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January 6, 2026

From Kathmandu to Casablanca, a generation under surveillance is rising up

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Amani Braa, Assistant lecturer, Université de Montréal

In 2025, youth-led protests erupted everywhere from Morocco to Nepal, Madagascar and Europe. A generation refused to remain silent in the face of economic precariousness, corruption and eroding democratic norms and institutions.

Although they arose in different contexts, all the protests were met with the same playbook of responses: repression, contempt and suspicion towards youth dismissed as irresponsible.

Mobilization across several continents

In Morocco, the #Gen212 movement, which originated on social media, denounced the high cost of living, police violence, muzzling of civil society and lack of opportunities. This mobilization, which began digitally on platforms such as Discord, quickly spilled over from screens into concrete action taken in several cities across the country.

In Madagascar, young people took to the streets at the end of September in a climate of high pre-election tensions to demand real change before being violently repressed. In Nepal, thousands of young people occupyied public spaces, demanding genuine democracy and an end to the corruption that is undermining the country.

In Europe, too, youth are mobilizing against authoritarian excesses and persistent inequalities. In Italy, France, and Spain, young people are taking to the streets to protest gender-based violence, unpopular reforms and police repression and to demand recognition of their political rights.

Although the contexts are very different, these mobilizations share the same goal of refusing injustice and demanding that marginalized voices be heard.

Authorities call youth immature and irrational

These movements are often treated as fleeting emotional outbursts, even though they express structured political demands for social justice, freedom, economic security, access to dignity and participation.

Yet the responses by governments have been heading in a totally different direction — towards increased repression. Young protesters are being monitored, arrested, stigmatized and sometimes accused of treason or of being manipulated by foreign powers.

In Morocco, for example, nearly 2,500 young people have been prosecuted, with more than 400 convicted — including 76 minors — since September 2025. The charges include “group rebellion,” “incitement to commit crimes” and participating in armed gatherings. More than 60 prison sentences have been handed down, some of them for up to 15 years.

This mass judicialization of a peaceful movement has been denounced by Amnesty International, which points to excessive uses of force and the increasing criminalization of protest.

In Madagascar, the response was just as brutal: at least 22 deaths, more than 100 injuries and hundreds of arbitrary arrests were recorded during youth demonstrations against corruption and electoral irregularities.

According to the United Nations, security forces used rubber bullets and tear gas to disperse the crowds. The crisis culminated in the flight of President Andry Rajoelina, which confirmed that, far from defusing the conflict, the crackdown revealed institutions’ fragility in the face of politicized youth.

A discourse referring to parental responsibility

The actions of the young people who have been arrested during recent protests are often attributed to lack of parental responsibility.

In Morocco, for example, the Home Office has called on parents to supervise and guide their children. In Indonesia, the Philippines, Peru and Nepal alike, authorities call on parents to supervise, guide or restrain their children, shifting the political conflict into the family sphere.

This trend illustrates what national security researcher Fatima Ahdash calls the “familialization” of politics: instead of addressing the social, economic and ideological causes of protests, governments turn them into a matter of home education, depoliticizing, individualizing and privatizing the protests in the process. Families become the prism through which young people’s political behaviour is interpreted, evaluated and sometimes punished.

This response isn’t new, but it’s taking on unprecedented proportions in a global context of democratic fragility and authoritarian recentring of power marked by the restriction of freedoms, the control of protest and the criminalization of social movements.

States are adopting a defensive stance, treating youth engagement not as a civic resource but as a threat to be neutralized. This hardened stance is symptomatic of a deeper problem: youth are refusing to be satisfied with empty promises and forced compromises, but they face powers unable to recognize the legitimacy of their anger and aspirations..

Silencing criticism

Repression in response to criticism has become a tactic governments use to avoid being questioned. But this strategy is becoming increasingly fragile.

That’s because first, it denies the legitimacy of the anger being expressed. Secondly, it ignores a fundamental reality: that this anger is rooted in collective experiences of social decline, discrimination and political powerlessness. It’s not empty anger. It expresses a demand for social, political and environmental change that institutions are struggling to grasp.

Unlike mobilizations likr the Arab Spring of 2011, the current protests led by Generation Z are horizontal; they are decentralized, have no identifiable leaders, and are rooted in the urgency of the present.

They also originate on social media, organize themselves into autonomous micro-cells, reject structuring ideological narratives, and favour a politics of everyday life — meaning they reject precariousness while calling for immediate dignity and concrete justice.

Their esthetic is fluid, borrowing from digital codes — memes, manga, visual remixes — and their forms circulate through emotional affinities rather than imitation. This makes them elusive to the powers that be, but powerfully viral.

These movements stir up political emotions (anger, but also hope) and create new languages, digital practices and forms of engagement that often lie outside traditional parties.

One unifying visual element keeps coming up: the black flag with a skull and crossbones wearing a straw hat, a symbol taken from the manga One Piece. More than just a nod to pop culture, this Jolly Roger embodies a thirst for justice, freedom and rebellion shared by a globalized youth, from Kathmandu to Rome.

In Serbia, for example, a student uprising in early 2025 with no visible leader united thousands of people around a simple slogan: more democracy. The movement spread to other generations, without any party or hierarchy, challenging a government that tried to stifle the protests through force and stigmatization.

Evading censorship

Meanwhile, the young people of Cuba Decide are mobilizing on digital platforms to demand a democratic referendum in the midst of constant surveillance. Thanks to encrypted tools and alliances abroad, they are circumventing censorship and amplifying their voices beyond borders.

While criminalizing young people and their protests may slow their momentum, it doesn’t solve anything. It only undermines the social contract, fuels political disenchantment and reinforces polarization. What’s more, it risks pushing demands for reform to outright refusal of the status quo.

Recent protests remind us of an obvious fact: young people are not “the future,” but political entities in the present. Governments need to hear not just the noise of protest, but the clarity of the demands: justice, dignity, representation and a future.

Amani Braa received funding from the Fonds de Recherche du Québec – Sociétés et Culture (FRQ-SC).

