Impossible translations: why we struggle to translate words when we don’t experience the concept

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Mark W. Post, Senior Lecturer in Linguistics, University of Sydney

Wietse Jongsma/Unsplash

If you are fluent in any language other than English, you have probably noticed that some things are impossible to translate exactly.

A Japanese designer marvelling at an object’s shibui (a sort of simple yet timelessly elegant beauty) may feel stymied by English’s lack of a precisely equivalent term.

Danish hygge refers to such a unique flavour of coziness that entire books seem to have been needed to explain it.

Portuguese speakers may struggle to convey their saudade, a mixture of yearning, wistfulness and melancholy. Speakers of Welsh will have an even harder time translating their hiraeth, which can carry a further sense of longing after one’s specifically Celtic culture and traditions.

Imprisoned by language

The words of different languages can divide and package their speakers’ thoughts and experiences differently, and provide support for the theory of “linguistic relativity”.

Also known as the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, this theory derives in part from the American linguist Edward Sapir’s 1929 claim that languages function to “index” their speakers’ “network of cultural patterns”: if Danish speakers experience hygge, then they should have a word to talk about it; if English speakers don’t, then we won’t.

The Welsh mountainside
Welsh hiraeth can imply a longing after specifically Celtic culture and traditions.
Mitchell Orr/Unsplash

Yet Sapir also went a step further, claiming language users “do not live in the objective world alone […] but are very much at the mercy” of their languages.

This stronger theory of “linguistic determinism” implies English speakers may be imprisoned by our language. In this, we actually cannot experience hygge – or at least, not in the same way that a Danish person might. The missing word implies a missing concept: an empty gap in our world of experience.

Competing theories

Few theories have proven as controversial. Sapir’s student Benjamin Lee Whorf famously claimed in 1940 that the Hopi language’s lack of verb tenses (past, present, future) indicated its speakers have a different “psychic experience” of time and the universe than Western physicists.

This was countered by a later study devoting nearly 400 pages to the language of time in Hopi, which included concepts such as “today”, “January” and – yes – discussions of actions happening in the present, past and future.

Even heard of “50 Inuit words for snow?” Whorf again.

Although the number he actually claimed was closer to seven, this was later said to be both too many and too few. (It depends on how you define a “word”.)

Four Inuit children.
Do in the Inuit really have 50 words for snow?
UC Berkeley, Department of Geography



Read more:
Do Inuit languages really have many words for snow? The most interesting finds from our study of 616 languages


More recently, the anthropological linguist Dan Everett claimed the Amazonian Pirahã language lacks “recursion”, or the capacity to put one sentence inside another (“{I trust {you’ll come {to realise that {my theory is better.}}}}”).

If true, this would suggest that Pirahã differs in the exact property that Noam Chomsky has argued to be the principal defining property of any human language.

Once again, Everett’s claims have been argued both to go too far and not far enough. The cycle would appear to be endless, such that two excellent recent books on the topic have adopted almost diametrically opposite perspectives – even down to the opposite wording of their titles!

Language as a comfortable house

There is truth in both perspectives.

At least some aspects of human languages must be identical or nearly so, since they are all used by members of the same human species, with the same sorts of bodies, brains and patterns of communication.

Yet recent increases in understanding of the world’s Indigenous languages have taught us two important additional lessons. First, there is far more diversity among the world’s languages than previously believed. Second, differences are often related to the patterns of culture and environment in which languages are traditionally spoken.

A scenic view of mountains with huts
In many Himalayan languages, expressions reflect the mountainous surroundings.
Mark Post

For example, in many Himalayan languages, an expression like “that house” comes in three flavours: “that-house-upward”, “that-house-downward” and “that-house-on-the-same-level” – a reflection of the mountainous area these speakers live in.

When their speakers migrate to lower-elevation regions, the system may shift from “upward/downward” to “upriver/downriver”. If there is no large enough river present then the distinction may disappear.

In Indigenous Aslian languages of peninsular Malaysia, there are large vocabularies referring to finely-distinguished natural odours. This is an index of the richly diverse foraging environment of their speakers.

Studies of small, tightly-knit communities like the Milang of northeastern India have revealed how languages can require speakers to mark their information source: whether a statement is the general knowledge of one’s social group, or is arrived at through a different type of source – such as hearsay, or deduction from evidence.

Speakers of languages with such “evidentiality” systems can learn to speak languages – like English – without them. Yet native language habits turn out to be hard to break. One recent study showed speakers of some languages with evidentiality add words like “reportedly” or “seemingly” into their statements more often than native English speakers.

Human languages may not be a prison their speakers cannot escape from. They may be more like comfortable houses one finds it difficult to leave. Although a word from another language can always be borrowed, its unique cultural meanings may always remain just a little bit out of reach.

The Conversation

Mark W. Post does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Impossible translations: why we struggle to translate words when we don’t experience the concept – https://theconversation.com/impossible-translations-why-we-struggle-to-translate-words-when-we-dont-experience-the-concept-267521

Fairness for whom? The impact of Alberta’s trans-exclusionary sports law

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Gio Dolcecore, Assistant Professor, Social Work, Mount Royal University

Alberta’s Fairness and Safety in Sport Act promises protection. We believe that it discriminates and decides who gets to belong in sport.

The act, which received royal assent in December 2024 and came into effect on Sept. 1, 2025, requires organizations like school divisions, post-secondary institutions and provincial sport bodies to create and implement policies for athlete eligibility, including limiting eligibility for female-only divisions to people assigned female at birth.

While framed by the province’s United Conservative Party government as a measure to protect competition and ensure athletes “are able to participate in the sports they love fairly, safely, and meaningfully,” the act bans transgender girls aged 12 years and older from participating in competitive sports for women.

As there is no consistent or conclusive scientific evidence to show that transgender athletes have an inherent advantage, the act appears to be part of an organized anti-trans backlash occurring across the country, and a broader targeting of transgender and gender-nonconforming athletes internationally.

Far from just a local or niche issue, the implementation of this act exposes inconsistencies in sport policy and raises urgent questions about how anti-trans politics are shaping access to sport.

The impact on youth

The Fairness and Safety in Sport Act empowers just about anyone to file a complaint related to an organizations’ eligibility determinations. Incidents like one in British Columbia in 2023
a man attending a girls’ track and field meet demanded that a nine-year-old cisgender girl with a pixie cut prove she was not a boy through documentation — demonstrate the impact of this type of gender policing.

The consequences fall on transgender and gender non-conforming youth. For them, being banned from participation brings not only the loss of athletic opportunities, but also heightened experiences of exclusion and stigma.

Teammates and coaches must also navigate fractured team dynamics and a school-based athletic culture that risks becoming less about belonging and more about surveillance. The policy undermines the very developmental and educational values that sport is meant to cultivate.

