My prescription costs what?! Pharmacists offer tips that could reduce your out-of-pocket drug costs

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Sujith Ramachandran, Associate Professor of Pharmacy Administration, University of Mississippi

Out-of-pocket costs to fill prescriptions can vary widely. Malte Mueller/fStop via Getty Images

Even when Americans have health insurance, they can have a hard time affording the drugs they’ve been prescribed.

About 1 in 5 U.S. adults skip filling a prescription due to its cost at least once a year, according to KFF, a health research organization. And 1 in 3 take steps to cut their prescription drug costs, such as splitting pills when it’s not medically necessary or switching to an over-the-counter drug instead of the one that their medical provider prescribed.

As pharmacy professors who research prescription drug access, we think it’s important for Americans to know that it is possible to get prescriptions filled more affordably, as long as you know how before you go to the pharmacy.

Cost of copays ranges widely

When you have health insurance and have to pay for a prescription drug at the pharmacy, you’re usually covering the cost of your copay. This is the amount patients or their caregivers are expected to pay after insurance covers the rest of the tab.

If you get your health insurance through Medicaid, the government program that covers low-income Americans and people with disabilities, you should not have to pay anything at all to obtain prescription drugs. If there is a copay, it should be low – probably less than US$5.

And if you’re insured through Medicare, the government program that mainly covers people who are 65 and older, or get your coverage through a private health insurance company, it’s important to understand what to expect when you visit a pharmacy.

Most private insurance companies charge US$5 to $50 for prescription drug copays. The copays are tiered based on what the drug costs. Brand-name and specialty medications have higher copays; older generics have lower copays.

Some generic drugs and vaccines may even require no copay at all. While a copay is a flat fee, it can change over the course of the year based on whether or not you have met your deductible. The deductible is the amount of money you have to pay out of pocket before your insurance starts covering your prescriptions. Before your deductible is fully paid, you may be responsible for the full cost of your medications. After you’ve met your deductible for the year, you will only be required to pay the copay.

As newer, more expensive drugs enter the market, cost-sharing at the pharmacy has increasingly shifted from a copay to coinsurance.

In contrast with a flat copay, coinsurance means your insurance company will cover a certain percentage of the drug’s cost, and you’ll pay the rest. Since the patient’s share is based on a percentage of the medication’s price, coinsurance often results in higher out-of-pocket costs than copays do.

New help for patients with Medicare coverage

Two new government programs could help make prescription drugs more affordable for millions of older Americans.

Starting in 2026, people who are insured through Medicare will pay no more than $2,100 out of pocket on prescription drugs over the year. That cap may be much lower than $2,100 due to a quirk in Medicare’s rules. Prescriptions filled after someone has paid the maximum allowable amount will cost them nothing at all.

In addition, the government launched the Medicare Prescription Payment Plan in 2025. This program, which is available to people over 65, helps spread what patients spend out of pocket on prescription drugs throughout the year, making that expense more predictable and easier to budget for.

Early data indicates that very few Americans are enrolled in the Medicare Prescription Payment Plan. Patients insured through private companies do not have similar opportunities.

Consumers should find out if they qualify for state or federal programs on their medications.

Coupons and discount cards

What if you can’t afford a copay for your prescription drug?

Before giving up on ever getting it, ask the pharmacist about your options.

It may be worth trying to use a free online tool, such as RxAssist, sponsored by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, or a discount card from GoodRx, which is a publicly traded company.

GoodRx cards are free. They help people compare local pharmacy prices and to locate coupons that make prescriptions more affordable.

GoodRx works by searching for the lowest available price for the prescription at various pharmacies. Other copay coupons provided by the drug manufacturer may also work similarly by lowering the cost of the medication. On some occasions, the cash price at the pharmacy may actually be cheaper than the copay, and the pharmacist should be able to help you navigate these options.

Here’s what you should know before giving GoodRx a try:

  1. GoodRx collects individual data on patients, raising significant privacy concerns.

  2. Some pharmacies do not accept GoodRx. You may have to visit more than one pharmacy to be able to activate its discounts.

  3. These cards may make the most sense for uninsured or underinsured patients, but do not always help those who have insurance because you might not get a better price. What’s more, if you use a discount card, the amount you pay may not count toward your insurance deductible for the year.

You should weigh the caveats closely depending on your circumstance.

A male pharmacist scanning a pharmacy product for his customer.
Your pharmacist can help you navigate the various discount offerings.
CG Tan/E+ via Getty Images

Prescription assistance programs

Prescription assistance programs provide another cost-saving tool for Americans.

Drugmakers, nonprofits and government agencies sponsor those programs, which help patients who are uninsured or underinsured – even if they are on Medicare – fill prescriptions either at a discount or for free.

These programs include manufacturer-specific programs as well as charitable pharmacies like Dispensary of Hope, NOVA Scripts Central and the Patient Advocate Foundation. Qualifying criteria vary for these programs, but typically you must have a low income and be a citizen or a legal U.S. resident.

The Patient Access Network Foundation and RxAssist, two nonprofits that help Americans pay their medical bills, also offer helpful tools to identify programs that could work for you.

Assistance from these programs could cut your copay or even provide a prescription drug at no cost.

Separately, the Trump administration announced in November 2025 that a new White House prescription drug pricing program will soon begin to connect consumers to companies that have agreed to sell certain prescription drugs at a big discount.

Many experts don’t expect the program, known as TrumpRx, to help people who have health insurance. Instead, it could be most likely to help those with no insurance at all. The new government program is slated to begin to roll out in 2026.

Direct-to-consumer models

Beyond coupons and assistance programs, a more radical shift is in the works: direct-to-consumer platforms and cash-payment models.

In 2025, several manufacturers offered to sell medications directly to patients on websites and patient portals at cash prices. For example, the drug manufacturer Eli Lilly is offering its popular weight-loss medication, Zepbound, on its website.

These websites have out-of-pocket costs that can run upward of $300 a month, making them too high for many, if not most, Americans to afford. And insurance companies have so far refused to cover them.

To be sure, the systems underlying these programs are still being built. We believe that the Trump administration would need to make a bigger effort to make it easier for millions of Americans to be able to afford filling their prescriptions.

The Conversation

Sujith Ramachandran received funding from Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and provides consulting services for the National Community Pharmacists Association for work related to this topic.

Adam Pate does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. My prescription costs what?! Pharmacists offer tips that could reduce your out-of-pocket drug costs – https://theconversation.com/my-prescription-costs-what-pharmacists-offer-tips-that-could-reduce-your-out-of-pocket-drug-costs-268067

Gazing into the mind’s eye with mice – how neuroscientists are seeing human vision more clearly

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Bilal Haider, Associate Professor of Biomedical Engineering, Georgia Institute of Technology

Mice have complex visual systems that can clarify how vision works in people. Westend61/Getty Images

Despite the nursery rhyme about three blind mice, mouse eyesight is surprisingly sensitive. Studying how mice see has helped researchers discover unprecedented details about how individual brain cells communicate and work together to create a mental picture of the visual world.

I am a neuroscientist who studies how brain cells drive visual perception and how these processes can fail in conditions such as autism. My lab “listens” to the electrical activity of neurons in the outermost part of the brain called the cerebral cortex, a large portion of which processes visual information. Injuries to the visual cortex can lead to blindness and other visual deficits, even when the eyes themselves are unhurt.

Understanding the activity of individual neurons – and how they work together while the brain is actively using and processing information – is a long-standing goal of neuroscience. Researchers have moved much closer to achieving this goal thanks to new technologies aimed at the mouse visual system. And these findings will help scientists better see how the visual systems of people work.

The mind in the blink of an eye

Researchers long thought that vision in mice appeared sluggish with low clarity. But it turns out visual cortex neurons in mice – just like those in humans, monkeys, cats and ferrets – require specific visual features to trigger activity and are particularly selective in alert and awake conditions.

My colleagues and I and others have found that mice are especially sensitive to visual stimuli directly in front of them. This is surprising, because mouse eyes face outward rather than forward. Forward-facing eyes, like those of cats and primates, naturally have a larger area of focus straight ahead compared to outward-facing eyes.

Microscopy image of stacks of neurons
This image shows neurons in the mouse retina: cone photoreceptors (red), bipolar neurons (magenta), and a subtype of bipolar neuron (green).
Brian Liu and Melanie Samuel/Baylor College of Medicine/NIH via Flickr

This finding suggests that the specialization of the visual system to highlight the frontal visual field appears to be shared between mice and humans. For mice, a visual focus on what’s straight ahead may help them be more responsive to shadows or edges in front of them, helping them avoid looming predators or better hunt and capture insects for food.

Importantly, the center of view is most affected in aging and many visual diseases in people. Since mice also rely heavily on this part of the visual field, they may be particularly useful models to study and treat visual impairment.

A thousand voices drive complicated choices

Advances in technology have greatly accelerated scientific understanding of vision and the brain. Researchers can now routinely record the activity of thousands of neurons at the same time and pair this data with real-time video of a mouse’s face, pupil and body movements. This method can show how behavior interacts with brain activity.

It’s like spending years listening to a grainy recording of a symphony with one featured soloist, but now you have a pristine recording where you can hear every single musician with a note-by-note readout of every single finger movement.

Using these improved methods, researchers like me are studying how specific types of neurons work together during complex visual behaviors. This involves analyzing how factors such as movement, alertness and the environment influence visual activity in the brain.