– ref. From Kathmandu to Casablanca, a generation under surveillance is rising up – https://theconversation.com/from-kathmandu-to-casablanca-a-generation-under-surveillance-is-rising-up-270624

January 6, 2026

The battle over a global energy transition is on between petro-states and electro-states – here’s what to watch for in 2026

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Jennifer Morgan, Senior Fellow, Center for International Environment and Resource Policy and Climate Policy Lab, Tufts University

Solar power has been expanding quickly, but natural gas is also booming. Gerard Julien/AFP via Getty Images

Two years ago, countries around the world set a goal of “transitioning away from fossil fuels in energy systems in a just, orderly and equitable manner.” The plan included tripling renewable energy capacity and doubling energy efficiency gains by 2030 – important steps for slowing climate change since the energy sector makes up about 75% of the global carbon dioxide emissions that are heating up the planet.

The world is making progress: More than 90% of new power capacity added in 2024 came from renewable energy sources, and 2025 saw similar growth.

However, fossil fuel production is also still expanding. And the United States, the world’s leading producer of both oil and natural gas, is now aggressively pressuring countries to keep buying and burning fossil fuels.

The energy transition was not meant to be a main topic when world leaders and negotiators met at the 2025 United Nations climate summit, COP30, in November in Belém, Brazil. But it took center stage from the start to the very end, bringing attention to the real-world geopolitical energy debate underway and the stakes at hand.

Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva began the conference by calling for the creation of a formal road map, essentially a strategic process in which countries could participate to “overcome dependence on fossil fuels.” It would take the global decision to transition away from fossil fuels from words to action.

President Lula Da Silva gestures with his hands as he speaks in front of a picture of the Amazon. — Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva speaks at COP30, where he promoted the idea of a road map to help the world speed up its transition from fossil fuels to clean energy.
AP Photo/Andre Penner)

More than 80 countries said they supported the idea, ranging from vulnerable small island nations like Vanuatu that are losing land and lives from sea level rise and more intense storms, to countries like Kenya that see business opportunities in clean energy, to Australia, a large fossil-fuel-producing country.

Opposition, led by the Arab Group’s oil- and gas-producing countries, kept any mention of a “road map” energy transition plan out of the final agreement from the climate conference, but supporters are pushing ahead.

I was in Belém for COP30, and I follow developments closely as former special climate envoy and head of delegation for Germany and senior fellow at the Fletcher School at Tufts University. The fight over whether there should even be a road map shows how much countries that depend on fossil fuels are working to slow down the transition, and how others are positioning themselves to benefit from the growth of renewables. And it is a key area to watch in 2026.

The battle between electro-states and petro-states

Brazilian diplomat and COP30 President André Aranha Corrêa do Lago has committed to lead an effort in 2026 to create two road maps: one on halting and reversing deforestation and another on transitioning away from fossil fuels in energy systems in a just, orderly and equitable manner.

What those road maps will look like is still unclear. They are likely to be centered on a process for countries to discuss and debate how to reverse deforestation and phase out fossil fuels.

Over the coming months, Corrêa plans to convene high-level meetings among global leaders, including fossil fuel producers and consumers, international organizations, industries, workers, scholars and advocacy groups.

For the road map to both be accepted and be useful, the process will need to address the global market issues of supply and demand, as well as equity. For example, in some fossil fuel-producing countries, oil, gas or coal revenues are the main source of income. What can the road ahead look like for those countries that will need to diversify their economies?

A man speaks into a microphone. Behind him, a person holds a sign reading: 'Shell: Own up, clean up, pay up' — Nigeria’s Bodo community is suing Renaissance Africa Energy Company Limited, an oil consortium that acquired Shell’s Nigerian subsidiary, over two major oil spills in the Niger Delta in 2008. Shell admitted liability and settled with the community in 2014, committing to cleanup efforts. However, the Bodo community has been critical of the quality and transparency of Shell’s cleanup, and is seeking further damages and remediation. Here, activists protest the company’s actions.
Leon Neal/Getty Images

Nigeria is an interesting case study for weighing that question.

Oil exports consistently provide the bulk of Nigeria’s revenue, accounting for around 80% to over 90% of total government revenue and foreign exchange earnings. At the same time, roughly 39% of Nigeria’s population has no access to electricity, which is the highest proportion of people without electricity of any nation. And Nigeria possesses abundant renewable energy resources across the country, which are largely untapped: solar, hydro, geothermal and wind, providing new opportunities.

What a road map might look like

In Belém, representatives talked about creating a road map that would be science-based and aligned with the Paris climate agreement, and would include various pathways to achieve a just transition for fossil-fuel-dependent regions.

Some inspiration for helping fossil-fuel-producing countries transition to cleaner energy could come from Brazil and Norway.

In Brazil, Lula asked his ministries to prepare guidelines for developing a road map for gradually reducing Brazil’s dependency on fossil fuels and find a way to financially support the changes.

His decree specifically mentions creating an energy transition fund, which could be supported by government revenues from oil and gas exploration. While Brazil supports moving away from fossil fuels, it is also still a large oil producer and recently approved new exploratory drilling near the mouth of the Amazon River.

Norway, a major oil and gas producer, is establishing a formal transition commission to study and plan its economy’s shift away from fossil fuels, particularly focusing on how the workforce and the natural resources of Norway can be used more effectively to create new and different jobs.

Both countries are just getting started, but their work could help point the way for other countries and inform a global road map process.

The European Union has implemented a series of policies and laws aimed at reducing fossil fuel demand. It has a target for 42.5% of its energy to come from renewable sources by 2030. And its EU Emissions Trading System, which steadily reduces the emissions that companies can emit, will soon be expanded to cover housing and transportation. The Emissions Trading System already includes power generation, energy-intensive industry and civil aviation.

Fossil fuel and renewable energy growth ahead

In the U.S., the Trump administration has made clear through its policymaking and diplomacy that it is pursuing the opposite approach: to keep fossil fuels as the main energy source for decades to come.

The International Energy Agency still expects to see renewable energy grow faster than any other major energy source in all scenarios going forward, as renewable energy’s lower costs make it an attractive option in many countries. Globally, the agency expects investment in renewable energy in 2025 to be twice that of fossil fuels.

At the same time, however, fossil fuel investments are also rising with fast-growing energy demand.

The IEA’s World Energy Outlook described a surge in new funding for liquefied natural gas, or LNG, projects in 2025. It now expects a 50% increase in global LNG supply by 2030, about half of that from the U.S. However, the World Energy Outlook notes that “questions still linger about where all the new LNG will go” once it’s produced.

What to watch for

The Belém road map dialogue and how it balances countries’ needs will reflect on the world’s ability to handle climate change.

Corrêa plans to report on its progress at the next annual U.N. climate conference, COP31, in late 2026. The conference will be hosted by Turkey, but Australia, which supported the call for a road map, will be leading the negotiations.