It also places heavy and often invisible demands on the people who support these children. Parents and caregivers are left to shoulder the emotional work of helping their children process the psychological repercussions of exclusion in ways that surpass the normal responsibilities of parenting.

Research consistently shows that parents of transgender and gender-diverse children face significantly elevated levels of stress compared to parents of non-transgender children. This is largely due to the chronic strain of stigma, discrimination and navigating hostile environments along with the emotional labour of advocating within schools, health care and peer groups.

The impact on society

The act also has implications for varsity athletics and broader sporting cultures at post-secondary institutions.

Universities across the province have been forced to create new internal policies and procedures to align with the act, which place incoming and existing athletes participating in women’s varsity sport under increased scrutiny.

An inconsistency emerges when Alberta athletes step onto fields, rinks and courts outside the province.

Since the national institution for post-secondary sport in Canada (U Sport) still allows transgender athletes to compete according to their gender identity, Alberta now risks excluding its own youth while requiring them to compete under different eligibility standards when facing athletes from other provinces.

In addition, implementing this act will eventually create financial strain for organizations. Administering exclusionary rules requires new systems of eligibility verification, monitoring and appeals — an administrative burden that smaller leagues in particular are ill-equipped to manage.

A 2024 statement by the Alberta 2SLGBTQI+ Chamber of Commerce even urged the government to reject this trans-exclusionary legislation on the basis that it would also reduce Alberta’s market share of tourism and 2SLGBTQI+ travel revenue.

Resistance is necessary

Public response so far to the Fairness and Safety in Sport Act has been mixed.

Since it’s provincial law, school districts and universities have complied, creating internal policies and processes to fulfil the requirements of the act even while its trans-exclusionary nature runs counter to many of their values and commitments to equity, diversity and inclusion.

Some, however, have taken action. One University of Lethbridge faculty member, for example, resigned from the Board of Governors after it was forced to accept the new act.

Egale Canada, a national 2SLGBTQI organization — which, along with Calgary-based non-profit support organization Skipping Stone — has launched legal action against the Alberta government, challenging the constitutionality of the province’s anti-trans laws, and released a statement condemning the Fairness and Safety in Sport Act.

On Nov. 17, the Alberta government tabled legislation that seeks to invoke the notwithstanding clause of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms to insulate its laws from legal challenges. Using the clause would prevent courts from striking down laws for being unconstitutional, and in this context specifically, overrides the Charter rights of gender-diverse people.

This action has spurred widespread condemnation, including from the Canadian Civil Liberties Association and the Alberta Medical Association. Albertans are also making their views heard through MLA recall petitions and public protests.

The human toll of the Fairness and Safety in Sport Act must be recognized and challenged. When people refuse to accept exclusion and the overriding of basic human rights in sport, it can become a space for play, belonging and personal growth.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Fairness for whom? The impact of Alberta’s trans-exclusionary sports law – https://theconversation.com/fairness-for-whom-the-impact-of-albertas-trans-exclusionary-sports-law-265565

Pete Hegseth could be investigated for illegal orders by 5 different bodies – but none are likely to lead to charges

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Joshua Kastenberg, Professor of Law, University of New Mexico

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth attends a cabinet meeting with President Donald Trump at the White House in Washington, DC on December 2, 2025. Carolyn Van Houten/The Washington Post via Getty Images

News reports about a U.S. military attack on a boat in the Caribbean allegedly carrying drugs have raised critical questions about the military campaign against drug smugglers being carried out by the Trump administration in that region.

Among them: whether Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth or others face criminal liability for any of the attacks. Those attacks killed people alleged to have been involved in illegal narcotics trafficking.

Congressional investigations have begun into allegations that a Sept. 2, 2025, follow-up attack on two survivors of an earlier attack was illegal and ordered by Hegseth. Some legal scholars have cited violations of international and United States criminal law that could come into play.

But as a military law scholar who spent 20 years as a lawyer and judge in the U.S. Air Force, I know that there aren’t enough facts known yet to determine who is responsible for what. There are five investigative mechanisms that could be used to determine the facts and whether there is criminal liability on the part of both senior civilian officials and military members involved in the now extensively reported second strike on the suspected drug boat that resulted in the deaths of civilians.

There are two caveats to this analysis. The first is that the Constitution says a person is to be presumed innocent before being proved guilty. The second is that the story from the White House and the Pentagon has changed over time.

A man in a dark blue military uniform walks among a number of men in suits.
Navy Adm. Frank Bradley, center, arrives for a closed-door classified meeting with lawmakers on Capitol Hill on Dec. 4, 2025.
Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

Congressional committees investigate

The first investigative mechanism is the Congress itself.

The House of Representatives and the Senate each have an armed services committee and a foreign relations or foreign affairs committee. In theory, any of these committees can place people under oath and have them testify, as well as issue subpoenas to obtain information.

This concept isn’t new.

Multiple committees examined the country’s lack of preparedness preceding the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and other military installations in 1941.

Almost every month during the Vietnam War, one or more of these committees investigated military matters, including one of the most notorious war crimes in U.S. history. In 1968, Army Lt. William Laws Calley commanded a platoon of soldiers who murdered close to 500 villagers in My Lai, including children and the elderly, none of whom posed a threat and none of whom were lawful targets.

But congressional investigations can be highly political. Even during the My Lai investigation, at least one member of the House, Mendel Rivers, a South Carolina Democrat who was at that time chairman of the Committee on Armed Services, attempted to shield officers in the chain of command. There is little reason to believe that a current investigation, conducted by a dramatically polarized Congress, will be free of partisan politics.

Attorney general investigates

A second means of investigating is for the U.S. attorney general to preliminarily conclude that crimes have been committed and to convene a grand jury to investigate. A federal grand jury is a constitutional body consisting of ordinary adult citizens. Its operations are governed by the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, and its role is to investigate whether there is probable cause to determine that a person has violated the criminal laws.

A federal statute prohibits murder. As far back as 1820, if not before, federal grand juries have investigated the crime of “murder on the high seas.”

No member of the president’s administration is immune from the criminal laws of the country, with the exception of the president himself when he has acted in the capacity of president or commander in chief. The Supreme Court in 2024 determined that the president is mostly immune from prosecution under criminal law.

But I believe this type of investigation is unlikely. That’s because members of the administration have argued that their actions were legal and that the men killed in the second strike were continuing in their mission and posed a threat.

Moreover, the attorney general is supposed to act in an independent capacity from the White House. But Trump’s attorney general, Pam Bondi, has demonstrated her loyalty to the president and his agenda in many instances.

Another consideration is that federal agency heads who rely on their attorneys in good faith are presumed to be immune from the law. This may be why Hegseth has stated that lawyers had advised the mission’s commanders.

Congress and the AG work a case

It is possible that during a congressional investigation one or more witnesses will be accused of lying under oath or accused of contempt.