For example, my lab and I found that the speed of visual signaling is highly sensitive to what actions are possible in the physical environment. If a mouse rests on a disc that permits running, visual signals travel to the cortex faster than if the mouse views the same images while resting in a stationary tube – even when the mouse is totally still in both conditions.

In order to connect electrical activity to visual perception, researchers also have to ask a mouse what it thinks it sees. How have we done this?

The last decade has seen researchers debunking long-standing myths about mouse learning and behavior. Like other rodents, mice are also surprisingly clever and can learn how to “tell” researchers about the visual events they perceive through their behavior.

For example, mice can learn to release a lever to indicate they have detected that a pattern has brightened or tilted. They can rotate a Lego wheel left or right to move a visual stimulus to the center of a screen like a video game, and they can stop running on a wheel and lick a water spout when they detect the visual scene has suddenly changed.

Mouse drinking from a metal water spout
Mice can be trained to drink water as a way to ‘tell’ researchers they see something.
felixmizioznikov/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Mice can also use visual cues to focus their visual processing to specific parts of the visual field. As a result, they can more quickly and accurately respond to visual stimuli that appear in those regions. For example, my team and I found that a faint visual image in the peripheral visual field is difficult for mice to detect. But once they do notice it – and tell us by licking a water spout – their subsequent responses are faster and more accurate.

These improvements come at a cost: If the image unexpectedly appears in a different location, the mice are slower and less likely to respond to it. These findings resemble those found in studies on spatial attention in people.

My lab has also found that particular types of inhibitory neurons – brain cells that prevent activity from spreading – strongly control the strength of visual signals. When we activated certain inhibitory neurons in the visual cortex of mice, we could effectively “erase” their perception of an image.

These kinds of experiments are also revealing that the boundaries between perception and action in the brain are much less separate than once thought. This means that visual neurons will respond differently to the same image in ways that depend on behavioral circumstances – for example, visual responses differ if the image will be successfully detected, if it appears while the mouse is moving, or if it appears when the mouse is thirsty or hydrated.

Understanding how different factors shape how cortical neurons rapidly respond to visual images will require advances in computational tools that can separate the contribution of these behavioral signals from the visual ones. Researchers also need technologies that can isolate how specific types of brain cells carry and communicate these signals.

Data clouds encircling the globe

This surge of research on the mouse visual system has led to a significant increase in the amount of data that scientists can not only gather in a single experiment but also publicly share among each other.

Major national and international research centers focused on unraveling the circuitry of the mouse visual system have been leading the charge in ushering in new optical, electrical and biological tools to measure large numbers of visual neurons in action. Moreover, they make all the data publicly available, inspiring similar efforts around the globe. This collaboration accelerates the ability of researchers to analyze data, replicate findings and make new discoveries.

Technological advances in data collection and sharing can make the culture of scientific discovery more efficient and transparent – a major data informatics goal of neuroscience in the years ahead.

If the past 10 years are anything to go by, I believe such discoveries are just the tip of the iceberg, and the mighty and not-so-blind mouse will play a leading role in the continuing quest to understand the mysteries of the human brain.

The Conversation

Bilal Haider receives funding from NIH and the Simons Foundation.

ref. Gazing into the mind’s eye with mice – how neuroscientists are seeing human vision more clearly – https://theconversation.com/gazing-into-the-minds-eye-with-mice-how-neuroscientists-are-seeing-human-vision-more-clearly-268334

The next frontier in space is closer than you think – welcome to the world of very low Earth orbit satellites

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Sven Bilén, Professor of Engineering Design, Electrical Engineering and Aerospace Engineering, Penn State

The closer a satellite − like this telecommunications one − orbits to Earth, the more atmospheric drag it faces. janiecbros/iStock via Getty Images Plus

There are about 15,000 satellites orbiting the Earth. Most of them, like the International Space Station and the Hubble Telescope, reside in low Earth orbit, or LEO, which tops out at about 1,200 miles (2,000 kilometers) above the Earth’s surface.

But as more and more satellites are launched into LEO – SpaceX’s Starlink internet constellation alone will eventually send many thousands more there – the region’s getting a bit crowded.

Which is why it’s fortunate there’s another orbit, even closer to Earth, that promises to help alleviate the crowding. It’s called VLEO, or very low Earth orbit, and is only 60 to 250 miles (100 to 400 kilometers) above the Earth’s surface.

As an engineer and professor who is developing technologies to extend the human presence beyond Earth, I can tell you that satellites in very low Earth orbit, or VLEO, offer advantages over higher altitude satellites. Among other benefits, VLEO satellites can provide higher-resolution images, faster communications and better atmospheric science. Full disclosure: I’m also a co-founder and co-owner of Victoria Defense, which seeks to commercialize VLEO and other space directed-energy technologies.

Advantages of VLEO

The images from very low Earth orbit satellites are sharper because they simply see Earth more clearly than satellites that are higher up, sort of like how getting closer to a painting helps you see it better. This translates to higher resolution pictures for agriculture, climate science, disaster response and military surveillance purposes.

End-to-end communication is faster, which is ideal for real-time communications, like phone and internet service. Although the signals still travel the same speed, they don’t have as far to go, so latency decreases and conversations happen more smoothly.

Much weather forecasting relies on images of clouds above the Earth, so taking those pictures closer means higher resolution and more data to forecast with.

Because of these benefits, government agencies and industry are working to develop very low Earth orbit satellites.

The holdup: Atmospheric drag

You may be wondering why this region of space, so far, has been avoided for sustained satellite operations. It’s for one major reason: atmospheric drag.

Space is often thought of as a vacuum. So where exactly does space actually start? Although about 62 miles up (100 kilometers) – known as the the von Kármán line – is widely considered the starting point, there’s no hard transition where space suddenly begins. Instead, as you move away from Earth, the atmosphere thins out.

Where space begins is relatively arbitrary, but most consider it to be about 62 miles (100 kilometers) high.

In and below very low Earth orbit, the Earth’s atmosphere is still thick enough to slow down satellites, causing those at the lowest altitudes to deorbit in weeks or even days, essentially burning up as they fall back to Earth. To counteract this atmospheric drag and to stay in orbit, the satellite must constantly propel itself forward – like how riding a bike into the wind requires continuous pedaling.

For in-space propulsion, satellites use various types of thrusters, which provide the push needed to keep from slowing down. But in VLEO, thrusters need to be on all, or nearly all, of the time. As such, conventional thrusters would quickly run out of fuel.

Fortunately, the Earth’s atmosphere in VLEO is still thick enough that atmosphere itself can be used as a fuel.

Innovative thruster technologies

That’s where my research comes in. At Penn State, in collaboration with Georgia Tech and funded by the U.S. Department of Defense, our team is developing a new propulsion system designed to work at 43 to 55 miles up (70 to 90 kilometers). Technically, these altitudes are even below very low Earth orbit – making the challenge to overcome drag even more difficult.

Our approach collects the atmosphere using a scoop, like opening your mouth wide as you pedal a bike, then uses high-power microwaves to heat the collected atmosphere. The heated gas is then expelled through a nozzle, which pushes the satellite forward. Our team calls this concept the air-breathing microwave plasma thruster. We’ve been able to demonstrate a prototype thruster in the lab inside a vacuum chamber that simulates the atmospheric pressure found at 50 miles (80 km) high.

This approach is relatively simple, but it holds potential, especially at lower altitudes where the atmosphere is thicker. Higher up, where the atmosphere is thinner, spacecraft could use different types of VLEO thrusters that others are developing to cover large altitude ranges.

Our team isn’t the only one working on thruster technology. Just one example: The U.S. Department of Defense has partnered with defense contractor Red Wire to develop Otter, a VLEO satellite with its version of atmosphere-breathing thruster technology.

Another option to keep a satellite in VLEO, which leverages a technology I’ve worked on throughout my career, is to tie a lower-orbiting satellite to a higher-orbiting satellite with a long tether. Although NASA has never flown such a system, the proposed follow-on mission to the tether satellite system missions flown in the 1990s was to drop a satellite into much lower orbit from the space shuttle, connected with a very long tether. We are currently revisiting that system to see whether it could work for VLEO in a modified form.

Other complications

Overcoming drag, though the most difficult, is not the only challenge. Very low Earth orbit satellites are exposed to very high levels of atomic oxygen, which is a highly reactive form of oxygen that quickly corrodes most substances, even plastics.

The satellite’s materials also must withstand extremely high temperatures, above 2,732 degrees Fahrenheit (1,500 degrees Celsius), because friction heats it up as it moves through the atmosphere, a phenomenon that occurs when all spacecraft reenter the atmosphere from orbit.

The potential of these satellites is driving research and investment, and proposed missions have become reality. Juniper research estimates that $220 billion will be invested in just the next three years. Soon, your internet, weather forecasts and security could be even better, fed by VLEO satellites.

The Conversation

Sven Bilén founder and co-owner of Victoria Defense, which seeks to commercialize VLEO and other space technologies. He receives funding from DARPA and NASA related to VLEO technologies.

ref. The next frontier in space is closer than you think – welcome to the world of very low Earth orbit satellites – https://theconversation.com/the-next-frontier-in-space-is-closer-than-you-think-welcome-to-the-world-of-very-low-earth-orbit-satellites-258252

If tried by court-martial, senator accused of ‘seditious behavior’ would be deprived of several constitutional rights

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Joshua Kastenberg, Professor of Law, University of New Mexico

U.S. Sen. Mark Kelly, D-Ariz., speaks to reporters in Washington, D.C. on Dec. 4, 2025. AP Photo/Kevin Wolf

The Department of Defense in late November 2025 announced that it would investigate U.S. Sen. Mark Kelly, a retired Navy captain and NASA astronaut, for what Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has called seditious behavior. The threat of investigation came after Kelly and five other Democrats, all with military backgrounds, released a video reminding U.S. service members they can disobey illegal orders issued by the Trump administration.