With more time to discuss and prepare, COP31 may just bring a transition away from fossil fuels back into the global negotiations.

Jennifer Morgan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The battle over a global energy transition is on between petro-states and electro-states – here’s what to watch for in 2026 – https://theconversation.com/the-battle-over-a-global-energy-transition-is-on-between-petro-states-and-electro-states-heres-what-to-watch-for-in-2026-272205

January 6, 2026

Et si quelques minutes de méditation de pleine conscience pouvaient aider à réduire le stress ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Alexis Barbry, Maître de conférences en STAPS, Université de Lorraine

Une revue systématique de la littérature scientifique met en évidence les effets bénéfiques de temps courts de pleine conscience sur un marqueur physiologique du stress. Cela plaide pour une intégration de ce type de méditation dans la vie quotidienne.

Nous sommes toutes et tous confrontés au stress dans notre vie de tous les jours. Il est tout à fait normal de le ressentir. Il peut se définir comme un état de tension interne causé par une situation complexe, qui excède nos ressources cognitives, sociales ou affectives. L’important n’est pas tant le stress, mais plutôt la manière dont nous y réagissons.

La recherche souligne la nécessité de s’équiper d’outils issus de la psychologie pour nous apprendre à mieux gérer les situations perçues comme menaçantes dans l’objectif de réguler le stress.

La pleine conscience : un outil de régulation du stress ?

Parmi les techniques psychologiques, la pleine conscience a récemment connu un essor important. Bien que cette dernière soit considérée comme un concept « à la mode », elle dispose d’une longue histoire, qui aurait débuté il y a plus de 2 500 ans à travers la pensée bouddhiste. Cette pleine conscience, également connue sous le nom de mindfulness, est une technique de méditation attentionnelle simple qui consiste à porter délibérément son attention sur ce qui se passe ici et maintenant, sans jugement. Autrement dit, c’est être attentif au moment présent, sans se laisser contaminer par ses pensées !

La pleine conscience a pris un essor scientifique sous l’impulsion du professeur Jon Kabat-Zinn dans les années 1980. Le premier programme de pleine conscience ayant vu le jour est le Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR), qui signifie « programme de réduction du stress par la pleine conscience ». Depuis le début des années 1980, d’autres programmes de pleine conscience ont émergé. Ces derniers se sont adaptés aux caractéristiques de différents publics (personnes souffrant d’épisodes dépressifs, sportifs, etc.…).

Aujourd’hui, les bienfaits de ces programmes sur la réduction du stress sont bien établis. Cependant, un des freins à la pratique de la pleine conscience réside dans la durée et dans l’engagement requis. Par exemple, le MBSR nécessite un engagement sur huit semaines, comportant une pratique quotidienne individuelle de 45 minutes et une pratique hebdomadaire en groupe de 2,5 heures.

Bien qu’efficace pour réguler les intensités de stress, la durée de ces programmes ne semble pas s’adapter à nos rythmes de vie actuels. Compte tenu de leur dimension chronophage, certains chercheurs ont proposé des temps plus courts de pleine conscience.

Quelle efficacité des temps brefs de pleine conscience contre le stress

Un programme bref de pleine conscience se réalise sur quatre semaines et engendre une pratique inférieure à 1,6 heure (100 minutes, soit une heure et quarante minutes) par semaine. La durée de la séance ne doit pas excéder 30 minutes. Bref, nous sommes bien loin des temps proposés par les programmes plus classiques comme le MBSR… Si ces temps courts s’accordent davantage à nos contraintes temporelles, leurs bénéfices sur le stress restent mal connus.

Notre interrogation a donc été la suivante : est-ce que les temps brefs de pleine conscience pourraient réduire notre stress ?

Pour répondre à cette question, nous avons effectué une revue systématique de la littérature évaluant les effets des temps brefs de pleine conscience sur un marqueur physiologique du stress : la variabilité de la fréquence cardiaque (VFC). La VFC reflète l’activité du système nerveux autonome jouant un rôle crucial dans le maintien de notre équilibre.

Ce système nerveux autonome se divise en deux branches : le système nerveux sympathique (qui prédomine lors des situations stressantes) et le système nerveux parasympathique (qui prédomine lors des situations de repos). Une faible VFC est représentative d’une moindre capacité à gérer les situations stressantes, alors qu’une VFC plus élevée reflète une meilleure capacité à réguler les situations stressantes.

Les résultats de notre étude mettent en évidence que les temps courts de pleine conscience augmentent la VFC. Autrement dit, ces moments de pleine conscience parviennent à réduire notre niveau de stress.

À la vue de ces résultats, nous recommandons donc d’intégrer de brefs temps de pleine conscience dans notre quotidien pour minimiser les effets du stress et éviter que ce dernier consomme toutes nos ressources.

Un exemple pour débuter : la prise de conscience du souffle

Il existe de nombreuses manières d’introduire la pleine conscience dans notre quotidien. On distingue généralement deux types de pratiques : formelles et informelles.

Les pratiques formelles sont les plus connues. Elles consistent à s’arrêter et à se poser pour pratiquer un exercice de pleine conscience.

Par exemple, la prise de conscience du souffle est considérée comme l’exercice de référence pour s’initier à cette pratique. Il consiste à s’asseoir sur un coussin ou sur une chaise de manière digne et droite. Une fois la position correctement maintenue, il suffit de diriger intentionnellement son attention sur le souffle. L’objectif n’est pas ici de contrôler sa respiration, mais plutôt de l’observer sans chercher à la modifier.

Cet exercice peut paraître facile, mais généralement l’esprit a tendance à s’éloigner de l’exercice. C’est ce que l’on appelle le vagabondage de l’esprit. Cette errance est tout à fait normale. Elle fait partie de la nature même de l’exercice. Lorsque vous vous rendrez compte que votre esprit s’égare, la pratique de la pleine conscience vous invitera à ramener votre attention avec douceur et bienveillance vers le souffle et les sensations qui lui sont associées.Lorsque vous débuterez cet exercice, il est fort probable que vous rencontriez des difficultés à maintenir votre attention sur la respiration. Encore une fois, cela est ordinaire. À force de répéter cet exercice, vous éduquerez votre esprit à (r) amener son attention vers la respiration.

La prise de conscience du souffle n’est qu’un exemple, il existe de nombreuses autres formes de pratiques formelles (par exemple, le scan corporel qui consiste à observer les différentes sensations présentes dans notre corps).