Congress has the authority to hold individuals in contempt and fine and sentence them, but this is rare. Usually, Congress forwards the claim to the attorney general. Contempt of Congress is a federal misdemeanor offense, meaning a person cannot be sentenced to more than a year. Again, I believe it is unlikely that the attorney general would pursue a contempt charge in a federal court from these events.

Inspector general investigates

The Department of Defense’s inspector general can investigate allegations of wrongdoing in the department, and this includes the secretary. In the past, inspectors general have discovered criminal activity, written a publicly releasable report, and then a senior official was prosecuted.

In 2003, the Department of Defense investigated Darleen Druyun, a senior contracting official, for wrongly steering multimillion-dollar contracts to Boeing. The investigative report resulted in criminal charges from the Justice Department, and Druyun was found guilty in a criminal trial. Boeing officials also left the company, and the company was fined.

The military can investigate its civilian members but cannot prosecute them. The Uniform Code of Military Justice does not apply to civilians. That includes the president and secretary of defense, even though they are at the pinnacle of the chain of command.

International courts investigate

Finally, an investigation could be mounted through international law as enforced by courts outside of the United States.

Superpowers such as the United States and Russia often get a free pass from international law enforcement. In 1986, the International Court of Justice – a body partly created by the United States – ruled that the United States under the Reagan administration violated Nicaragua’s sovereignty during its civil war.

The Reagan administration’s response was that because other nations had disregarded the court, so too would the United States. No American official was ever held to account for the mining of Nicaragua’s main port or for the arming of rebels that led to the deaths of Nicaraguans.

It’s not clear which, if any, of these mechanisms will be used to hold accountable those who ordered and carried out the September 2025 operation in the Caribbean that killed two survivors of an earlier attack. What is clear is that the methods exist to find the facts – and make judgments based on them.

The Conversation

Joshua Kastenberg does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Pete Hegseth could be investigated for illegal orders by 5 different bodies – but none are likely to lead to charges – https://theconversation.com/pete-hegseth-could-be-investigated-for-illegal-orders-by-5-different-bodies-but-none-are-likely-to-lead-to-charges-271284

Managing food allergies and dietary restrictions during the holidays

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jennifer LP Protudjer, Associate Professor and Endowed Research Chair in Allergy, Asthma and the Environment, University of Manitoba

A plate of freshly baked cookies, a glass of perfectly garnished eggnog. For many, these images may conjure up warm memories and the anticipation of the forthcoming holiday season.

But for those with dietary restrictions, these goodies — and other holiday treats — can contribute to other emotions as well. During a season filled with parties and food, navigating the holidays while avoiding certain foods can be harrowing.

Well-intentioned hosts may prepare a selection of treats in a kitchen that includes flavours of the season. But without clear communication, detailed food labels and assurance of good practices to prevent cross-contact of foods, navigating a holiday tray or buffet line involves risk.

As an allergy researcher, my focus is on understanding the impacts of a food allergy diagnosis on people, families and communities, and what types of food allergy supports are most meaningful.

Many Canadians are increasingly aware of the foods they are eating, for reasons including but not limited to food costs, health and medical dietary restrictions. This latter reason can include efforts to reduce sodium or refined sugars, or avoid certain carbohydrates such as lactose or gluten for those with lactose intolerance or celiac disease, respectively.

But for the seven to nine per cent of Canadians with food allergies, the need to avoid is critical because of the risk of an acute allergic reaction. The most severe presentation of allergic reaction is anaphylaxis, which is potentially life-threatening.

Allergies and diet restrictions during holidays

Canadian research shows that, unlike holidays like Halloween and Easter during which children “hunt” for candy, rates of emergency department visits due to anaphylaxis during the winter holiday season are similar to the rates seen throughout the year. But that doesn’t mean food allergy restrictions don’t have an impact during these holidays.

Dietary restrictions can involve the need to avoid a range of foods. Health Canada has identified 11 priority allergens that are commonly associated with food allergies and allergic reactions: milk, eggs, peanuts, tree nuts, crustaceans and molluscs, fish, mustard, sesame seeds, soy, sulphites, and wheat and triticale. Notably, many of these foods commonly appear as ingredients in a holiday recipe, or as a single food item.

In a series of interviews with 21 families, colleagues and I identified that families dealing with food allergy learn quickly how to “decline something politely” stressing that they cannot eat the food, rather than being a picky eater. Nonetheless, they note feelings of grief, depression and anxiety as they strive to navigate events with their extended family and social circles. In some cases, families who manage multiple food allergies feel isolated, while some note that they are not invited to events because of their food allergy.

There are many ways that both those with dietary restrictions, and hosts, can lessen these impacts.

Practical actions

For anyone with a dietary restriction, there are certain actions that make holiday visiting more enjoyable and safer.

First, be certain to clearly communicate, in writing, any dietary restrictions to the host, at the time of accepting the invitation. Detailing which food options work within your dietary restrictions provides opportunity for the host to consider the menu, and to ask any questions at a calmer time than with a room full of guests.

You may also wish to bring a holiday treat that meets your restrictions. Eating a small snack ahead of any festivities can keep hunger at bay in case there are limited safe food options available. When in doubt about a food, do not consume it. Even if you have previously consumed the food, ingredient lists change occasionally.

Specific to those with food allergies, additional steps are warranted. Before leaving home, ensure that you have at least one epinephrine autoinjector that a trusted person can easily locate and use if anaphylaxis is suspected.

Food Allergy Canada offers some other practical tips for dining out. Awareness of the potential for co-factors to worsen the severity of a reaction is also needed. In addition to co-existing medical conditions, such as heart disease or asthma, research supports that alcohol, exercise, medication/drugs and possibly emotional stress may influence reaction severity.

Hosting this holiday season?

Welcoming guests can be joyful. But as the Canadian Psychological Association notes, there may be expectations of perfection, which — when not achieved — can contribute to stress. When inviting guests, ask about any dietary restrictions and bear these in mind while planning menus. Single food items or simple dishes may help your guests navigate food choices. Having a list of ingredients on hand, and adding labels and dedicated serving utensils to each dish, are similarly helpful.

The holiday season often involves sharing festive treats. By emphasizing joy and togetherness, memories can be made to cherish for a lifetime. With greater awareness of the needs of those with dietary restrictions, we can collectively work to ensure that everyone can safely indulge.