“No one has to carry out orders that violate the law, or our Constitution,” the lawmakers said, without specifying the orders the U.S. service members may have received. “Know that we have your back … don’t give up the ship.”

In response to the video, President Donald Trump accused the lawmakers of “seditious behavior” that could be “punishable by death.”

Sedition is a federal crime, but as a military law scholar who served as a judge in the U.S. Air Force, I believe the Democratic lawmakers articulated a correct view of military law. That is, service members subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice have a duty to not obey unlawful orders.

There are several unique features to military law that have no analog to civilian criminal law, and if Kelly were court-martialed he would be deprived of several fundamental constitutional rights.

Military justice

In a civilian criminal trial the government normally has the burden of proof on all matters. But in a court-martial, a service member who argues that an order is unlawful has the burden of proving its unlawfulness. And the Supreme Court, in its 1827 opinion in Martin v. Mott, gave this view some credence, arguing that the president, as commander in chief, should not be questioned during a national emergency.

Second, ordinary citizens are protected by a constitutional requirement that the prosecution must convince all jurors of the defendant’s guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. A court-martial has only a two-thirds threshold to establish guilt. And the jurors – called members – are not the accused service member’s peers.

Indeed, the court-martial members are military personnel who outrank the accused service member and are picked to serve by senior commanding officers. Military judges are also uniformed officers and, like the rest of the military, are subject to the chain of command.

At times, senior officers have inserted themselves into the military justice system and tried to direct a court-martial to convict an accused service member. This has created the problem of unlawful command influence, the improper use of superior authority to interfere with the court-martial process.

A man speaks to another man wearing a white cap.
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has asked the Navy secretary to review Kelly’s comments to troops for ‘potentially unlawful conduct.’
AP Photo/Daniel Kucin Jr.

Kelly is still theoretically subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice and could be court-martialed because he is a military retiree. This concept of a lifetime military jurisdiction did not exist when the Constitution was instituted in 1789. It came into existence during an emergency session of Congress in 1861.

The Supreme Court has never held that lifetime jurisdiction is constitutional. But in 2022 the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia did, in a 2-1 decision.

It reasoned that if the Constitution’s creators had thought such a jurisdiction were a threat to the republic, they would have prohibited it. The dissenting judge in that case pointed out the frightening possibility of a president using the Uniform Code of Military Justice to curb free speech.

Lines of defense

Kelly is different than an ordinary retiree, and this case is bigger than a single senator. That’s because it goes to the heart of what the Constitution’s framers intended by preserving liberty through a republican form of government.

In 1648, Oliver Cromwell, who had become a military dictator over England, used the army to curb the Magna Carta – a revolutionary basic rights document dating to 1215 – and the ability of Parliament to debate matters and pass laws. The Constitution is designed to prevent anything coming close to such an occurrence.

So, what would Kelly’s defense likely be, other than that he exercised free speech and gave a correct recitation of the law?

Kelly’s first defense might be that under the Constitution, the president, as commander in chief, has no power to court-martial or otherwise administratively penalize him. Doing so would diminish Congress’ authority.

In 1974, the Supreme Court determined in Schlesinger v. Reservists Committee that although the Constitution prohibits a member of Congress from holding a position in the executive branch, citizens had no standing to sue in the federal courts to prevent this from occurring. Taken literally, the clause means that no member of Congress could hold a military commission and be beholden to the commander in chief, since this would erode Congress’ independence and authority.

Kelly’s second defense could be that after the Constitution and statutory law, the military law is governed by tradition, or the military’s own past practices, which used to be referred to as “lex non scripta.”

American history is replete with retired officers criticizing presidents or even joining in hate groups that accused a president of being beholden to subversive interests. Past presidents have ignored these men.

They include George Van Horn Moseley, who sided with pro-Nazi groups and accused President Franklin Roosevelt of being a communist. Retired generals Albert Coady Wedemeyer and Bonner Fellers formed organizations that undermined Presidents Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower.

A black and white photo shows Chinese and American military leaders.
Maj. Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer greets Chinese miltary leaders in southwest China, on Jan. 18, 1945.
AP Photo

None of these men were court-martialed or administratively penalized.

Finally, Kelly could argue in federal court that the military has no jurisdiction over him because of the issue of unlawful command influence. One only needs to look at Hegseth’s statements in the case to see the specter of this problem in regard to Kelly.

When Congress formulated the Uniform Code of Military Justice, it criminalized unlawful command influence. But as military law scholar Rachel VanLandingham has pointed out, no person has ever been prosecuted for violating the prohibition.

Kelly could argue that there are no safeguards in his case to ensure a fair hearing and that the case should move from military courts to federal courts. The federal judge assigned the case can then ponder whether siding with the administration’s claims is a step toward establishing a Cromwellian future and away from the Constitution’s protection of a republican form of government.

Of course, Congress could put a stop to any persecution of Kelly by informing the president that he is acting contrary to the Constitution and explaining to do so is a high crime or misdemeanor.

During the Vietnam War, scholar Robert Sherrill said that “military justice is to justice what military music is to music.” In the past, military justice has been able to accomplish fair trials of military members, but it is dangerously open to influence by military leaders, all the way up to the commander in chief.

If there is to be an exercise in accountability for Kelly, it could more fairly be administered through a real constitutional analysis conducted by the independent federal judicial branch – or through a congressional intervention. Without either occurring, we may as a nation find ourselves a closer step toward a Cromwellian future.

The Conversation

Joshua Kastenberg does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. If tried by court-martial, senator accused of ‘seditious behavior’ would be deprived of several constitutional rights – https://theconversation.com/if-tried-by-court-martial-senator-accused-of-seditious-behavior-would-be-deprived-of-several-constitutional-rights-271990

The North Pole keeps moving – here’s how that affects Santa’s holiday travel and yours

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Scott Brame, Research Assistant Professor of Earth Science, Clemson University

Could this be the next Blitzen? Feeding a reindeer in Lapland, Finland, north of the Arctic Circle. Roberto Moiola/Sysaworld/Moment via Getty Images

When Santa is done delivering presents on Christmas Eve, he must get back home to the North Pole, even if it’s snowing so hard that the reindeer can’t see the way.

He could use a compass, but then he has a challenge: He has to be able to find the right North Pole.

There are actually two North Poles – the geographic North Pole you see on maps and the magnetic North Pole that the compass relies on. They aren’t the same.

The two North Poles

The geographic North Pole, also called true north, is the point at one end of the Earth’s axis of rotation.

Try taking a tennis ball in your right hand, putting your thumb on the bottom and your middle finger on the top, and rotating the ball with the fingers of your left hand. The place where the thumb and middle finger of your right hand contact the tennis ball as it spins define the axis of rotation. The axis extends from the south pole to the north pole as it passes through the center of the ball.

A compass with S, E, N, W and other markings
Compasses use a magnetized needle to align with Earth’s magnetic field. To find true north, a compass must be adjusted for the declination of its location, meaning the angle difference between true north and magnetic north for that spot.
Tim Reckmann/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

Earth’s magnetic North Pole is different.

Over 1,000 years ago, explorers began using compasses, typically made with a floating cork or piece of wood with a magnetized needle in it, to find their way. The Earth has a magnetic field that acts like a giant magnet, and the compass needle aligns with it.

The magnetic North Pole is used by devices such as smartphones for navigation – and that pole moves around over time.

Why the magnetic north pole moves around

The movement of the magnetic North Pole is the result of the Earth having an active core. The inner core, starting about 3,200 miles below your feet, is solid and under such immense pressure that it cannot melt. But the outer core is molten, consisting of melted iron and nickel.

Heat from the inner core makes the molten iron and nickel in the outer core move around, much like soup in a pot on a hot stove. The movement of the iron-rich liquid induces a magnetic field that covers the entire Earth.

As the molten iron in the outer core moves around, the magnetic North Pole wanders.

Lines show how the magnetic pole has moved
The magnetic North Pole has wandered since the late 1500s, picking up speed in the recent century. The dates reflect observations from expeditions. The others are based on models, with data from NOAA. The map shows northern Canada’s islands. The edge of Greenland is visible to the far right side.
Cavit/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

For most of the past 600 years, the pole has been wandering around over northern Canada. It was moving relatively slowly, around 6 to 9 miles per year, until around 1990, when its speed increased dramatically, up to 34 miles per year.

It started moving in the general direction of the geographic North Pole about a century ago. Earth scientists cannot say exactly why other than that it reflects a change in flow within the outer core.

Getting Santa home

So, if Santa’s home is the geographic North Pole – which, incidentally, is in the ice-covered middle of the Arctic Ocean – how does he correct his compass bearing if the two North Poles are in different locations?

No matter what device he might be using – compass or smartphone – both rely on magnetic north as a reference to determine the direction he needs to move.

While modern GPS systems can tell you precisely where you are as you make your way to grandma’s house, they cannot accurately tell which direction to go without your device knowing the direction of magnetic north.