Vous trouverez sur Internet de nombreuses vidéos et/ou audios faites par des professionnel·les qui vous permettront de pratiquer.

Un exemple d’exercice momentané (5 minutes) de prise de conscience du souffle, vous est proposé en cliquant ici ou sur le QR code ci-joint.

À noter le fait que certaines personnes ne sont pas « réceptives » à la pleine conscience. Lorsqu’ils débutent cette pratique, certains sujets peuvent également ressentir une légère angoisse quant aux faits de se poser et de centrer son attention sur sa respiration. Et dans le cadre de graves problèmes de santé mentale (dépression, anxiété…), la pleine conscience ne remplace pas une prise en charge par un professionnel de santé.

Pratiquer seul·e (ou pas), de manière formelle (ou non)

Pour débuter la pratique, on peut se faire accompagner – par une ou un médecin, psychologue, psychothérapeute, chercheur ou chercheuse, préparateur ou préparatrice mentale, etc. – mais qui doit avoir été formé à la pleine conscience dans le cadre d’un diplôme universitaire (DU), d’une formation courte qualifiante par exemple. Mais ce n’est pas une obligation. Étant donné que cette pratique s’avère très simple à mettre en œuvre, tout le monde peut l’intégrer de manière brève dans son quotidien. Des livres écrits par des professionnel·les peuvent également aider.

La pleine conscience peut aussi s’intégrer de manière informelle dans notre quotidien. En effet, il est possible de marcher, de courir ou encore de manger en pleine conscience… Dans ce type d’exercices, l’objectif est d’être pleinement attentif à ce que l’on est en train de faire. Par exemple, vous pouvez essayer une fois par semaine de manger sans écrans, en étant pleinement attentif aux sensations gustatives, olfactives ou visuelles de ce que vous mangez.

Que la pratique soit réalisée de manière formelle ou informelle, nous vous conseillons de débuter par des temps de trois à cinq minutes avant d’augmenter progressivement si vous le souhaitez !

Essayez, et vous verrez. Bonne pratique !

Cette revue systématique, et donc cet article de vulgarisation, s’intègre dans la thèse CIFRE 0331 co-financée par l’Institut des Rencontres de la FOrme (IRFO) et l’Association Nationale de la Recherche et de la Technologie (ANRT).

Annie Carton est membre du Racing Club Arras Athlétisme en tant qu’entraîneur, et vice-présidente de l’Office des Sports d’Arras en charge de la santé et du bien-être.

Jérémy Coquart a été le directeur d’Alexis Barbry, le doctorant financé.

– ref. Et si quelques minutes de méditation de pleine conscience pouvaient aider à réduire le stress ? – https://theconversation.com/et-si-quelques-minutes-de-meditation-de-pleine-conscience-pouvaient-aider-a-reduire-le-stress-272375

January 6, 2026

Pourquoi l’obésité est, avant tout, une maladie du cerveau

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Rosalia Rodriguez Rodriguez, Catedrática. Departamento de Ciencias Biomédicas, Universitat Internacional de Catalunya

L’obésité n’est pas dû à un manque de volonté. Il ne s’agit pas non plus d’un problème individuel. C’est une maladie complexe profondément enracinée dans un cerveau adapté pour survivre à la pénurie.

L’obésité débute dans le cerveau et nous savons aujourd’hui que son développement, tout comme son traitement, ne sont pas les mêmes chez les hommes et les femmes. Cette pandémie silencieuse, qui progresse parallèlement au diabète de type 2 – l’une de ses principales complications – touche déjà plus d’un milliard de personnes.

Alors que notre environnement devient de plus en plus obésogène, le cerveau continue de fonctionner selon des règles ancestrales qui rendent difficile le maintien de la perte de poids, même avec des médicaments aussi révolutionnaires que le sémaglutide (Ozempic). Ce changement de perspective transforme les traitements actuels et ouvre la voie à de nouvelles thérapies ciblant directement le cerveau.

Un cerveau ancestral dans un environnement moderne

L’obésité et le surpoids sont habituellement décrits comme un excès de graisse ou un problème métabolique. Mais leur origine profonde réside dans le système nerveux central, en particulier dans l’hypothalamus, la région qui agit comme un « thermostat énergétique ». Pendant 95 % de notre histoire évolutive, nous avons vécu dans la pénurie : marcher, chasser et cueillir étaient indispensables, et le cerveau a développé des mécanismes très efficaces pour défendre la masse graisseuse, car la perdre pouvait signifier ne pas survivre.

Ce « cerveau ancestral » fonctionne aujourd’hui dans un environnement totalement opposé : aliments hypercaloriques disponibles 24 heures sur 24, sédentarité, stress chronique, troubles du sommeil et régimes alimentaires ultratransformés.

Il en résulte un déséquilibre entre notre biologie et notre mode de vie, qui est amplifié chez les personnes qui présentent des prédispositions génétiques. À cela s’ajoute un élément que la recherche commence à explorer clairement : le système qui régule le poids ne fonctionne pas de la même manière chez les hommes et chez les femmes.

L’hypothalamus : là où commence l’obésité

L’hypothalamus intègre des signaux hormonaux (comme la leptine ou l’insuline), métaboliques et sensoriels afin d’équilibrer l’énergie ingérée et celle qui est dépensée. Quand nous perdons du poids, le cerveau interprète la situation comme une menace et il active de puissants mécanismes de défense : il augmente l’appétit, réduit la dépense énergétique et renforce une « mémoire métabolique ou obésogène » qui pousse à reprendre le poids perdu.

C’est pourquoi, même si l’alimentation et l’exercice physique sont essentiels à la santé et doivent toujours constituer la première prise en charge, ils ne suffisent pas chez de nombreuses personnes pour inverser l’obésité lorsque les circuits cérébraux sont déjà altérés. Ce point n’invalide pas les bienfaits d’un mode de vie sain : il reconnaît simplement que, dans certains cas, le cerveau a besoin d’un soutien pharmacologique pour sortir de la boucle obésogène.

Quand l’hypothalamus s’enflamme (à cause du stress, d’un régime hypercalorique, d’un manque de sommeil, de troubles hormonaux ou d’une prédisposition génétique), l’activité des neurones qui régulent la faim et la satiété est perturbée. Certaines personnes parviennent à retrouver spontanément leur poids initial après avoir trop mangé ; d’autres, en revanche, présentent un « frein hypothalamique » moins efficace et prennent plus facilement du poids. La différence réside dans le cerveau.