The Conversation

Jennifer LP Protudjer receives funding from from Canadian Allergy, Asthma and Immunology Foundation; Canadian Institutes of Health Research; Research Manitoba; Health Sciences Centre Foundation (Manitoba); Children’s Hospital Research Institute of Manitoba; University of Manitoba; and, Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

JLP Protudjer is Section Head, Allied Health; and Co-Lead, Research Pillar for the Canadian Society of Allergy and Clinical Immunology, and is on the steering committee for Canada’s National Food Allergy Action Plan. She reports speaker fees from Ajinomoto Cambrooke, Novartis, Nutricia, ALK Abelló, and FOODiversity, and Texas Children’s Food Allergy Symposium . She is an associate editor for Allergy, Asthma & Clinical Immunology; and, and editorial board member, Pediatric Allergy & Immunology; and, Journal of the Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics.

ref. Managing food allergies and dietary restrictions during the holidays – https://theconversation.com/managing-food-allergies-and-dietary-restrictions-during-the-holidays-270265

Iran’s record drought and cheap fuel have sparked an air pollution crisis – but the real causes run much deeper

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Sanam Mahoozi, Research Associate, City St George’s, University of London

Air pollution is the latest environmental crisis causing havoc across Iran. Large parts of the country are already suffering from a drought, one of the worst in decades. Its wetlands are dry, and its land is subsiding at alarming rates.

Now the fallout is also affecting the air that the country’s more than 85 million people breathe. As lakes, wetlands, and riverbeds dry out, their exposed surfaces turn into major sources of dust. Strong winds can lift this dust and transport it across cities and even distant regions.

The extremely dry conditions have worsened Iran’s already high levels of air pollution. In recent weeks, the capital Tehran was ranked as the most polluted city in the world, according to global air quality monitors. In November, its air quality index hit 200 – a level classified as “very unhealthy”.

The terrible air quality has forced authorities to close schools, universities and offices to reduce exposure. Hospitals are reporting rising numbers of cases of respiratory and cardiac complications across the country.

Local media have reported more than 350 deaths within ten days linked to worsening air quality in recent weeks. Demand for emergency services in the capital has also increased by more than 30% during November 2025, according to local statistics.

Other major Iranian cities, including Tabriz, Mashhad and Isfahan, have recorded readings above 150 in the last few weeks. These levels are considered dangerous for all age groups. In Ahvaz and Zabol, air pollution from sand and dust storms has blanketed the southern cities, putting lives and livelihoods at risk.

Studies indicate more than 59,000 Iranians die prematurely every year from air pollution-related illnesses.

As well as dust rising from dried out lakes and wetlands, ageing cars and low-quality fuel in Iran’s major cities are contributing to the air pollution.

But focusing on these causes misses the bigger picture.

Iran’s air-pollution emergency is caused by the same governance failures that have destabilised the nation’s water systems, emptied its aquifers, dried out its wetlands, and accelerated land subsidence.

Just as Iran’s water crisis is not simply the result of drought, Iran’s polluted air is not simply the product of traffic.




Read more:
Iran’s capital faces unprecedented water shortages and even possible evacuation. What changes could help?


In most major cities, a key burden comes from pollutants (such as nitrogen oxides, sulfur dioxide, and fine particulates produced by burning low-quality fuel) as well as outdated engines, and heavy industrial fuels such as mazut.

These toxic emissions accumulate in cities and directly contribute to respiratory disease, and cardiovascular illness. Recent global satellite analyses, which are currently being reviewed by the journal Nature Cities, suggest that most mega cities (population more than 10 million) with significant levels of nitrogen dioxide pollution in the lower atmosphere (the layer of air we breath) have cut pollution levels in recent years.

How Tehran’s residents are coming with the drought.

However, Tehran is among the few large cities worldwide where these concentrations have increased between 2019 and 2024.

But combustion engines in old cars are only half the story. In many regions, a substantial share of PM₁₀ and PM₂.₅ (particles smaller than 10 micrometers and 2.5 micrometers which penetrate the lungs and bloodstream) now originates from dust and salt storms generated by shrinking lakes, rivers and wetlands. These particles can travel hundreds or even thousands of kilometres within hours, affecting cities far beyond their points of origin.

Our research, on Lake Urmia – once the Middle East’s largest saltwater lake – shows this clearly: as the lake bed dried, salt-laden dust plumes were capable of travelling hundreds of kilometres and even crossing national borders in less than 12 hours. This is a vivid illustration of how tightly Iran’s water crisis is intertwined with its air-pollution crisis.

Key causes of Iran’s air pollution

Iran’s air-pollution problem is not just a transport problem, a technological shortfall or a meteorological misfortune. It is fundamentally the predictable outcome of decades of government priorities, distorted incentives, and institutional inertia.

First, Iran’s government priorities have shaped a foreign policy that ultimately led to international sanctions and deepened the country’s economic and international isolation.

This isolation has had direct environmental consequences. It restricts access to modern air‑quality monitoring systems, industrial filtration technologies, and low‑emission engines, while deterring the foreign investment needed to upgrade transport and industry.

As a result, while other countries have reduced NO₂ and particulate pollution through cleaner technologies and tighter standards, Iran’s options remain severely limited by the political choices that produced its isolation.

Second, Iran’s extremely low fuel prices, sustained by immense subsidies, have made the national economy dependent on cheap energy, a key driver of the country’s inefficient electricity generation and excessive consumption. Vehicles with fuel inefficiencies unimaginable elsewhere remain commercially viable.

This is not an accidental policy outcome. It is part of a broader economic cycle in which subsidised fuel sustains outdated domestic car production and high-emitting industries, some of which are tied to powerful institutions whose financial interests depend on maintaining the status quo.

Nitrogen oxide levels in Iran (tonnes):

A graph showing NO2 levels in Iran.

World Bank data, CC BY

Resetting national priorities

Many countries have cut urban pollution through stricter emissions standards, cleaner transport, and integrated city planning, but Iran cannot do this without addressing the structural forces driving its emissions.

Reversing Iran’s air-quality crisis requires a fundamental shift in government priorities, placing environmental security and public health at the centre of policymaking. Iran’s challenge is not technical capacity but distorted incentives and national priorities. Only by reducing international isolation, strengthening transparency, and dismantling subsidy-driven distortions can Iran unlock the technologies and investment needed to clean its air.

Once these structural barriers are addressed, real progress becomes possible. This would include gradually changing fuel prices to curb high-emission vehicles, restoring access to global technology and finance to modernise the vehicle fleet and public transport, and reviving wetlands, lakes, and soils through water-governance reform to cut dust pollution.

Complementing these measures with advanced satellite monitoring, AI-based analysis, air monitoring stations, and better urban planing.

The air is not polluted because Iranians drive too much – it is polluted because the system that shapes the country’s priorities and choices is broken.


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The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Iran’s record drought and cheap fuel have sparked an air pollution crisis – but the real causes run much deeper – https://theconversation.com/irans-record-drought-and-cheap-fuel-have-sparked-an-air-pollution-crisis-but-the-real-causes-run-much-deeper-270923

Preventing gender-based violence in trades is both a labour issue and an education one

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Shannon Welbourn, Assistant Professor and Technological Education Program Coordinator, Brock University

The recent killing of a 20-year-old tradeswoman in Minnesota has struck a nerve across Canada’s skilled trades community. Amber Czech, a welder, was slain by a male colleague while on a work site.