Lorenz King/Wikimedia Commons
Scientists work at a temporary research station near the Geographic North Pole in 1990.
Lorenz.King@geogr.uni-giessen.de/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

If Santa is using an old-fashioned compass, he’ll need to adjust it for the difference between true north and magnetic north. To do that, he needs to know the declination at his location – the angle between true north and magnetic north – and make the correction to his compass. The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration has an online calculator that can help.

If you are using a smartphone, your phone has a built-in magnetometer that does the work for you. It measures the Earth’s magnetic field at your location and then uses the World Magnetic Model to correct for precise navigation.

Whatever method Santa uses, he may be relying on magnetic north to find his way to your house and back home again. Or maybe the reindeer just know the way.

The Conversation

Scott Brame does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The North Pole keeps moving – here’s how that affects Santa’s holiday travel and yours – https://theconversation.com/the-north-pole-keeps-moving-heres-how-that-affects-santas-holiday-travel-and-yours-271488

How rogue nations are capitalizing on gaps in crypto regulation to finance weapons programs

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Nolan Fahrenkopf, Research Fellow at Project on International Security, Commerce and Economic Statecraft, University at Albany, State University of New York

Two years after Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, families of the victims filed suit against Binance, a major cryptocurrency platform that has been plagued by scandals.

In a Nov. 24, 2025, filing by representatives of more than 300 victims and family members, Binance and its former CEO – recently pardoned Changpeng Zhao – were accused of willfully ignoring anti-money-laundering and so-called “know your customer” controls that require financial institutions to identify who is engaging in transactions.

In so doing, the suit alleged that Binance and Zhao – who in 2023 pleaded guilty to money laundering violations – allowed U.S.-designated terrorist entities such as Hamas and Hezbollah to launder US$1 billion. Binance has declined to comment on the case but issued a statement saying it complies “fully with internationally recognized sanctions laws.”

The problem the Binance lawsuit touches upon goes beyond U.S.-designated terrorist groups.

As an expert in countering the proliferation of weapons technology, I believe the Binance-Hamas allegations could represent the tip of the iceberg in how cryptocurrency is being leveraged to undermine global security and, in some instances, U.S. national security.

Cryptocurrency is aiding countries such as North Korea, Iran and Russia, and various terror- and drug-related groups in funding and purchasing billions of dollars worth of technology for illicit weapons programs.

Though some enforcement actions continue, I believe the Trump administration’s embrace of cryptocurrency might compromise the U.S.’s ability to counter the illicit financing of military technology.

In fact, experts such as professor Yesha Yadav, professor Hilary J. Allen and Graham Steele, anti-corruption advocacy group Transparency International and even the U.S. Treasury itself warn it and other legislative loopholes could further risk American national security.

A tool to evade sanctions

For the past 13 years, the Project on International Security, Commerce, and Economic Statecraft, where I serve as a research fellow, has conducted research and led industry and government outreach to help countries counter the proliferation of dangerous weapons technology, including the use of cryptocurrency in weapons fundraising and money laundering.

Over that time, we have seen an increase in cryptocurrency being used to launder and raise funds for weapons programs and as an innovative tool to evade sanctions.

Efforts by state actors in Iran, North Korea and Russia rely on enforcement gaps, loopholes and the nebulous nature of cryptocurrency to launder and raise money for purchasing weapons technology. For example, in 2024 it was thought that around 50% of North Korea’s foreign currency came from crypto raised in cyberattacks.

Two men in hoods sit in front of computer screens.
Modern-day bank robbers?
iStock/Getty Images Plus

A digital bank heist

In February 2025, North Korea stole over $1.5 billion worth of cryptocurrency from Bybit, a cryptocurrency exchange based in the United Arab Emirates. Such attacks can be thought of as a form of digital bank heist. Bybit was executing regular transfers of cryptocurrency from cold offline wallets – like a safe in your home – to “warm wallets” that are online but require human verification for transactions.

North Korean agents duped a developer working at a service used by Bybit to install malware that granted them access to bypass the multifactor authentication. This allowed North Korea to reroute the crypto transfers to itself. The funds were moved to North Korean-controlled wallets but then washed repeatedly through mixers and multiple other crypto currencies and wallets that serve to hide the origin and end location of the funds.

While some funds have been recovered, many have disappeared.

The FBI eventually linked the attack to the North Korean cyber group TraderTraitor, one of many intelligence and cyber units engaging in cyberattacks.

Lagging behind on security

Cryptocurrency is attractive because of the ease with which it can be acquired and transferred between accounts and various digital and government-issued currencies, with little to no requirements to identify oneself.

And as countries such as Russia, Iran and North Korea have become constricted by international sanctions, they have turned to cryptocurrency to both raise funds and purchase materials for weapons programs.

Even stablecoins, promoted by the Trump administration as safer and backed by hard currency such as the U.S. dollar, suffer from extensive misuse linked to funding illicit weapons programs and other activities.

Traditional financial networks, while not immune from money laundering, have well-established safeguards to help prevent money being used to fund illicit weapons programs.

But recent analysis shows that despite enforcement efforts, the cryptocurrency industry continues to lag behind when it comes to enforcing anti-money-laundering safeguards. In at least some cases this is willful, as some crypto firms may attempt to circumvent controls for profit motives, ideological reasons or policy disputes over whether platforms can be held accountable for the actions of individual users.

It isn’t only the raising of these funds by rogue nations and terrorist groups that poses a threat, though that is often what makes headlines. A more pressing concern is the ability to quietly launder funds between front companies. This helps actors avoid the scrutiny of traditional financial networks as they seek to move funds from other fundraising efforts or firms they use to purchase equipment and technology.

The incredible number of crypto transactions, the large number of centralized and decentralized exchanges and brokers, and limited regulatory efforts have made crypto incredibly useful for laundering funds for weapons programs.

This process benefits from a lack of safeguards and “know your customer” controls that banks are required to follow to prevent financial crimes. These should, I believe, and often do apply to entities large and small that help move, store or transfer cryptocurrency known as virtual asset service providers, or VASPs. However, enforcement has proven difficult as there are an incredibly large number of VASPs across numerous jurisdictions. And jurisdictions have fluctuating capacity or willingness to implement controls.

The cryptocurrency industry, though supposedly subject to many of these safeguards, often fails to implement the rules, or it evades detection due to its decentralized nature.

Digital funds, real risk

The rewards for rogue nations and organizations such as North Korea can be great.

Ever the savvy sanctions evader, North Korea has benefited the most from its early vision on the promise of crypto. The reclusive country has established an extensive cyber program to evade sanctions that relies heavily on cryptocurrency. It is not known how much money North Korea has raised or laundered in total for its weapons program using crypto, but in the past 21 months it has stolen at least $2.8 billion in crypto.

Iran has also begun relying on cryptocurrency to aid in the sale of oil linked to weapons programs – both for itself and proxy forces such as the Houthis and Hezbollah. These efforts are fueled in part by Iran’s own crypto exchange, Nobitex.

Russia has been documented going beyond the use of crypto as a fundraising and laundering tool and has begun using its own crypto to purchase weapons material and technology that fuel its war against Ukraine.

A threat to national security

Despite these serious and escalating risks, the U.S. government is pulling back enforcement.

The controversial pardon of Binance founder Changpeng Zhao raised eyebrows for the signal it sends regarding U.S. commitment to enforcing sanctions related to the cryptocurrency industry. Other actions such as deregulating the banking industry’s use of crypto and shuttering the Department of Justice’s crypto fraud unit have done serious damage to the U.S.’s ability to interdict and prevent efforts to utilize cryptocurrencies to fund weapons programs.

The U.S. has also committed to ending “regulation by prosecution” and has withdrawn numerous investigations related to failing to enforce regulations meant to prevent tactics used by entities such as North Korea. This includes abandoning an admittedly complicated legal case regarding sanctions against a “mixer” allegedly used by North Korea.

These actions, I believe, send the wrong message. At this very moment, cryptocurrency is being illicitly used to fund weapons programs that threaten American security. It’s a real problem that deserves to be taken seriously.

And while some enforcement actions do continue, failing to implement and enforce safeguards up front means that crypto will continue to be used to fund weapons programs. Cryptocurrency has legitimate uses, but ignoring the laundering and sanctions-evasion risks will damage American national interests and global security.

The Conversation

Nolan Fahrenkopf is a research fellow at the Center for Policy Research at the University at Albany, which receives grants related to nonproliferation from the U.S. Department of State and Department of Energy.

ref. How rogue nations are capitalizing on gaps in crypto regulation to finance weapons programs – https://theconversation.com/how-rogue-nations-are-capitalizing-on-gaps-in-crypto-regulation-to-finance-weapons-programs-269060

2 superpowers, 1 playbook: Why Chinese and US bureaucrats think and act alike

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Daniel E. Esser, Associate Professor of International Studies, American University

An official walks past the U.S. and Chinese national flags on April 6, 2024. Pedro Pardo/AFP via Getty Images

The year 2025 has not been a great one for U.S.-Chinese relations. Tit-for-tat tariffs and the scramble over rare earth elements has dampened economic relations between the world’s two leading economies. Meanwhile, territorial disputes between China and American allies in the Indo-Pacific region have further deepened the intensifying military rivalry.

This rift has often been portrayed as a clash of opposing ideological systems: democracy versus autocracy; economic liberalism versus state-led growth; and individualism versus collectivism.

But such framing relies on a top-down look at the two countries premised on statements and claims of powerful leaders. What it obscures is that both superpowers are administered by the same kind of professionals: career bureaucrats.