Perspective de genre : deux cerveaux, deux réponses

Les neurones hypothalamiques AgRP (qui stimulent la faim) et POMC (qui favorisent la satiété) régulent avec précision le comportement alimentaire. Cependant, l’hypothalamus n’est pas seulement un ensemble de neurones : il comprend également la microglie et les cellules immunitaires du cerveau, dont le rôle s’est avéré déterminant.
Notre groupe a décrit trois phases d’activation microgliale dans les premiers stades de la suralimentation :

Une activation précoce, rapide et réversible.
Une phase inflammatoire prolongée, qui perturbe les circuits de satiété.
Une phase finale de dérégulation, au cours de laquelle les mécanismes censés limiter la prise de poids ne fonctionnent plus.

Ces phases ne se comportent pas de la même manière chez les hommes et chez les femmes. Chez les modèles murins, les femelles présentent une réponse neuroimmune plus stable et protectrice, ce qui pourrait expliquer pourquoi elles développent l’obésité plus tardivement. Ce schéma rappelle ce que l’on observe chez les femmes préménopausées.

Avant la ménopause, les femmes ont un risque moindre de maladies métaboliques et cardiovasculaires que les hommes, grâce à l’effet protecteur des œstrogènes. Mais cette protection diminue pendant la périménopause et la ménopause, une période encore très peu étudiée et critique pour le risque cardiométabolique.

De plus, dans les modèles animaux et les cultures cellulaires, nous avons détecté des altérations très précoces (au niveau de la microglie, de signaux lipidiques comme les endocannabinoïdes et de la sensibilité neuronale à l’insuline) avant même l’apparition de changements visibles dans les tissus périphériques. Cela suggère que le déclencheur initial de l’obésité est cérébral. Il est essentiel d’intégrer cette perspective de genre pour progresser vers des traitements plus précis et plus efficaces.

Nouvelles thérapies contre l’obésité : incrétines et nanomédecine ciblant le cerveau

Le traitement de l’obésité a radicalement changé depuis 2021 avec les agonistes du récepteur GLP-1. Le semaglutide et d’autres médicaments de la famille des incrétines, initialement développés pour le diabète de type 2, ont démontré une capacité remarquable à réduire le poids grâce à des actions à la fois périphériques et centrales. Cependant, ils présentent des limites connues : effets gastro-intestinaux, perte de masse maigre, reprise de poids après l’arrêt du traitement ou réponses variables selon le profil biologique du patient.

Des études récentes montrent également des différences selon le sexe : les femmes préménopausées ont tendance à mieux répondre à ces traitements que les hommes.

Un défi doit donc être relevé : nous avons besoin de traitements qui agissent directement sur le cerveau, avec une plus grande précision et moins d’effets systémiques. C’est là que la nanomédecine qui cible le cerveau ouvre de nouvelles perspectives. Au sein de notre groupe, nous développons des nanoplateformes (micelles polymères, nanoparticules protéiques ou formulations intranasales) capables de transporter des médicaments de manière sélective vers le cerveau. Ces technologies permettent d’encapsuler des molécules qui, si elles étaient administrées sans protection, seraient inefficaces ou toxiques, afin de les diriger vers les cellules qui contrôlent l’appétit et l’homéostasie énergétique.

Ces approches pourraient compléter ou renforcer les incrétines, réduire leurs effets secondaires, améliorer l’observance aux traitements et augmenter le nombre de patients qui y répondent. Elles constituent un moyen de traiter l’obésité depuis son origine cérébrale, grâce à des interventions plus personnalisées et durables.

Un regard neuf sur un problème ancien

L’obésité n’est pas dû à un manque de volonté, malgré la stigmatisation dont il fait l’objet au niveau social. Il ne s’agit pas non plus d’un problème individuel. L’obésité est une maladie complexe, profondément enracinée dans un cerveau adapté à la survie en période de pénurie. Pour la traiter, il faut adopter une double approche : promouvoir des modes de vie sains et, quand cela se révèle nécessaire, recourir à des thérapies qui agissent sur les circuits cérébraux régulant le poids.

Comprendre comment fonctionne – et comment échoue – l’hypothalamus sera essentiel pour freiner cette pandémie silencieuse du XXI^e siècle. Et c’est là, dans le cerveau, que se livre la bataille scientifique la plus prometteuse.

Rosalia Rodriguez Rodriguez reçoit des financements du ministère des sciences, de l’innovation et des universités, de l’AGAUR-Generalitat de Catalogne (PRODUCTE, INNOVADORS) et du Centre de recherche biomédicale en réseau-obésité (CIBER-Obn).

– ref. Pourquoi l’obésité est, avant tout, une maladie du cerveau – https://theconversation.com/pourquoi-lobesite-est-avant-tout-une-maladie-du-cerveau-272720

January 6, 2026

Une poudre de feuilles d’ananas pourrait contribuer à réduire la criminalité et la pollution

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Bienvenu Gael Fouda Mbanga, Research fellow, Nelson Mandela University

En Afrique du Sud, les fabricants de jus d’ananas et d’autres produits à base d’ananas jettent chaque année des milliers de tonnes de feuilles d’ananas, dont la plupart finissent dans des décharges.

Les feuilles sont considérées comme des déchets agricoles et sont généralement considérées comme inutiles. Cependant, elles peuvent être transformées en quelque chose qui résout des problèmes concrets. Les feuilles d’ananas peuvent être transformées en une ressource puissante pour la protection de l’environnement et la sécurité.

Il s’agit de les transformer en un type particulier de nanoparticules. (Les nanoparticules sont des matériaux très petits, dont la taille ne dépasse pas 0,0001 millimètre.)

Je fais partie d’une équipe de chimistes spécialisés dans les nanomatériaux qui se concentrent sur la fabrication de nouveaux matériaux à partir de déchets tels que les feuilles d’ananas. Nous avons cherché à savoir si nous pouvions transformer les feuilles d’ananas en une poudre de nanoparticules capable d’adsorber (retenir une substance à la surface d’un matériau, formant un film mince) le cuivre, ou Cu²⁺, présent dans les eaux usées. Nous avons découvert que c’était possible. Une fois que les nanoparticules à base de feuilles d’ananas absorbent le cuivre, elles peuvent être broyées en une poudre que les enquêteurs médico-légaux utilisent pour relever des empreintes digitales invisibles.