Statements from labour unions and personal stories from tradeswomen shared recurring themes of harassment, exclusion, unsafe conditions and retaliation for reporting.

This tragedy is not isolated to the United States, and exposes a larger pattern of hostile and unsafe work sites for women and gender-diverse workers.

The timing of Czech’s death has fuelled calls to action. In Canada, Dec. 6 marks the National Day of Remembrance and Action on Violence Against Women, honouring 14 women students murdered in 1989 at École Polytechnique. Preventing gender-based violence is not only a labour issue, but also an education issue.

A long-standing pattern

As a researcher and educator in technological education, I see an opportunity. I help experienced tradespeople become high school teachers. They become certified to teach in one of the 10 broad-based technology subject areas — communications, computers, construction, green industries, hairstyling and esthetics, health care, hospitality and tourism, manufacturing, technological design or transportation.

The culture of industry has an impact on the adults who enter teacher education, and those teachers in turn shape the culture of tomorrow’s shops and labs. For safer workplaces, the work of prevention must start long before anyone steps onto a job site.

Czech’s death reflects painful familiarity that research has documented for decades. Studies across construction, transportation and manufacturing show that women and gender-diverse workers continue to face barriers.

These extend beyond individual incidents, including exclusion from key tasks, minimal mentorship and ineffective or risky reporting systems.

Canadian reports from the Canadian Labour Congress, the B.C. Centre for Women in the Trades and the Canadian Association of Women in Construction highlight recurring issues. These problems are rooted in workplace culture and everyday norms that determine who gets opportunities, whose concerns are taken seriously and how co-workers respond when something goes wrong. These shape whether workers feel safe.

These patterns are not new. Interviews with tradeswomen from the 1970s and ‘80s described similar conditions. The fact that the same issues are still being raised decades later reveals a deep systemic culture that has been slow to transform.

Efforts at progress

There are initiatives happening aimed at bringing about change. Fostering women in trades, the federal Canadian Apprenticeship Strategy announced several projects in March 2024. These were funded under the Women in the Skilled Trades Initiative.

The Canadian Apprenticeship Forum, a non-profit organization that connects the country’s apprenticeship community, has an initiative entitled Supporting Equity in Trades (SET).

In Ontario, the province says its recently announced Skills Development Fund is investing more than $8.6 million to support women in the skilled trades. The province’s College Trades organization highlights young women’s initiatives and pathways to the trades.

Shared responsibility is also highlighted in the federal government’s National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence:

“Preventing and addressing GBV (gender-based-violence) in Canada requires a co-ordinated national approach, with federal, provincial and territorial governments working in close partnership with survivors, Indigenous partners, direct service providers, experts, advocates, municipalities, the private sector and researchers … Joint efforts in support of this National Action Plan will align with and complement the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Calls to Action and the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls’ Calls for Justice.”

A broader context of violence

Global statistics are reinforcing the urgency. The United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and UN Women report 50,000 women and girls were killed by intimate partners or family members in 2024, or one every 10 minutes.

While home is unsafe, so too are workplaces. Violence reflects broader societal norms that shape all institutions, including education. Yet many trades and apprenticeship systems lack the structures to protect women.

At first glance, the slaying of a U.S. welder may seem distant from Canadian high school classrooms. But in technological education, the connection is direct.

In Ontario, the pathway to becoming a technological education teacher begins with years of related industry experience. Those, who are transitioning from the trades in favour of a second career as a high school teacher, come from spaces where these cultural issues persist.

They bring valuable practical expertise but also the norms, assumptions and coping strategies formed in their prior workplace environments.

Some have spent years navigating exclusion or witnessing harassment. Others come from supportive workplaces and are surprised to learn how widespread these issues are. This means teacher education programs cannot assume shared understanding of safety, inclusion or harassment.

Instead, programs must deliberately prepare future teachers to recognize and challenge the norms that reproduce inequity.

This dynamic creates both a responsibility and an opportunity. Technological Education teachers shape learning spaces where young people first encounter trades culture. They influence whether girls, gender-diverse students and other underrepresented learners feel welcome or pushed out, long before they reach apprenticeships.

4 ways to help aspiring teachers tackle GBV

Teacher education programs can help shift ingrained attitudes in trades-related fields. Research on adult learning, workplace culture and gender-equity education points to several effective strategies:

1. Explicitly teach about gender-based violence in trades contexts

Gender-based violence is often taught as a general social issue, not as a trades-specific concern. Programs should address how harassment and exclusion appear in shops, labs, apprenticeships, co-operative placements and how school reporting structures differ from those in industry.

2. Use experiential, reflective learning

Experiential learning emphasizes structured reflection. Case studies, workplace scenarios and opportunities to practice inclusive responses in realistic contexts deepen learning more effectively than policy readings alone. For second-career learners, connecting personal experience with broader patterns is especially meaningful.

3. Teach candidates to identify early warning signs

High school technological education environments can subtly reproduce workplace hierarchies, for example with task assignments, uneven access to tools or normalizing jokes about who is naturally mechanical. Teacher candidates need practice spotting and interrupting these patterns early.

4. Position tech ed teachers to lead and advocate workplace culture

Technological education teachers often maintain close ties to industry, apprenticeship and co-ops. They can advocate for safe placement sites, challenge stereotypes about who belongs in the trades and create spaces where all students feel welcome. Preparing candidates for these responsibilities means inspiring them to be culture shapers.

Cultural change begins before the job site

The National Day of Remembrance and Action on Violence Against Women reminds Canadians to confront the roots of gender-based violence and commit to dismantling them.

Czech’s killing is a painful reminder that the trades remain a vocation where cultural transformation initiatives are urgently needed.

But responsibility cannot rest solely with employers and unions. It must extend into teacher education programs and the high school classrooms where young people first experience skilled trades instruction.

By equipping future technological education teachers to recognize, prevent and challenge gender-based violence, we take meaningful steps toward safe workplaces and a skilled trades sector where everyone truly belongs.

The Conversation

Shannon Welbourn does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Preventing gender-based violence in trades is both a labour issue and an education one – https://theconversation.com/preventing-gender-based-violence-in-trades-is-both-a-labour-issue-and-an-education-one-270932

Fairness for whom? The human toll of Alberta’s trans-exclusionary sports law

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Gio Dolcecore, Assistant Professor, Social Work, Mount Royal University

Alberta’s Fairness and Safety in Sport Act promises protection. The reality is that it discriminates and decides who gets to belong in sport.

The act, which received royal assent in December 2024 and came into effect on Sept. 1, 2025, requires organizations like school divisions, post-secondary institutions and provincial sport bodies to create and implement policies for athlete eligibility, including limiting eligibility for female-only divisions to people assigned female at birth.