We are an international team of researchers investigating bureaucratic preferences and behavior. Earlier this year, we hosted a two-day workshop with participants from China, the United States and other countries to compare bureaucratic agencies’ responses to global challenges.

Our research and that of others shows that, despite the ideological standoff at the leadership level, officials in China and the U.S. are shaped by comparable incentives and dynamics that lead them to act in surprisingly similar ways. In other words, when it comes to the women and men who carry out the actual work of government – from drafting regulation to enforcing compliance – China and the U.S. aren’t really that different.

Separated by politics, not practice

That’s not to suggest there aren’t differences in aspects of China’s and the U.S.’s bureaucratic base.

China’s system is more centralized, with a larger civil service of around 8 million employees as of 2024. The U.S. bureaucracy is more decentralized across federal, state and local levels and employs fewer bureaucrats, with around 3 million federal employees in 2024.

Still, comparative research on bureaucracies around the world shows that civil servants act similarly when confronted with complex problems, regardless of political system or policy field.

Whether they are municipal bureaucrats in Brazil, foreign aid officials in Germany, Norway and South Korea, or international civil servants at the United Nations, they all operate within the constraints of politically embedded organizations while pursuing their individual careers. In other words, they want to get ahead in their jobs while navigating constantly changing political winds.

Bureaucrats in the U.S. and China also navigate changing demands from their political leaders while seeking to gain expertise and progress in their careers.

Managing public expectations

Foreign aid, environmental management and pandemic governance in the U.S. and China provide telling examples of these parallels.

At first glance, the approaches of China and the U.S. to the use of foreign aid may appear as complete opposites. The former established the China International Development Cooperation Agency in 2018. Since then it has expanded and evolved its engagement abroad.

By contrast, the U.S. abolished USAID earlier in 2025, slashed its foreign aid budget, and moved remaining staff members into the State Department.

It would therefore seem that the U.S. and China are on opposing trajectories. Yet, the current moment obscures similarities between foreign aid bureaucrats in the two countries. Their tasks entail satisfying political objectives, overseeing taxpayer-funded projects abroad, and managing domestic public expectations.

The expertise required of these bureaucrats is to increase their country’s “soft power” while avoiding the appearance of wasting scarce funds abroad amid looming domestic needs.

With foreign aid admonished by the Trump administration as wasteful politics, officials in Washington are under unprecedented pressure to pursue financial diplomacy that recognizably serves U.S. interests while supporting foreign leaders whom the president considers allies. This agenda shift moves the U.S. closer to the Chinese foreign aid principle of seeking mutual benefits.

Meanwhile, Chinese aid officials are pivoting away from prioritizing large-scale infrastructure projects and toward a purported “small but beautiful projects” approach that centers on the well-being of beneficiaries. This pivot aligns their thinking with “softer” topics emblematic of U.S. foreign aid until 2024.

A sign saying USAID is seen behind glass.
Foreign aid practices in Washington and Beijing are converging.
Pete Kiehart for The Washington Post via Getty Images

The logic of blame avoidance

The case of bureaucratic responses to environmental pollution scandals is equally instructive. Again, one might expect bureaucrats in the U.S. and China, operating within different governance systems, to approach the problem differently.

In practice, however, bureaucrats in both countries are often motivated by an urge to avoid blame.

Rather than building on policy success stories, they tend to seek to deflect criticism for policy failures onto others. The underlying reason is so-called asymmetric payoffs: Success stories may lead to short-term public acclaim; policy failures jeopardize entire careers.

In China, the anti-air pollution measures introduced in Hebei province, which borders the capital Beijing, provide a prime example of the logic of blame avoidance. When the central government in 2017 urged provincial officials to reduce air pollution by banning coal heating, the officials’ overzealous implementation was motivated by a desire to shield themselves from potential blame from national leadership.

As a result, the needs of Hebei residents were ignored, with schoolchildren shivering in unheated classrooms. Rather than assuming the blame, both national and local officials shifted the focus onto middle-class Beijing residents, who were pilloried in the media for prioritizing clean air over the well-being of others.

Meanwhile in the U.S., the city of Flint, Michigan, had been reeling from decades of industrial decay and financial distress. The state government appointed an emergency manager who implemented cost-cutting measures, including switching the city’s water source from Lake Huron to the Flint River. This change resulted in lead contamination and widespread health impacts, escalating into a national scandal. As in Hebei, all parties – from state regulators to local officials and environmental agencies – blamed each other in an attempt to avoid responsibility.

Careerism as constraint

Parallel bureaucratic behaviors also became apparent during the COVID-19 pandemic. In China and the U.S. alike, public officials worked at the forefront of implementing public health guidelines. The Chinese response was said to benefit from an “authoritarian advantage,” allowing its authorities to impose drastic measures rapidly and comprehensively.

However, evidence-based policymaking was constrained by political preferences and bureaucratic careerism – the drive of officials to prioritize actions that help them get promoted.

It produced similar dynamics to those observed in the more decentralized U.S. setting. In both China and the U.S., bureaucrats were risk averse and anxious not to fall out with supervisors and political leaders.

A line of men in suits with masks on.
Chinese bureaucrats faced the same constraints as their U.S. counterparts during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Frayer/Getty Images

The Chinese approach resulted in a decrease in public trust, a phenomenon that has also been unfolding in the U.S.

And much like their American counterparts, Chinese bureaucrats initially scrambled together information from a cacophony of political and expert voices. This indecision blunted their response to the viral outbreak in the decisive early days of the pandemic, even though it was eventually replaced by an official narrative emphasizing efficiency and success. In both systems, bureaucratic delays had detrimental consequences for public health.

An anchor of stability

Amid the heightened geopolitical tensions between Beijing and Washington, it is important to remember that all powers rely on capable administrations to implement political directives. Politics set the tone, but bureaucrats shape reality.

And the modus operandi of Chinese and American bureaucrats has remained strikingly stable over the years – driven primarily by incentives rather than ideology. This similarity is increasingly being reflected by converging leadership styles at the top of each political system.

U.S. President Donald Trump resembles Chinese President Xi Jinping in his campaign-style politics and the cult of personality that many political observers see developing around him.

There is a definite upside to similar bureaucratic behavior. It renders the two superpowers more predictable in periods of increasingly heated political rhetoric.

For national leaders’ proclamations to have any effect, large bureaucratic organizations need to translate political content into national and international action. Not only does this take time and resources, but erratic announcements are dissipated by bureaucratic routines.

And that provides an anchor of stability in volatile times.

The Conversation

While working for the German Institute of Development and Sustainability, Daniel E. Esser received funding from the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development.

Heiner Janus works for the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS), which receives funding from the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development.

Mark Theisen works for the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS), which receives funding from the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development.

Tim Röthel works for the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS), which receives funding from the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development.

ref. 2 superpowers, 1 playbook: Why Chinese and US bureaucrats think and act alike – https://theconversation.com/2-superpowers-1-playbook-why-chinese-and-us-bureaucrats-think-and-act-alike-266305

La pertinence des chiffres en question : l’exemple du coût d’une journée d’hospitalisation

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Laurent Mériade, Professeur des universités en sciences de gestion – Agrégé des facultés – IAE – CleRMa, Université Clermont Auvergne (UCA)

Dans les journaux, à la télévision ou au Parlement, des chiffres sont souvent sortis comme des arguments irréfutables. Mais de quoi parlent les chiffres ? Le pouvoir magique qui leur était associé il y a plusieurs siècles a-t-il complètement disparu ? Un chiffre est-il toujours incontestable ? Une réflexion encore plus indispensable à l’heure de l’IA toute-puissante.


Dépenses de santé, émissions de gaz à effet de serre, aides publiques aux entreprises, taux de délinquance, coût de la dette, de la fraude fiscale, du système de retraite, des aides sociales… Les dirigeants usent et souvent abusent de chiffres pour justifier leurs décisions ou encore leurs manières de faire ou, parfois, de ne pas faire.

En ce moment, à l’occasion de la discussion de la loi de finances pour 2026 au Parlement, nous assistons tous les jours à des batailles de « chiffres » entre parlementaires. Cependant, peut-on réellement s’y fier ? Et quelles significations leur accorder ?

Des chiffres à la valeur symbolique

Les mathématiciens attribuent, depuis l’époque mésopotamienne (environ 3000 av. notre ère) trois principales significations aux chiffres : économique, idéologique et mystique.

Les tablettes d’argile cunéiforme retrouvées à cette époque représentent à 80 % des textes administratifs de nature d’abord économique comportant principalement des données chiffrées. Il peut s’agir des dimensions d’un champ ou d’une maison, des rations de nourriture, des effectifs de soldats d’une armée, ou encore les volumes d’un stock.




À lire aussi :
La gouvernance par les nombres ne façonne-t-elle pas trop les politiques publiques ?


Les nombres remplissaient aussi un rôle idéologique, notamment en fonction de leur importance. On peut citer le nombre 3 600 qui signifie à la fois « totalité » et « innombrable ». Les chiffres pouvaient également posséder une signification mystique. Les anciens Mésopotamiens associaient certains nombres à des divinités. Par exemple, on utilisait ou insérait le 15 (associé à la déesse de l’amour et de la guerre, Ishtar) pour montrer la puissance du nombre.

Un chiffre, trois dimensions

D’une manière étonnamment similaire à celle des Mésopotamiens, de nos jours, les gestionnaires considèrent aussi que leurs matières premières que représentent les chiffres sont à la fois le résultat d’une technique de calcul, d’une philosophie, et d’une représentation de la réalité. Cette signification en trois dimensions qui jalonne l’histoire des chiffres pousse à analyser plus en détail les manières dont ces chiffres (ou nombres) sont produits, alors même que nous disposons de peu d’outils pour évaluer la valeur scientifique de ces chiffrements.