Nos recherches ont comblé un vide. C’est la première fois qu’un adsorbant dérivé de déchets agricoles transformé en nanoparticules est utilisé pour absorber les métaux lourds présents dans l’eau, puis réutilisé ensuite en science médico-légale, à faible coût.

Un avantage supplémentaire est que les feuilles d’ananas ne coûtent rien. Si certaines sont transformées en couches jetables, et que d’autres sont laissées dans les champs d’ananas pour servir de compost, la plupart sont jetées dans des décharges ou même brûlées sur place. Transformer ces déchets en produit utile va dans le sens de l’idée d’une économie circulaire : continuer à utiliser les produits en les réutilisant et en les régénérant autant que possible.

Les produits destinés à dépolluer l’environnement et ceux utilisés en médecine légale ont traditionnellement fait l’objet de recherches distinctes. Il est important de développer un produit qui puisse remplir ces deux fonctions à moindre coût. Il est essentiel de trouver des moyens efficaces et durables d’éliminer les métaux lourds toxiques des sources d’eau afin de protéger la santé humaine et les écosystèmes.. Il est aussi crucial de trouver des moyens améliorés de révéler les empreintes digitales invisibles pour lutter contre la criminalité.

Pourquoi la société a besoin du pouvoir des feuilles d’ananas

Les eaux usées contiennent des ions cuivre toxiques qui s’y déversent depuis des industries telles que l’exploitation minière, la galvanoplastie et la fabrication.

La pollution par le cuivre est un problème bien connu en Afrique du Sud. Les boues contiennent souvent des quantités très élevées de cuivre, et les eaux usées industrielles peuvent également contenir du cuivre à des concentrations supérieures au seuil de sécurité. Une trop grande quantité de cuivre peut nuire à la santé humaine, provoquant des problèmes d’estomac et, à long terme, des lésions du foie et des reins. Elle est également dangereuse pour la vie aquatique : les poissons et d’autres espèces peuvent être empoisonnés par le cuivre.

La plupart des adsorbants sont coûteux lorsqu’ils sont utilisés pour nettoyer les eaux usées contaminées par des métaux lourds tels que le cuivre. Un autre coût caché est que cette eau contaminée ne peut pas être réutilisée dans l’industrie ou l’agriculture tant que le cuivre n’a pas été éliminé.

La société est également touchée. La pollution des sources d’eau sape la confiance du public en matière de sécurité de l’eau, peut déclencher des crises sanitaires au sein des communautés et épuiser les maigres fonds publics destinés au nettoyage. Un adsorbant bon marché est donc très utile.

La police et les autres enquêteurs médico-légaux ont également besoin du pouvoir des ananas. Ils utilisent actuellement une poudre d’empreintes digitales qui contient des produits chimiques présentant des risques potentiels pour la santé des personnes qui la manipulent. Un matériau dérivé des feuilles d’ananas offre une alternative plus sûre, plus durable et plus écologique. La nouveauté ici réside dans la fabrication d’une poudre bon marché à partir de déchets de biomasse.

Comment nous avons fait cette découverte

Nous avons d’abord recouvert de zinc des nanoparticules de carbone fabriquées à partir de feuilles d’ananas. Nous avons ensuite vérifié dans quelle mesure ces nanoparticules pouvaient éliminer le cuivre de l’eau.

Nos recherches ont montré que les nanoparticules à base de feuilles d’ananas recouvertes d’oxyde métallique (dans ce cas, de l’oxyde de zinc) forment un matériau qui absorbe le cuivre en grande quantité.

Si les nanoparticules issues des feuilles d’ananas sont si efficaces, c’est grâce à la synergie entre leurs différents composants. Le revêtement en oxyde de zinc (ZnO) et la structure carbonée spongieuse forment une équipe gagnante. Le revêtement aide les particules à adhérer plus facilement à d’autres matériaux, tandis que le carbone poreux (rempli de trous) leur offre une grande surface de réaction.

Ensemble, ils créent davantage de points où des réactions chimiques peuvent se produire et aident les matériaux à adhérer plus fortement, ce qui améliore leurs performances globales.

Nous avons ensuite cherché à savoir s’il existait une autre utilisation pour l’adsorbant usagé (les nanoparticules saturées de cuivre qu’elles avaient adsorbé). Nous avons pulvérisé ces nanoparticules et les avons réparties sur une surface poreuse. Nous avons constaté que la poudre présentait des motifs de crêtes clairs et pouvait être utilisée pour révéler les empreintes digitales latentes (empreintes digitales invisibles laissées par le sébum et la sueur naturels des personnes).

Ce qu’il faut faire ensuite

Notre étude suggère qu’il existe un fort potentiel pour développer cette technologie dans les installations de traitement des eaux et les laboratoires médico-légaux.

Pour commencer, les instituts de recherche et les universités devraient tester les performances de ces nanoparticules dans les stations d’épuration municipales ou industrielles. Des tests plus longs permettraient également de déterminer si les nanoparticules de feuilles d’ananas sont rentables à long terme.

Les nanoparticules doivent également être testées afin de vérifier si elles restent stables pendant longtemps dans l’eau et ne se décomposent pas.

Les laboratoires médico-légaux et les forces de l’ordre devraient explorer les moyens d’intégrer l’adsorbant usagé dans leur travail de recherche d’empreintes digitales invisibles. L’utilisation de l’adsorbant usagé à la place des poudres d’empreintes digitales ordinaires pourrait réduire les coûts.

Les organismes gouvernementaux et les décideurs politiques devraient soutenir cette nouvelle découverte par le biais de financements et d’incitations en faveur de matériaux durables et multifonctionnels.

Les nanoparticules qui valorisent les déchets agricoles et répondent à la fois aux besoins environnementaux et sociétaux devraient être développées en priorité.

À un moment donné, des réglementations seront également nécessaires.

Les partenaires industriels, en particulier ceux des secteurs de la transformation agricole, de l’exploitation minière et de la fabrication, peuvent jouer un rôle en fournissant des déchets agricoles et en trouvant des moyens de commercialiser les produits.

En favorisant la collaboration entre le monde universitaire, l’industrie, le gouvernement et les forces de l’ordre, cette technologie peut contribuer à lutter contre la pollution par les métaux lourds. Elle pourrait également réduire les déchets et stimuler la création de nouveaux produits à base de feuilles d’ananas.

