma Hamrouni a reçu des financements du CRSH et du FRQSC.

– ref. La Constitution québécoise prétend vouloir protéger les femmes. La réalité est toute autre – https://theconversation.com/la-constitution-quebecoise-pretend-vouloir-proteger-les-femmes-la-realite-est-toute-autre-265843

November 17, 2025

Quatre méthodes pour combattre la déprime hivernale, selon la science

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Gio Dolcecore, Assistant Professor, Social Work, Mount Royal University

À l’approche de l’hiver et avec la fin de l’heure d’été, beaucoup de gens se préparent à affronter des journées de plus en plus courtes, un temps de plus en plus froid, ainsi que la fameuse « déprime hivernale ». Ces changements saisonniers sont toutefois plus qu’un simple désagrément passager, car ils peuvent perturber l’énergie, l’humeur et les habitudes quotidiennes.

Le trouble affectif saisonnier (TAS) se caractérise par une intensification des symptômes dépressifs pendant les mois d’automne et d’hiver, tandis que la « déprime hivernale » désigne une baisse de l’humeur temporaire et est moins grave.

Au Canada, environ 15 % de la population souffre de déprime hivernale, et de 2 à 6 % de TAS. Bien que la cause exacte du TAS soit incertaine, il semblerait qu’il soit lié à la diminution de l’exposition à la lumière naturelle en automne et en hiver, ce qui peut perturber le rythme circadien.

Une faible luminosité affecte la chimie du cerveau en réduisant le taux de sérotonine, un neurotransmetteur qui régule l’humeur, le sommeil et l’appétit, tout en maintenant un taux élevé de mélatonine pendant la journée, ce qui entraîne somnolence et fatigue.

La bonne nouvelle, c’est qu’avec de la volonté et des pratiques fondées sur des preuves, il est possible de transformer l’hiver en une saison porteuse de sens, de liens sociaux et même de joie. À titre de travailleuse sociale et de thérapeute en santé mentale, je vous propose quatre approches qui, selon la recherche et ma pratique clinique, peuvent rendre les mois d’hiver plus agréables.

1. Faire du temps son ami

L’hiver peut engendrer de l’apathie et de la démotivation. Cependant, il est possible d’y remédier en instaurant des routines.

Des recherches en psychologie comportementale montrent que des activités structurées, même simples, peuvent stimuler la motivation. Essayez de prévoir des rituels hebdomadaires, comme prendre un café avec un ami, aller à la bibliothèque ou regarder votre émission préférée, afin de vous donner des points d’ancrage lorsque vous avez des baisses d’énergie.

Accordez à votre temps le même soin que vous accordez à celui des autres et planifiez des moments de qualité pour vous-même.

Un autre outil utile est le « body doubling » (ou travail en parallèle), qui consiste à accomplir des tâches en même temps que quelqu’un d’autre, que ce soit en personne ou virtuellement. Cela peut signifier regarder le même film même si on n’est pas au même endroit, discuter au téléphone tout en pliant son linge ou travailler ensemble dans un café. Ces routines partagées favorisent le sentiment de responsabilité et renforcent les liens.

Les routines sociales structurées sont un élément de la thérapie cognitivo-comportementale, qu’on utilise pour traiter le TAS et la déprime hivernale, et qu’on considère comme efficace pour prévenir les rechutes dépressives.

2. On sort !

Lorsque la température baisse, il est tentant de rester à l’intérieur. Pourtant, passer un bref moment à l’extérieur dans le froid présente de réels avantages.

L’exposition à la lumière naturelle, même par temps couvert, permet de réguler les rythmes circadiens, d’améliorer la qualité du sommeil et de stabiliser l’humeur. Essayez de sortir au moins 10 minutes par jour. Que vous fassiez une marche rapide, du patinage ou que vous restiez dehors sans bouger, cela vous aidera à vous sentir mieux.

Si vous présentez des symptômes dépressifs, parlez-en à votre médecin pour savoir si la luminothérapie pourrait vous convenir. Des études cliniques ont montré qu’il s’agit de l’un des traitements les plus efficaces contre le TAS.