While framed by the province’s United Conservative Party government as a measure to protect competition and ensure athletes “are able to participate in the sports they love fairly, safely, and meaningfully,” the act bans transgender girls aged 12 years and older from participating in competitive sports for women.

As there is no consistent evidence to show that transgender athletes have an inherent advantage, the act appears to be part of an organized anti-trans backlash occurring across the country, and a broader targeting of transgender and gender-nonconforming athletes internationally.

Far from just a local or niche issue, the implementation of this act exposes inconsistencies in sport policy and raises urgent questions about how anti-trans politics are shaping access to sport.

The impact on youth

The Fairness and Safety in Sport Act empowers just about anyone to file a complaint related to an organizations’ eligibility determinations. Incidents like one in British Columbia in 2023
a man attending a girls’ track and field meet demanded that a nine-year-old cisgender girl with a pixie cut prove she was not a boy through documentation — demonstrate the impact of this type of gender policing.

The consequences fall on transgender and gender non-conforming youth. For them, being banned from participation brings not only the loss of athletic opportunities, but also heightened experiences of exclusion and stigma.

Teammates and coaches must also navigate fractured team dynamics and a school-based athletic culture that risks becoming less about belonging and more about surveillance. The policy undermines the very developmental and educational values that sport is meant to cultivate.

It also places heavy and often invisible demands on the people who support these children. Parents and caregivers are left to shoulder the emotional work of helping their children process the psychological repercussions of exclusion in ways that surpass the normal responsibilities of parenting.

Research consistently shows that parents of transgender and gender-diverse children face significantly elevated levels of stress compared to parents of non-transgender children. This is largely due to the chronic strain of stigma, discrimination and navigating hostile environments along with the emotional labour of advocating within schools, health care and peer groups.

The impact on society

The act also has implications for varsity athletics and broader sporting cultures at post-secondary institutions.

Universities across the province have been forced to create new internal policies and procedures to align with the act, which place incoming and existing athletes participating in women’s varsity sport under increased scrutiny.

An inconsistency emerges when Alberta athletes step onto fields, rinks and courts outside the province.

Since the national institution for post-secondary sport in Canada (U Sport) still allows transgender athletes to compete according to their gender identity, Alberta now risks excluding its own youth while requiring them to compete under different eligibility standards when facing athletes from other provinces.

In addition, implementing this act will eventually create financial strain for organizations. Administering exclusionary rules requires new systems of eligibility verification, monitoring and appeals — an administrative burden that smaller leagues in particular are ill-equipped to manage.

A 2024 statement by the Alberta 2SLGBTQI+ Chamber of Commerce even urged the government to reject this trans-exclusionary legislation on the basis that it would also reduce Alberta’s market share of tourism and 2SLGBTQI+ travel revenue.

Resistance is necessary

Public response so far to the Fairness and Safety in Sport Act has been mixed.

Since it’s provincial law, school districts and universities have complied, creating internal policies and processes to fulfil the requirements of the act even while its trans-exclusionary nature runs counter to many of their values and commitments to equity, diversity and inclusion.

Some, however, have taken action. One University of Lethbridge faculty member, for example, resigned from the Board of Governors after it was forced to accept the new act.

Egale Canada, a national 2SLGBTQI organization — which, along with Calgary-based non-profit support organization Skipping Stone — has launched legal action against the Alberta government, challenging the constitutionality of the province’s anti-trans laws, and released a statement condemning the Fairness and Safety in Sport Act.

On Nov. 17, the Alberta government tabled legislation that seeks to invoke the notwithstanding clause of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms to insulate its laws from legal challenges. Using the clause would prevent courts from striking down laws for being unconstitutional, and in this context specifically, overrides the Charter rights of gender-diverse people.

This action has spurred widespread condemnation, including from the Canadian Civil Liberties Association and the Alberta Medical Association. Albertans are also making their views heard through MLA recall petitions and public protests.

The human toll of the Fairness and Safety in Sport Act must be recognized and challenged. When people refuse to accept exclusion and the overriding of basic human rights in sport, it can become a space for play, belonging and personal growth.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Fairness for whom? The human toll of Alberta’s trans-exclusionary sports law – https://theconversation.com/fairness-for-whom-the-human-toll-of-albertas-trans-exclusionary-sports-law-265565

Why Canada needs to recognize the crime of femicide — on Dec. 6 and beyond

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Myrna Dawson, Professor, Department of Sociology & Anthropology, University of Guelph

It’s been 36 years since a mass femicide occurred at École Polytechnique in Montréal. A man shot and killed 14 women because of their sex.

Described as “violent misogyny” by the federal government, the killings have nonetheless never officially been called femicide in Canada despite its global recognition as one of the most vivid examples of femicide in the western world.

Women and girls continue to be killed every two days somewhere in Canada, mostly by men. And the numbers continue to rise.

The majority of these killings are femicide, according to the United Nations statistical framework for measuring the gender-related killing of women and girls. Femicide is broadly defined as the killing of a woman or girl because of their sex or gender.

Podcast focused on femicide

podcast promotional material
The podcast tells the stories of 580 Canadian women and girls killed by men since 2020.
(Canadian Femicide Observatory for Justice and Accountability), CC BY

For these reasons, the Canadian Femicide Observatory for Justice and Accountability (CFOJA) launched its Too True Crime podcast on Nov. 25, 2025, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women. The podcast spotlights the stories of 580 women and girls killed by men in cases of femicide since 2020.

It only includes cases where available information indicated it was a femicide; some may have flown under the radar of authorities and remain unknown. But since the observatory launched in 2018, more than 1,100 women and girls were documented to have been killed by men.

Part of the podcast’s calls to action include a petition asking Canada to officially recognize the crime of femicide and include it in the Criminal Code.




Read more:
Canada’s shadow pandemic: Femicide


Laws help bring about change

Italy is the most recent country to create a stand-alone femicide offence in its national laws. According to the World Bank, 30 countries now define femicide in law.

This approach has its critics. They argue:

  • It does not emphasize prevention;
  • It does not address the culture facilitating femicide;
  • It may produce unintended consequences;
  • It’s difficult to achieve consensus on a definition of femicide;
  • It has not reduced femicide.

But criminalization versus prevention is not an either/or question.

Laws are a key element of a public health approach to violence prevention. National femicide laws have generally been accompanied by prevention programs, training for law enforcement and public awareness campaigns. Italy’s law, for example, includes stronger measures against gender-based crimes like stalking and revenge porn.

Laws are not stand-alone responses. They are only one part of multi-sector responses to a social problem that must include monitoring of implementation processes and outcomes.

Changing laws can change cultures

In Italy, some women’s advocates have complained the law doesn’t go far enough, especially in changing the country’s culture. In Canada, one feminist lawyer suggests that a “radical rethink” about the entire issue may be required instead of creating a new offence in the Criminal Code.