Bienvenu Gael Fouda Mbanga does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Une poudre de feuilles d’ananas pourrait contribuer à réduire la criminalité et la pollution – https://theconversation.com/une-poudre-de-feuilles-dananas-pourrait-contribuer-a-reduire-la-criminalite-et-la-pollution-271578

January 6, 2026

Facing protests and new threats from Trump, is the Iranian regime on its last legs?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Amin Saikal, Emeritus Professor of Middle Eastern Studies, Australian National University; The University of Western Australia; Victoria University

Iran’s Islamic regime is once again faced with nationwide popular protests and a potential confrontation with Israel and the United States.

Protesters have flooded Tehran and many other major cities in recent days, calling for the downfall of the regime. The US and Israel have also voiced strong support for the protesters.

At least 20 people have reportedly been killed, with around 1,000 arrested.

Despite the regime’s increasing vulnerability, though, it might be too early to write its obituary.

Why Iranians are so angry

Public discontent with the Islamic regime has been building for years.

The current wave of protests was triggered in late December by the collapse of the Iranian currency and the rising cost of living. However, the public’s fury is rooted in wider societal grievances. These include:

the regime’s theocratic impositions, such as the mandatory headscarf (hijab) rule that women are increasingly flouting in public
widespread corruption and mismanagement of the economy under severe US-led sanctions
the costly support for a network of proxy militant groups in Lebanon, Gaza, Iraq and Yemen, and
the regime’s top-down approach to water governance that has left the country increasingly vulnerable to drought.

The current wave of protests was initially sparked by bazaaris (traditional business owners and shopkeepers). However, in the last week, it has swelled to include university students and those from the “Women, Life and Freedom” movement that took to the streets following the death of a young woman, Mahsa Amini, in the custody of the morality police in 2022.

The regime severely cracked down on those protests, but they have continued in other forms over the past few years.

More threats from Trump

The regime is also facing external pressure from the US and Israel.

US President Donald Trump has warned the Iranian government not to kill protesters, saying the US was “locked and loaded” to act.

In recent days, both Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu have also threatened another round of military action if Tehran rebuilds its nuclear capability and refuses to curtail its missile industry.

Netanyahu, who has relentlessly castigated the regime as an existential threat, initiated a 12-day war with Iran last June. The US briefly entered the war by bombing Iran’s three main nuclear sites, after which Trump claimed to have “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program.

Many experts and the UN’s nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), have since cast doubt on this claim.

The foundations of the Iranian program reportedly survived the US and Israeli bombings. Some 400 kilograms of highly enriched uranium, still missing, could potentially enable Tehran to assemble a few nuclear bombs in moments of desperation. There also haven’t been new talks between Iran and Western powers to negotiate a new nuclear deal, either.

In recent days, Trump has accused Tehran of seeking new nuclear sites and attempting to replenish its missile stocks, threatening to “eradicate that build-up”.

Prepared to defend itself

While unpopular, the Iranian regime can still rely on many repressive instruments of state power.

These include the powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the well-equipped and well-trained Basij paramilitary force used to crack down on dissent. The regime also has intelligence services, revolutionary committees and a network of clerical circles.

The fortunes of these forces are closely tied to the survival of the regime. Many of them are headed by figures who were involved in setting them up following the toppling of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s pro-Western monarchy in the revolution of 1978–79. They are fully cognisant of the fact that if the regime goes down, they will, too.

The regime has also prepared to defend itself long-term against any foreign threats. It has invested heavily in an asymmetrical warfare strategy and developed a potent defence industry. Since the end of the war with Israel, it has reportedly focused on rebuilding its missile capabilities and acquiring fresh supplies of arms and air defence systems from Russia and China.

Yet, the Islamic government still faces a critical situation, especially following the Trump administration’s toppling of Venezuela’s leader in recent days.

Many Iranians both inside and outside the country want to see the fall of the clerical regime and Reza Pahlavi, the son of the last shah, to return from exile to head a transitional government to democratise Iran.

However, Trump has reportedly not favoured regime change in Iran, possibly fearing the political transition may not be orderly and could be as bloody and disruptive as the one that followed the shah’s fall in 1979. He has also made clear his focus is on the Western hemisphere.

Iran is a very complex country with a diverse population of 93 million people. It is also strategically placed, with the longest coastline on the oil-rich Persian Gulf in a traditional zone of major power rivalry. These considerations should be on Trump’s mind when deciding how to handle Iran.

Amin Saikal does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Facing protests and new threats from Trump, is the Iranian regime on its last legs? – https://theconversation.com/facing-protests-and-new-threats-from-trump-is-the-iranian-regime-on-its-last-legs-272795

January 6, 2026

Venezuela, Gaza, Ukraine: is the UN failing?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Juliette McIntyre, Senior Lecturer in Law, Adelaide University

The United Nations turned 80 in October last year; a venerable age for the most significant international organisation the world has ever seen.

But events of recent years – from last weekend’s Trumpian military action to seize Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and Russia’s unlawful invasion of Ukraine in 2022, to the ongoing humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza – represent major challenges to the UN system.

Many are now asking whether the United Nations has any future at all if it cannot fulfil its first promise of maintaining international peace and security.

Has the UN reached the end of its lifespan?

The UN Security Council

The organ of the UN that plays the main role maintaining peace and security is the UN Security Council.

Under the rules established by the UN Charter, military action – the use of force – is only lawful if it has been authorised by a resolution from the UN Security Council (as outlined in Article 42 of the Charter), or if the state in question is acting in self-defence.

Self-defence is governed by strict rules requiring it to be in response to an armed attack (Article 51). Even then, self-defence is lawful only until the Security Council has stepped in to restore international peace and security.

The Security Council is made up of 15 member states:

five permanent (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States – also known as the P5)
ten non-permanent members elected for two-year terms.

Resolutions require nine affirmative votes and no veto from any permanent member, giving the P5 decisive control over all action on peace and security.

This was set up expressly to prevent the UN from being able to take action against the major powers (the “winners” of the second world war), but also to allow them to act as a balance to each other’s ambitions.

This system only works, however, when the P5 agree to abide by the rules.

Could the UN veto system be reformed?

As aptly demonstrated by the Russians and Americans in recent years, the veto power can render the Security Council effectively useless, no matter how egregious the breach of international law.

For that reason, the veto is often harshly criticised.

As one of us (Tamsin Paige) has explained previously, however, self-serving use of the veto power (meaning when a member state uses its veto power to further its own interests) may be politically objectionable but it is not legally prohibited.

The UN Charter imposes no enforceable limits on veto use.