Dans l’un de nos derniers articles, nous montrons que la valeur scientifique de ces chiffrements provient avant tout de leur pertinence, qui correspond à une mesure de l’utilité d’une réponse. Elle est une indication de l’importance de cette réponse pour un objectif important. Les chiffres pertinents sont ceux étroitement liés à un problème et les ignorer modifierait le problème.

Globalement, les travaux en gestion ou en économie retiennent trois formes de pertinence – pratique, théorique, sociétale – souvent rattachées aux vertus intellectuelles d’Aristote :

  • la pertinence pratique correspond à l’utilité d’un chiffre pour une question ou un problème particulier (la techne aristotélicienne) ;

  • la pertinence théorique correspond à la connaissance intellectuelle produite par ce chiffre (l’episteme) ;

  • la pertinence sociétale ou sociale correspond au savoir pratique commun produit (la phronesis).

L’étude de la pertinence des chiffres consiste souvent à interroger les utilisateurs de ces chiffres. Il est cependant difficile de juger de cette pertinence pour le plus grand nombre, car leurs utilisateurs les communiquent souvent en fonction de leurs propres subjectivités et intérêts particuliers.

La part invisible des chiffres

À travers l’analyse de la production des chiffres des dépenses et coûts hospitaliers en France, nous montrons que les pertinences pratique, théorique et sociétale des chiffres sont avant tout déterminées par leurs méthodes de calcul. Ces méthodes sont souvent la partie invisible des chiffres.

En France, par exemple pour l’année 2023, les coûts hospitaliers totaux annuels (publics et privés) étaient évalués environ à 100 milliards d’euros dans l’Objectif national de dépenses d’assurance maladie (Ondam) voté par l’Assemblée nationale, 122 milliards d’euros par la Direction de la recherche, des études, de l’évaluation et des statistiques (Drees) et à 248 milliards d’euros par l’Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (Insee).

Ces dépenses hospitalières sont dépendantes du coût d’une journée d’hospitalisation. En France, depuis la réforme de la tarification à l’activité (T2A), les tarifs d’hospitalisation sont facturés aux usagers ou à leurs caisses d’assurance maladie par journée de présence du patient dans l’hôpital. Pour l’Agence technique de l’information sur l’hospitalisation (ATIH), le coût moyen d’une journée d’hospitalisation dans un hôpital public français est environ de 700 euros, mais il est de 600 euros dans les services de médecine, 950 euros dans les services de chirurgie et environ de 2 000 euros en soins intensifs.

Le juste prix de l’hospitalisation existe-t-il ?

Cette journée d’hospitalisation est facturée aux patients ou à leurs caisses d’assurance maladie en moyenne 1 400 euros dans un service de médecine, mais elle est facturée en chirurgie en moyenne 1 700 euros et en moyenne 3 000 euros en soins intensifs. Pour le cabinet EY, en 2025, ce coût d’une journée d’hospitalisation est encore différent. Il est en moyenne de 873 euros en médecine et de 365 euros dans un service de soins et de réhabilitation (SSR).

Comme le dénonçait le député (et médecin) Cyrille Isaac-Sibille lors d’une récente commission des affaires sociales de l’Assemblée nationale : « Plus personne ne sait évaluer les dépenses de santé ! »

La pertinence des méthodes de calcul avant celle des chiffres

Dans notre étude, nous montrons que la fiabilité des chiffres produits provient avant tout de la pertinence de leur méthode de calcul. Pour cela, dans un groupe de travail constitué de gestionnaires, de chefs de service, de cadres de santé et de médecins d’un centre français de lutte contre le cancer chargés de l’analyse des chiffres produits dans cet établissement, nous identifions que la pertinence de la méthode de calcul du coût d’une journée d’hospitalisation peut être mesurée par quatre principaux critères : causalité, traçabilité, exhaustivité et représentativité (ou CTER model).

  • La causalité consiste à comprendre et à expliquer l’origine des chiffres calculés c’est-à-dire la force du lien entre le chiffre calculé et ses éléments de calcul. Par exemple, dans le cas des coûts d’une journée d’hospitalisation, s’assurer du lien entre le chiffre calculé et les principaux déterminants de ce chiffre : nombre ou temps de personnel de santé présents près du patient dans une journée, durée du séjour, coût d’un repas, nombre et coût des prises médicamenteuses ou des actes d’imagerie, etc.

  • La traçabilité permet de s’assurer de la fiabilité des informations de calcul et de leur possibilité de recueil. Par exemple, pour le calcul du coût d’une journée d’hospitalisation, être certain de pouvoir recueillir des informations fiables concernant la durée exacte d’un séjour hospitalier, le coût d’un repas pris durant ce séjour, le coût exact d’un acte d’imagerie médicale, le nombre de médicaments pris et leurs coûts, etc.

  • L’exhaustivité de la méthode est déterminée par le niveau de détail des informations utilisées pour calculer un chiffre. Si pour calculer le chiffre final on utilise des calculs de moyennes (par exemple, les durées moyennes de séjour pour le coût d’une journée d’hospitalisation), l’exhaustivité est faible. Si l’on utilise des éléments spécifiques (par exemple, la durée spécifique de chaque séjour hospitalier), l’exhaustivité est plus importante. Plus on utilise des éléments de calcul spécifiques et détaillés plus l’exhaustivité est grande. Plus on utilise des valeurs moyennes ou médianes, moins l’exhaustivité est grande.

Le respect de ces trois premiers critères permet de s’assurer de la précision des chiffres produits. On peut considérer qu’un chiffre est imprécis s’il ne respecte pas, ou s’il ne le fait que partiellement, ces trois principes.

  • Enfin, la représentativité évalue le rapport entre le chiffre calculé et les valeurs représentées par ses éléments de calcul. Elle détermine le nombre de valeurs (économique, sociale, sociétale, éthique, etc.) que ces éléments de calcul peuvent illustrer et permettre de gérer. Si le chiffre est calculé à partir d’éléments uniquement économiques (par exemple le coût d’un repas, d’une imagerie ou d’une heure de personnel), la représentativité est faible. En revanche, si le calcul d’un chiffre mobilise également des éléments techniques (la durée exacte du séjour, le nombre de kg de linge utilisés, de repas pris, d’imageries médicales, des personnels mobilisés ou de médicaments prescrits) qui nous informent sur les valeurs sociales, sociétales ou éthiques d’une journée d’hospitalisation alors, la représentativité est plus importante et la méthode de calcul est jugée plus pertinente.
Xerfi Canal, 2022.

Développer des outils de vérification

Face aux flux de données chiffrées que l’on reçoit tous les jours, il parait essentiel de vérifier la pertinence des méthodes de calcul avant celle des chiffres qu’elles produisent. La mobilisation des quatre critères de pertinence des méthodes de calcul produits par nos travaux (CTER) peut permettre de concevoir cette justification. Dans la plupart des situations, cela devrait être à l’utilisateur de ces chiffres (celui qui les communique) de justifier un ou plusieurs de ces critères (a minima la causalité ou la traçabilité).

Mais on pourrait également imaginer le développement de dispositifs ou outils de vérification de ces critères de pertinence des méthodes de calcul à l’image du fact-checking qu’opèrent déjà des sites d’information spécialisés sur les chiffres communiqués ou utilisés (AFP Factuel, Le vrai ou faux de France Info, Désintox d’Arte). En intégrant ces critères dans leurs algorithmes, les outils d’intelligence artificielle (IA) peuvent être également un précieux recours dans ces opérations de vérification des méthodes de calcul avant celles des chiffres.

The Conversation

Laurent Mériade a reçu des financements de l’Agence nationale de la recherche (ANR) et de l’Union Européenne (FEDER) pour mener ses travaux de recherche notamment dans le cadre de la chaire de recherche “Santé & Territoires” de l’Université Clermont Auvergne dont il est co-titulaire.

ref. La pertinence des chiffres en question : l’exemple du coût d’une journée d’hospitalisation – https://theconversation.com/la-pertinence-des-chiffres-en-question-lexemple-du-cout-dune-journee-dhospitalisation-266834

De Neropolis à Trumptown, l’ambivalence des dorures

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Matthieu Poux, Professeur des universités en Archéologie romaine et gallo-romaine, Université Lumière Lyon 2

En matière d’architecture comme d’ébénisterie, les dorures ont pour principale fonction de rehausser l’éclat des constructions ou du mobilier afin de manifester l’opulence de leurs propriétaires. Mais quand le temps fait son œuvre, elles acquièrent une nouvelle vertu : masquer leur décrépitude.


Bien avant les fastes de Versailles, symptôme paradoxal des failles de l’Ancien Régime qui l’ont mené à son déclin, le double usage des dorures prévalait déjà sous l’Empire romain. Au début des années 20 avant notre ère, Auguste, premier empereur de Rome, a triomphé de tous ses ennemis, au sénat comme sur les champs de bataille. Parvenu au faîte d’un pouvoir sans partage, au terme d’un siècle de guerres civiles et sociales, il proclame l’avènement d’une nouvelle ère de paix et de prospérité : l’âge d’or (aurea aetas), ou siècle d’or (saeculum aureum), censé marquer le retour aux temps heureux, insouciants et prospères de la Rome des origines.