But to call the crime femicide — a sex- or gender-specific term — is in fact a radical rethink in a climate of neutrality that too often masks the disproportionate burden women and girls bear for some forms of male violence.

State responses through laws reflect cultural values. At the moment, these values regard femicide as an individual problem rather than the product of social structures and processes built on entrenched inequalities.

A femicide law would recognize that male violence against women and girls is systemic and requires attitudinal shifts in Canada’s cultural values.

Helping women and marginalized populations

Laws meant to provide protections for women can have unintended consequences, as documented by mandatory charging for intimate partner violence where police are required to lay charges if they have reasonable grounds to believe an assault occurred. And gender-neutral laws may work against rather than for women, especially some women and girls, when applied within a sexist and racist environment.




Read more:
Criminalizing coercive control may seem like a good idea, but could it further victimize women?


That’s why Canada needs to include femicide in its Criminal Code. Femicide is not gender-neutral, and recognizing it formally will help define how and why women are killed by men, which is crucial for effective prevention.

Such a law could also benefit particular groups of women and girls whose deaths are often discounted because of who they are and where, how and by whom they were killed.

A femicide law isn’t about increasing penalties; it’s about ensuring charges, convictions and sentences are appropriate and perpetrators are held accountable in the killings of women and girls from all walks of life.

Achieving consensus is possible

Canada needs to achieve consensus on what is meant by femicide and to clearly identify its elements.

All countries with femicide laws have achieved consensus, although not all have defined femicide the same way. But there is significant guidance to be found in model protocols and model laws available to countries that are considering including femicide in their national laws and criminal codes.

Some research suggests femicide laws are failing; they haven’t reduced cases of femicide. But others point out femicide laws have increased accountability and improved reporting, survivor protections and awareness about all forms of gender-based violence.

The varying impacts of a law depends on context, including who knows about it, whether it’s clear and concise and whether those tasked with applying it are responsive.

Femicide laws on their own won’t immediately reduce the number of women being killed by men or other forms of gender-based violence. Few laws have that kind of power. The key challenge is whether and how a femicide law is implemented.

A whole-of-society response

Femicide laws are about prevention and they can change our culture. They could benefit women and girls, particularly those whose lives and deaths are now marginalized and discounted.




Read more:
Missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls: An epidemic on both sides of the Medicine Line


Like many countries have, Canada can reach a consensus on what femicide is and produce a femicide law that leads to meaningful change. But it requires proactive consultations, political will and leaders who listen.

The 580 stories in Too True Crime demonstrate clearly and starkly that the lives of women and girls depend on it.

The Conversation

Myrna Dawson has received prior funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the Canada Research Chair program.

ref. Why Canada needs to recognize the crime of femicide — on Dec. 6 and beyond – https://theconversation.com/why-canada-needs-to-recognize-the-crime-of-femicide-on-dec-6-and-beyond-271055

Endurance athletes have a four times higher risk of irregular heartbeat – and this may be why

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ben Buckley, Senior lecturer, Liverpool John Moores University; University of Liverpool

Heart problems can occur in athletes following long-term periods of intense endurance training. TetianaKtv/ Shutterstock

Exercise is one of the best things we can do for a healthy heart. Yet research shows that endurance athletes have up to a four times higher risk of atrial fibrillation (an irregular or fast heartbeat) than non-athletes. This heart condition increases risk of both heart failure and stroke.

If regular exercise and being fit reduces our risk of many chronic diseases and preserves mental and physical health, why is it that people who are very fit face greater risk of a potentially deadly heart condition? Research suggests that when it comes to heart health, there may be too much of a good thing.

When we take a broad look at the evidence, it’s clear that exercise plays a key role in keeping the heart healthy and lowering risk of atrial fibrillation for most of the population.

For instance, an analysis of over 400,000 people found that those who said they did between 150-300 minutes of moderate-to-vigorous intensity physical activity per week had a 10-15% lower risk of developing atrial fibrillation compared to those who were inactive.

Higher levels of exercise may only be protective in females. The study also found that exceeding these recommendations by up to three times was further protective for females but not males, with around 20% lower risk of atrial fibrillation.

Exercise is also emerging as a cornerstone treatment for patients who already have atrial fibrillation. A meta-analysis my colleagues and I conducted showed that in patients with atrial fibrillation, exercise reduced risk of arrhythmia recurrence by 30%. Exercise also improved symptoms and quality of life and fitness.

However, it was difficult to determine how much exercise was best when it came to rehabilitation, as the programme length, frequency of exercise and workout length varied substantially between participants.

So while our findings confirm that exercise plays an important role in heart health, they also highlight how little we know when it comes to the “dose” of exercise needed to optimise this protective effect. This is something we call personalised medicine.

With the growing popularity of endurance events – from marathons to mountain ultras – there’s a clear need to understand what volumes of exercise may be detrimental to the heart.

Is the dose the poison?

Our previous research proposed that there’s a J-shaped relationship between exercise levels and atrial fibrillation risk. This means that increasing your activity levels to the recommended guideline levels is associated with a significantly lower risk of atrial fibrillation. But when going way beyond these guidelines – such as doing ten times the recommended amount – we begin to see higher rates of atrial fibrillation.

Numerous studies have shown that heart problems can occur in athletes following long-term, intense periods of endurance training. Studies of endurance athletes’ hearts have also shown some have signs of scarring, which is a potential precursor to atrial fibrillation and other heart conditions.

For instance, one meta-analysis showed that athletes had a nearly four times greater risk of atrial fibrillation compared to non-athletes. This analysis included those who had no signs or symptoms of any other heart problems. Interestingly, younger athletes had a greater risk of atrial fibrillation than older athletes – something that needs further research.

Men and women appear to have different risk profiles.

One study of 402,406 people found that men who said they did more than ten times the recommended weekly amount of physical activity had a 12% higher risk of atrial fibrillation. This is roughly the equivalent of doing seven hours of vigorous intensity exercise per week (such as running or cycling at a high intensity). However, women who did this much physical activity did not appear to have a greater risk of atrial fibrillation.

It has been suggested that this lower risk in female athletes compared to male athletes may be due to a tendency for females to have fewer structural and electrical changes in the heart in response to exercise. Oestrogen, which is known to be “cardioprotective”, may stabilise heart adaptations in response to exercise training and at rest.

It appears that an endurance athlete’s atrial fibrillation risk isn’t just due to the amount of exercise they’re doing, but a combination of the overall load and intensity of long-term training.

For example, a Swedish study of around 52,000 cross-country skiers found those who participated in a greater number of races had a 30% higher risk of atrial fibrillation. Faster finishing times were also associated with a 20% higher risk.