Essayez de voir la neige comme quelque chose d’attirant plutôt que comme un obstacle. Vous pouvez prévoir toutes sortes d’activités, comme des pique-niques hivernaux, des chasses au trésor avec des pommes de pin ou de la peinture sur neige, ou encore des activités plus calmes comme l’observation d’oiseaux, la photo ou la raquette. Si vous êtes du style à aimer l’adrénaline, les sports comme la planche à neige peuvent vous apporter des sensations fortes.

3. Des moments de joie

La joie est souvent perçue comme un trait de caractère ou une capacité innée, mais on peut la cultiver intentionnellement. Des gestes simples peuvent reprogrammer le cerveau petit à petit pour qu’il se tourne vers des états plus positifs.

Une façon de cultiver la joie consiste à trouver des activités qui favorisent ce que les chercheurs appellent le « flow », un terme qui décrit le fait d’être complètement absorbé par ce qu’on fait au point où tout le reste disparaît.

Cet état se produit lorsque le défi et les compétences sont en parfait équilibre, quand une activité est captivante sans être trop difficile au point qu’on se sente dépassé. Cela stimule les circuits émotionnels positifs du cerveau, renforçant ainsi les voies liées à l’attention, à la motivation et à la créativité. Les activités engendrant le flow ne sont pas les mêmes pour tout le monde : on peut penser aux casse-têtes, aux jeux vidéo, à la cuisine, au crochet, à la peinture ou à la poésie.

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La joie peut être collective. Les rires partagés, le travail en parallèle ou les gestes d’hospitalité nous rappellent que la joie est plus grande lorsqu’elle est vécue en communauté. Un repas où chacun apporte un plat, une soirée au cinéma ou un simple coup de fil peuvent contrer l’isolement et faire de la joie une ressource renouvelable que l’on crée avec les autres.

4. Prendre le temps de s’arrêter

La pleine conscience et la méditation sont deux pratiques qui peuvent être intégrées à la vie quotidienne pour atténuer le stress et la dépression, améliorer l’attention et la régulation émotionnelle, et diminuer la rumination mentale.

La méditation est une technique qui permet de cultiver le calme, en utilisant entre autres la respiration profonde, tandis que la pleine conscience consiste à demeurer présent au quotidien, par exemple en savourant le goût de son café du matin. Il a été prouvé que ces deux pratiques accroissent la concentration, régulent les émotions et réduisent les pensées négatives répétitives.

Des études montrent qu’il suffit de dix minutes de pause par jour, en étant attentif à l’instant présent, pour diminuer considérablement le stress.

On recommande d’intégrer ces moments à la routine quotidienne, par exemple en prenant cinq respirations profondes dès le réveil, en faisant une pause après une séance de sport ou en restant assis en silence dans la voiture avant d’entrer chez soi. Les applications proposant de courtes méditations, des histoires pour dormir ou des rappels permettent de développer cette habitude.

Si on vit avec d’autres personnes, on peut prendre le temps de poser des questions comme : « Quel a été ton meilleur et ton pire moment de la journée ? », de manière à favoriser la réflexion et la gratitude. Ces petits rituels de respiration et d’introspection peuvent aider à prévenir la fatigue émotionnelle durant l’hiver.

L’hiver, une saison pour pratiquer

Au lieu de simplement survivre à l’hiver, on peut l’aborder comme une saison pour apprendre, s’adapter et renforcer sa résilience. Pour cela, on peut faire du temps son allié, rechercher l’émerveillement en plein air, cultiver la joie comme une compétence et trouver sa façon de pratiquer la méditation et la pleine conscience.

Ces stratégies ne feront pas disparaître les défis liés aux journées courtes et au temps froid, mais des études montrent qu’elles peuvent aider à atténuer leur impact sur l’humeur et le bien-être. En considérant délibérément l’hiver comme une période de croissance, on peut changer son état d’esprit et envisager cette saison comme une occasion de renouveau.

Le solstice d’hiver symbolise l’obscurité qui cède la place à la lumière. Célébrer le solstice en allumant des bougies, en se réunissant en communauté ou en prenant des résolutions pour les mois à venir peut transformer le jour le plus sombre de l’année en un moment de connexion, de renouveau et d’amour pour la saison hivernale.

Gio Dolcecore ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. Quatre méthodes pour combattre la déprime hivernale, selon la science – https://theconversation.com/quatre-methodes-pour-combattre-la-deprime-hivernale-selon-la-science-269767