Du sol au plafond

Cette nouvelle propagande distillée par les poètes de cour (Horace, Virgile, Ovide…) se traduit aussi par un programme de constructions monumentales sans précédent. Forums, édifices de culte, de spectacle et de loisir se multiplient à Rome comme dans toutes les provinces de l’Empire. Leur décoration sculptée ou peinte célèbre les mythes des origines, la nature exubérante et… l’or sous toutes ses formes : lettres dorées, apposées au fronton des nouveaux temples dédiés à l’empereur, statues revêtues de feuilles d’or, jusqu’aux stucs et boiseries des palais impériaux, sont la marque visible d’une richesse recouvrée et inépuisable, tirée du butin et des nouveaux territoires arrachés par Auguste à l’ennemi intérieur et extérieur.

Son lointain successeur Néron, dernier empereur de la dynastie julio-claudienne, portera ce message au paroxysme. Son somptueux palais de plusieurs dizaines d’hectares, construit sur les ruines fumantes de Rome incendiée en 65 de notre ère, était selon le biographe Suétone entièrement décorée de marbres, de peintures, de stucs et de boiseries dorés à la feuille d’or et incrustés de pierreries. Une débauche de moyens déployés du sol au plafond, qui lui a valu le nom de « Maison dorée » (Domus aurea).

La Domus aurea ou Maison dorée est un immense palais impérial de la Rome antique, construit pour Néron, qui couvrait une partie importante de Rome intra muros sur plusieurs dizaines d’hectares.
Matthieu Poux, Fourni par l’auteur

L’indécence de ce Versailles avant la lettre a défrayé la chronique de l’époque, qui prête à Néron l’intention de rebaptiser Rome Neropolis (ville de Néron) et fait naître le soupçon qu’il serait responsable de l’incendie lui-même. Le martyre infligé à une petite communauté d’origine juive, qui se reconnaissait sous le nom de chrétiens, vient opportunément détourner l’attention.

Son propriétaire n’en jouira pas longtemps, puisqu’il est assassiné quelques années plus tard, à la faveur de l’une de ces révolutions de palais qui avaient déjà révélé, sous Caligula, la relative précarité d’un pouvoir impérial qui se voulait absolu. Ses opposants tirent profit d’une conjoncture économique dégradée, souffrant de la fragilité des importations alimentaires, d’un système fiscal inégalitaire et d’une confusion de plus en plus criante entre les finances de l’État et la cassette personnelle de l’empereur. Instabilité politique, explosion des dépenses et dévaluations monétaires annoncent déjà la chute d’un Empire fortement dépendant de son expansionnisme forcené, qui prendra fin une trentaine d’années après la chute de Néron.

Du Neropolis à Trumptown

Le parallèle est facile avec le nouvel « âge d’or » (American Golden Age) proclamé par Donald Trump à la face de l’Amérique. Une référence au Gilded Age (« période dorée »), correspondant à la période de prospérité et de reconstruction consécutive à la guerre de Sécession dans le dernier tiers du XIXᵉ siècle, incarnant sa volonté de mettre un terme aux dissensions politiques et aux difficultés économiques du pays. Ou bien plutôt, une forme de wishful thinking (pensée magique) qui, si l’on en croit les indicateurs, peine encore à se traduire dans les portefeuilles ou dans les sondages.

Quant à sa traduction matérielle, elle ne peut manquer d’interpeller archéologues et historiens de l’Antiquité. Depuis le come-back inattendu de Trump début 2025, l’or a envahi le bureau Ovale et les couloirs de la Maison Blanche : inscriptions, encadrements de tableaux et de portes, moulures, appliques, rideaux… jusqu’aux parasols ornant la terrasse bétonnée qui a remplacé le Rose Garden cher à Jackie Kennedy. L’emblématique East Wing construite par Franklin Roosevelt n’est pas épargnée, qui fera bientôt place à une gigantesque salle de bal dorée du sol au plafond, inspirée de celle qui orne la résidence personnelle de Trump à Mar-a-Lago en Floride.




À lire aussi :
Grands travaux et démesure : Trump réinvente la Maison Blanche


La frénésie édilitaire du président réélu va jusqu’à planifier la construction, avant le 4 juillet 2026, d’un arc de triomphe dans la droite lignée de Napoléon… et d’Auguste, à qui l’on doit le premier arc de triomphe en pierre érigé à Rome.

En moins d’un an, l’or sur fond blanc est devenu la marque de reconnaissance de la présidence Trump et en constituera, à n’en pas douter, l’empreinte archéologique, avec ses projets immobiliers et « d’embellissement » démesurés à plusieurs centaines de millions de dollars, dans une Amérique dont le taux d’endettement dépasse les 120 % du PIB et où un dixième de la population vit toujours sous le seuil de pauvreté.

Le syndrome de Midas

Ce cadre étincelant suffira-t-il à masquer les velléités totalitaires d’un exécutif qui, bien que légitimement élu, est marqué depuis un an par une soumission rampante du Sénat, de la Chambre des représentants, des forces armées et militaires ? à occulter une précarité économique devenue la principale cause de l’impopularité croissante du locataire de la Maison Blanche ? Les prochaines échéances électorales – à supposer qu’elles puissent se tenir dans des conditions normales – fourniront un premier élément de réponse. Si de nouveaux boucs émissaires ont déjà été désignés, pour détourner l’attention de cette confusion croissante entre intérêts publics et privés, les palais dorés ont rarement pour vertu d’apaiser la révolte populaire.

Et dans l’histoire, comme dans les mythes, les exemples sont légion de ces monarques outranciers qui, de Midas à Néron, se sont distingués par leur faculté à transformer l’or en plomb.

Statue équestre de Marc Aurèle en bronze doré, musées du Capitole, Rome.
Wikimeédia, CC BY

Comparaison n’est certes pas raison et Washington apparaît bien éloignée de Rome. On aurait pourtant tort d’y voir une simple analogie formelle, dont l’anachronisme ferait l’impasse sur la nature radicalement différente des sociétés antique et contemporaine. De fait, deux siècles de démocratie pèsent peu face aux cinq siècles d’existence de la République romaine.

Le génie d’Auguste a consisté à imposer à son peuple un nouveau régime d’essence monarchique et totalitaire (le principat), tout en préservant en façade le maintien des institutions républicaines (sénat, comices, magistratures civiles et religieuses…). Si son succès s’appuie sur une forme de consensus, il doit plus encore à une propagande omniprésente véhiculée par la littérature, les images et de simples ornementations dont on aurait tort, aujourd’hui, de minimiser le pouvoir insidieux.

L’histoire ne lui donnera pas tort, puisque son empire lui survivra pendant près de quatre siècles avant que l’aggravation de la situation politique, économique et migratoire par ses héritiers ait définitivement raison des fastes de l’âge d’or. Pour autant, les soubresauts et renversements dynastiques qui émaillent les premières décennies de l’Empire romain en ont tôt fait apparaître les craquelures. Nul ne peut nier qu’elles fracturent déjà l’Amérique de Trump, dont les frasques évoquent de plus en plus celles d’un Néron – un homme de spectacle, lui aussi ! Cette leçon dispensée du fond des âges n’a pas forcément vocation à voir l’histoire se répéter. Mais elle offre une grille de lecture pour tenter de comprendre et d’anticiper le monde qui vient.

The Conversation

Matthieu Poux ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. De Neropolis à Trumptown, l’ambivalence des dorures – https://theconversation.com/de-neropolis-a-trumptown-lambivalence-des-dorures-271265

80 ans de la Sécurité sociale : revenir à l’esprit fondateur pour couvrir davantage de risques

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Philippe Batifoulier, Professeur d’économie / CEPN (UMR 7234 CNRS), Université Sorbonne Paris Nord

La Sécurité sociale couvre aujourd’hui différents secteurs (maladie, accident du travail, retraite, perte d’autonomie, famille) grâce à ses différentes caisses. Malgré le recul de certains droits sociaux, cette institution, née de la Résistance, reste résolument moderne. Elle pourrait même servir de modèle de protection sociale face à d’autres risques, par exemple ceux dûs au dérèglement climatique ou à l’insécurité alimentaire.


L’année 2025 est l’occasion de nombreuses manifestations visant à célébrer les 80 ans de la Sécurité sociale. Les ordonnances des 4 et 19 octobre 1945 marquent une étape importante de l’histoire de France.

Dans son article 1, l’ordonnance du 4 octobre dispose que :

la Sécurité sociale est « destinée à garantir les travailleurs et leurs familles contre les risques de toute nature susceptibles de réduire ou de supprimer leur capacité de gain, à couvrir les charges de maternité et les charges de famille qu’ils supportent. »

Née de la Résistance

Si les ordonnances d’octobre 1945 fournissent un point focal, elles ne sont que de l’encre sur du papier et il faut à la fois tout un processus pour en arriver là et toute une énergie pour que la loi se traduise concrètement par des droits sociaux.

Ce processus passe par l’adoption, le 15 mars 1944, du programme du Conseil national de la Résistance (CNR) initialement baptisé « Les jours heureux », qui prévoit un « plan complet de sécurité sociale, visant à assurer à tous les citoyens des moyens d’existence dans tous les cas où ils sont incapables de se le procurer par le travail. »

La date est importante et montre que la Sécurité sociale s’inscrit dans un mouvement de résistance non seulement face à l’occupant mais aussi face à un pôle collaborateur qui promeut sa propre conception de la protection sociale – la France de Vichy.