The number of races an athlete competes in and the finishing time of these races likely represents an athlete’s training load and intensity – with more races requiring a higher training load and faster finishing times requiring more intense training. This emphasises that both the amount and the intensity of exercise are key.

Researchers don’t entirely understand the mechanisms underlying this relationship between exercise and atrial fibrillation. It’s likely explained by multiple factors working together simultaneously.

For example, over many years of very high training demands, the stress placed on the heart can lead to enlargement of the atria (heart chamber) and increased stress on its walls. This can lead to scarring.

Even after a single mountain marathon, researchers have seen short, frequent spikes in inflammation and a transient slowing of the electrical conduction in the atria. Over time with repeated events and training, these cardiac stresses could be what cause an increased heart chamber size and scarring (pathological cardiac remodelling) – increasing the risk of atrial fibrillation.

While it’s unlikely that the average runner is going to increase their atrial fibrillation risk while training for their marathon, it’s still important to train in a smart way. Considering your overall training volume and intensity – especially if you’re training for many hours per week – could help mitigate your risk of cardiac stress and atrial fibrillation.

Atrial fibrillation can be well treated and managed. Therefore, being aware of key symptoms such as an irregular pulse, palpitations or breathlessness is crucial for getting the right treatment.

The Conversation

Ben Buckley has received investigator initiated research funding from BMS/Pfizer, Huawei EU, NIHR, MS Society, and Research England.

ref. Endurance athletes have a four times higher risk of irregular heartbeat – and this may be why – https://theconversation.com/endurance-athletes-have-a-four-times-higher-risk-of-irregular-heartbeat-and-this-may-be-why-270485

Space debris: will it take a catastrophe for nations to take the issue seriously?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ian Whittaker, Senior Lecturer in Physics, Nottingham Trent University

China routinely sends astronauts to and from its space station Tiangong. A crew capsule is about to undock from the station and return to Earth, but there’s nothing routine about its journey home.

The Shenzhou-20 capsule will carry no crew, because one of its windows has been struck by space debris. Astronauts noticed an apparent crack on November 5, during pre-return checks.

Space journalist Andrew Jones explained how experts on the ground had studied images of the damage and concluded that a piece of debris smaller than 1mm (roughly 1/25th of an inch) had penetrated from the outer to inner layers of the glass.

Simulations and tests confirmed a low probability that the window could fail during the high-temperature re-entry through Earth’s atmosphere. Although a worst-case scenario, it was one that officials deemed unacceptable. A rescue mission – Shenzhou-22 – was launched to bring the astronauts back from the station.

Experts have been warning about the threat posed by space debris for years. The ever-growing number of space programmes by states and private entities is now contributing to an increasingly congested environment in orbit.

The European Space Agency estimates
that there are more than 15,100 tonnes of material in space that has been launched from Earth. There are 1.2 million debris objects between 1cm and 10cm, and 140 million debris objects between 1mm and 1cm.

In low orbit they will be travelling around 7.6 km/s (roughly 17,000 miles per hour), damaging anything they hit. This is how a piece less than 1mm in size was able to penetrate the thick glass of Shenzhou-20’s capsule.

Given the mounting number of objects in orbit, this is likely to be a more regular occurrence. It’s costly in terms of damage to equipment, and increasingly a threat to life. When a piece of debris hits another object in space, it can also create more space debris, adding to the problem.

A number of countries are able to track what’s in space, but given that these may include classified satellites, there is a reluctance by states to share details. China’s space programme is overseen by its military, in line with a view that space is inherently linked to national security. This only adds to the geopolitical tensions between states around the use of space.

Treaties and responsibilities

The outer space treaty from 1967 sought to outline how space should be governed. But it is outdated and does not account for the increased presence of debris or the proliferation of private space launches. Nor does it address responsibilities when it comes to the sustainable use of space.

A total of 117 states are parties to the treaty, yet while efforts are ongoing to develop new norms around space governance, including the creation of the Inter-Agency Space Debris Coordination Committee, the organisation may offer a platform for cooperation and research but does not result in binding decisions for state action. The lack of any global agreement on space debris, and more importantly repercussions, makes tackling the problem of space debris even harder.

Technology is being developed to address space debris – but this generally appears as concept mission plans with only a few trial tests being launched anywhere globally. Examples include the idea of a harpoon to collect large pieces – although the recoil of such an instrument means the spacecraft that deploys it could become a new piece of debris.

An alternative is the highly technological approach of a big net. This will work in the sense that if you can slow the debris down, it will fall into the atmosphere and burn up.

The problem with these methods is the lack of sustainability, sending one satellite up to bring only a few pieces down uses up fuel, which is adding to climate variation. An appropriate and efficient solution would be a constellation of satellites that stay in orbit and bring debris down. The process, of course, is still something to be researched.

A ground-based solution is the laser broom, which uses laser pulses to slow down objects orbiting Earth, potentially allowing them to re-enter the atmosphere and burn up. However, it is yet to be tested and comes with its own potential problems such as atmospheric warming and missing its target.

Yet without addressing the geopolitics of space governance, the removal of space debris is moot as a focus on national interests, security concerns, and the increasing presence of the private sector means that pollution in Earth orbit is happening faster than we can clean it up.

Any collisions cause many more pieces to be produced than can be collected, some notable examples include the destruction in 2007, by China, of its own Fengyun-1C satellite as part of an anti-satellite weapon test. This added an estimated 3,500 pieces in orbit.

In 2009, a Russian satellite called Kosmos 2251 collided with an Iridium communications satellite, generating roughly 2,400 pieces of debris. In 2021, Russia carried out its own anti-satellite missile test, destroying the Kosmos 1408 satellite and generating a further 1,787 pieces. These mostly came back through the atmosphere, but 400 pieces were left in orbit.

Whether such an anti-satellite weapon could be repurposed for space debris removal is unlikely but has potential.

It will require concerted global cooperation and effort to not only indicate what spacecraft states and private companies have in space, but to commit to de-orbiting every future spacecraft at the end of its life, reducing future debris.

The current space debris mitigation standards by the European Space Agency highlight that any satellites must be de-orbited within 25 years of the end of operations. While this also is intended to apply to miniature “cubesats” – the process of bringing them back down has yet to demonstrated.

Ultimately this debris will cause problems for all space launch agencies and private companies, as there is a limit to our ground-based tracking and warning abilities. This makes addressing the global governance of space critical. However, it may take several high-cost satellites being taken out of commission, or potentially loss of life, for this issue to be taken seriously.

The Conversation

Lesley Masters is affiliated with
Visiting Fellow Institute for Diplomacy and International Affairs, Loughborough London.
Visiting International Fellow, Human Sciences Research Council, South Africa

Ian Whittaker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Space debris: will it take a catastrophe for nations to take the issue seriously? – https://theconversation.com/space-debris-will-it-take-a-catastrophe-for-nations-to-take-the-issue-seriously-271141