L’énergie est celle de ceux qui ont construit des caisses primaires de sécurité sociale à partir du 1er juillet 1946. Il ne suffit pas de décréter des droits. Il faut les organiser, il faut des lieux où les assurés vont pouvoir les faire valoir. C’est sous l’impulsion du ministre communiste Ambroise Croizat et du haut fonctionnaire Pierre Laroque, révoqué par Vichy parce juif, que vont se mettre en place les guichets de sécurité sociale.

Face au refus de participation de la Confédération française des travailleurs chrétiens, ce sont essentiellement les militants de la Confédération générale du travail qui construisent les caisses de sécurité sociale.

Cinq risques couverts : vieillesse, maladie, maternité, décès et invalidité

Les assurances sociales existaient avant 1945, en particulier avec les lois de 1928-1930 qui promulguent une protection obligatoire des salariés de l’industrie et du commerce dont le salaire est inférieur à un plafond. Un financement par le biais d’une cotisation obligatoire représentant 8 % du salaire et payée, en part égale, par l’employeur et par l’employé est mis en place.

Il repose également sur l’identification de cinq risques : la vieillesse, la maladie, la maternité, le décès et l’invalidité. À ces lois s’ajouteront une loi sur les allocations familiales en 1932 et une loi sur les retraites en 1941 qui instaure le régime de retraite par répartition ainsi que le minimum vieillesse. La Sécurité sociale hérite de cette histoire. Mais toute la population n’est pas couverte du fait du mécanisme de plafond d’affiliation (qui exclut les salariés les mieux rémunérés) et de la variété des statuts hors salariat.

Le régime général, une institution révolutionnaire

L’innovation majeure de 1945 est la création du régime général (RG) qui est une institution révolutionnaire. Sa radicalité s’incarne par la création d’une caisse unique (pour tous les travailleurs et tous les risques sociaux), une cotisation sociale interprofessionnelle à taux unique alors qu’elle dépendait auparavant de l’entreprise, et une gestion de la Sécurité sociale par les « intéressés », c’est-à-dire les salariés cotisants. Cette organisation confère donc aux salariés eux-mêmes la gestion de l’institution (en majorité face au patronat aussi représenté dans les caisses).

La Sécurité sociale n’est pas une institution étatique et reste encore une institution de droit privé qui remplit une mission de service public. L’État est mis à distance notamment parce qu’une majorité de parlementaires a voté les pleins pouvoirs à Pétain. Tous les grands corps sont discrédités, en particulier le patronat qui s’est compromis avec l’occupant nazi. La gestion du budget de la Sécurité sociale est confiée aux résistants, les travailleurs.

Dès 1946, le régime général est une bataille et doit faire face à de nombreux opposants. Les gestionnaires ouvriers sont mis en procès pour mauvaise gestion des comptes et les débats du Parlement en 1946 révèlent que les arguments contre la « Sécu » n’ont pas changé : les cotisations freinent la compétitivité des entreprises (à l’époque, c’est la concurrence japonaise qui était visée), les assurés fraudent les prestations, seuls les plus pauvres doivent être ciblés par la « Sécu » et il faut laisser les autres s’assurer comme ils l’entendent, etc.

L’étatisation de la Sécurité sociale

L’État, qui n’a jamais réellement disparu en gardant la main sur le niveau des cotisations et de certaines prestations, va progressivement reprendre le pouvoir sur les intéressés et transformer la Sécurité sociale en une agence d’État.

Cette étatisation s’incarne dans quatre processus fondamentaux :

  1. La gestion par les intéressés qui est l’innovation majeure de 1945–1946 se traduisait par des conseils d’administration des caisses primaires constitués de trois quarts de représentants syndicaux et un quart de représentants patronaux. La réforme Jeanneney de 1967 introduit un paritarisme et donne le même nombre de sièges aux organisations patronales.
    Cette réforme met fin aussi au principe de la caisse unique en créant trois caisses au sein du régime général, celles que nous connaissons aujourd’hui : la Caisse nationale d’assurance maladie ou CNAM (vouée aux maladies et accidents du travail), la Caisse nationale d’assurance vieillesse ou CNAV (qui concerne la retraite) et la Caisse nationale des allocations familiales ou CNAF (plus couramment appelée la CAF, en charge de la famille). La Caisse nationale des solidarités pour l’autonomie ou CNSA est venue se rajouter en 2021.

  2. Depuis le plan Juppé de 1995, le Parlement vote chaque année le budget de la Sécurité sociale. Les prestations sociales et notamment les dotations hospitalières sont tributaires des arbitrages budgétaires de l’État et de l’austérité budgétaire. Le choix de ce qu’il faut financer ou définancer, les règles de calcul, est la propriété des parlementaires et non plus de la représentation ouvrière.

  3. Le pouvoir d’État s’accompagne d’une prolifération d’agences et de bureaucraties techniques comme la Haute Autorité de santé (HAS), l’Union nationale des caisses d’assurance maladie ou encore les agences régionales de la santé (ARS). Avec ces agences, l’État central recentralise la politique sociale. Ainsi, pour la politique hospitalière, les ARS sont-elles dirigées par un « préfet sanitaire » directement nommé par le gouvernement et qui désigne lui-même les directeurs hôpitaux. La chaîne de commandement va du ministère à l’hôpital.

  4. Enfin, la réappropriation de la Sécurité sociale par l’État s’observe dans la fiscalisation croissante de la protection sociale avec la contribution sociale généralisée (CSG). Cet impôt, créé en 1991 avec un taux de 1,1 %, vaut aujourd’hui 9,2 % en régime normal. Son taux est fixé par l’État et il est prélevé sur d’autres revenus que les revenus du travail, comme les pensions de retraite et les allocations chômage. Contrairement à la cotisation sociale, la CSG n’ouvre pas de droits sociaux en contrepartie.

Du fait de cette fiscalisation, en 2024, la part des cotisations sociales n’était plus que de 48 % des recettes des administrations de sécurité sociale (contre 90 % à la fin des années 1980)

Ne pas fantasmer la « Sécu de 45 »

Cette évolution va de pair avec des droits de meilleure qualité aujourd’hui qu’en 1946. Il ne faut pas fantasmer la « Sécu de 45 », car l’essentiel des dépenses de sécurité sociale concernait les allocations familiales, les dépenses de santé étant principalement constituées des indemnités journalières et la Sécurité sociale était largement genrée puisque faite pour « Monsieur Gagnepain » et non « Madame Aufoyer ».

Cependant, l’étatisation a aussi accompagné, depuis les années 1980, un recul des droits sociaux avec les réformes successives sur les retraites et la santé en particulier, toujours menées pour « sauver la Sécurité sociale ».

Vers des « Sécurités sociales » climatique, de l’alimentation… ?

La Sécurité sociale reste une institution très populaire. Si elle était une institution de la résistance, elle n’est pas pour autant une institution du passé. Au contraire, elle incarne la modernité. D’abord, en 1945-1946, elle répond de façon inédite à l’incapacité du capitalisme à répondre à la question sociale. Ensuite, de nos jours, elle offre un moyen de penser l’avenir sur de nombreux domaines.

La variété des propositions d’extension de la Sécurité sociale à d’autres risques en témoigne. Un rapport récent publié par le Haut-Commissariat à la stratégie et au plan (anciennement France Stratégie) pose l’hypothèse d’une Sécurité sociale climatique. L’argumentation s’appuie sur la grande proximité entre le risque climatique et le risque social. Ces deux risques sont collectifs et très difficiles à individualiser.

Qui est responsable des inondations et comment organiser la couverture de risque avec les outils habituels du monde de l’assurance ? Une sécurité sociale climatique pourrait non seulement être plus égalitaire et plus économe, mais son ampleur financière pourrait solvabiliser les travaux d’adaptation au changement climatique qu’aucun assureur individuel ne pourrait prendre en charge.

L’autre grand champ de développement de la sécurité sociale concerne la Sécurité sociale de l’alimentation. Partant du constat de l’échec des politiques alimentaires (à distribuer de la nourriture à tous en quantité et en qualité suffisante), alors même que le secteur est largement subventionné, les expérimentations de Sécurité sociale de l’alimentation s’inspirent largement des outils de la Sécurité sociale : conventionnement, cotisation, caisse, pouvoir démocratique des intéressés, etc. Ces projets s’inscrivent dans des conceptions populaires de l’écologie qui renouvellent les formes de lutte.

En plus du climat et de l’alimentation, beaucoup d’autres activités font l’objet de réflexions à partir de la Sécurité sociale. Ainsi la Sécurité sociale des décès invoque une mutualisation des coûts de la fin de vie dans un contexte où les funérailles sont souvent hors de prix et s’ajoutent à la charge mentale et au travail des sentiments.

Ce foisonnement de plaidoyers pour l’extension de la sécurité sociale concerne aussi la culture ou l’énergie, etc. La Sécurité sociale – mais laquelle ? – n’est-elle pas un exemple à généraliser ? Car, pour beaucoup, la Sécurité sociale est une institution capable d’organiser collectivement et démocratiquement la société. Elle permet à chacun de trouver sa place en échappant à toutes les formes d’insécurités économiques, politiques et sociales.

La Sécurité sociale est résolument une institution de la modernité.

The Conversation

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

ref. 80 ans de la Sécurité sociale : revenir à l’esprit fondateur pour couvrir davantage de risques – https://theconversation.com/80-ans-de-la-securite-sociale-revenir-a-lesprit-fondateur-pour-couvrir-davantage-de-risques-271694