Nor is there any possibility of a judicial review of the Security Council at the moment.

And herein lies one of the most significant and deliberate design flaws of the UN system.

The charter places the P5 above the law, granting them not only the power to veto collective action, but also the power to veto any attempt at reform.

Reforming the UN Security Council veto is thus theoretically conceivable – Articles 108 and 109 of the charter allow for it – but functionally impossible.

Dissolving and reconstituting the UN under a new charter is the only structural alternative.

This, however, would require a level of global collectivism that presently does not exist. One or more of the P5 would likely block any reform or redesign that would see the loss of their veto power.

An uncomfortable truth

It does, therefore, appear as though we are witnessing the collapse of the UN-led international peace and security system in real time.

The Security Council cannot – by design – intervene when the P5 (China, France, Russia, the UK and US) are the aggressors.

But focusing only on the Security Council risks missing much of what the UN actually does, every day, largely out of sight.

Despite its paralysis when it comes to great-power conflict, the UN is not a hollow institution.

The Secretariat, for instance, supports peacekeeping and political missions and helps organise international conferences and negotiations.

The Human Rights Council monitors and reports on human rights compliance.

UN-administered agencies coordinate humanitarian relief and deliver life-saving aid.

The UN machinery touches on everything from health to human rights to climate and development, performing functions that no single state can replicate alone.

None of this work requires Security Council involvement, but all of it depends on the UN’s institutional infrastructure (of which the Security Council is an integral part).

The uncomfortable truth is we have only one real choice at present: a deeply flawed global institution, or none at all.

The future of the UN may simply be one of sheer endurance, holding together what can still function and waiting for political conditions to change.

We support it not because it works perfectly, or even well, but because losing it would be much worse.

Should we work towards a better system that doesn’t reward the powerful by making them unaccountable? Absolutely.

But we shouldn’t throw out all of the overlooked good the UN does beyond the Security Council’s chambers because of the naked hypocrisy and villainy of the P5.

Tamsin Phillipa Paige received an Endeavour Fellowship from the Department of Education in 2014 (in effect through 2015 and 2016), funding her work on the UN Security Council.

Juliette McIntyre does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Venezuela, Gaza, Ukraine: is the UN failing? – https://theconversation.com/venezuela-gaza-ukraine-is-the-un-failing-272703

January 5, 2026

A regime change in Venezuela could have grim consequences for Canada’s oil sector

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Philippe Le Billon, Professor, Geography Department and School of Public Policy & Global Affairs, University of British Columbia

Following Nicolás Maduro’s capture in Caracas by United States military forces, active planning for political transition in Venezuela has intensified in Washington, D.C.

For the U.S., the prize is the prospect of reviving one of the world’s largest proven oil reserves and reshaping global energy markets in its favour.

But the ripple effects would extend well beyond Caracas and the U.S. A Venezuelan oil revival could also subtly increase American leverage over Canada — particularly Alberta — through its impact on oil prices, investment flows and longstanding debates about Canada’s energy future.

At first glance, this may seem counterintuitive. Canada is traditionally a close American ally and its largest foreign oil supplier. Yet Canada and Venezuela largely compete in the same heavy-oil regional and global markets, and shifts in supply from Canada to Venezuela would widely reverberate across the Canadian economy and political landscape.

Heavy crude, lower prices and U.S. refineries

If U.S. sanctions on Venezuela are lifted and the country’s oil sector is partially revived, even a modest increase in production could have outsized effects on prices — especially for heavy crude. American Gulf Coast refineries are specifically configured to process heavy crude, historically sourced from Venezuela, Mexico and Canada’s oilsands.

More Venezuelan barrels on the market would increase competition for these refineries and possibly those in the American Midwest. This could push down the price premium currently enjoyed by Canadian heavy crude, such as Western Canadian Select.

For U.S. refiners, cheaper crude is good news. For Canadian producers, it could squeeze margins already vulnerable to global price volatility and high production costs.

In this sense, Venezuela’s return would not simply add supply; it would challenge Canada’s niche in the U.S. oil import market.

Investment trade-offs and the oilsands dilemma

Oil markets are not just about barrels — they’re about capital. Investors make choices about where to place long-term bets, and those choices are increasingly shaped by climate policies, energy transition expectations and geopolitical risk.

A perceived opening in Venezuela could redirect some international investments away from Alberta’s oilsands. Even if Venezuela remains risky, the idea of accessing vast reserves at lower costs may appeal to investors looking for short-term gains in a declining oil market.

This shift could further undermine already fragile (and climate-threatening) prospects for new oilsands expansion and make additional pipeline projects to Canada’s West Coast even harder to justify.

If global capital sees fewer long-term returns in high-cost, high-carbon oil, Alberta may find itself competing not just with renewables, but with other oil producers closer to U.S. markets. This could play in favour of an additional pipeline to Canada’s West Coast to reach China, which may not see so many shipments from Venezuela, especially if the U.S. pressures Caracas to privilege its own market and companies.

Economic pressure and the politics of separatism

Weaker oil revenues could also reshape Alberta politics. Much of the province’s separatist rhetoric has historically rested on the idea that Ottawa “takes” Alberta’s oil wealth through federal transfers and environmental regulations.

If oil revenues decline structurally due to lower prices and reduced investment, the economic foundation of this grievance weakens. A less oil-dependent Alberta may have fewer material incentives to push for sovereignty, even if political frustrations remain.

This doesn’t mean discontent would disappear. But it suggests that long-term changes in global energy markets could quietly reduce the appeal of resource-based nationalism in Canada’s West.

The urgent case for diversification

For Alberta and Canada more broadly, the lesson is clear: economic diversification is no longer optional; it’s an urgent necessity. Betting on sustained high oil prices has always been risky; betting on them in a world of messy energy transition is increasingly untenable.

This means doubling down on alternative export revenues, from clean technologies and critical minerals to advanced manufacturing, agri-food and knowledge-based services. It also means investing in workforce transitions, regional innovation and infrastructure that supports economic resilience beyond oil.

The prospect of Venezuela’s return to oil markets underscores why Canada cannot rely indefinitely on being the “safe” oil supplier to the United States.

A Venezuelan oil boom remains unlikely

All of this, however, rests on a big “if.” A rapid and large-scale revival of Venezuela’s oil sector is improbable. Years of mismanagement, underinvestment and sanctions have left infrastructure in poor condition.

Production costs are high, oil quality is low and the carbon footprint of Venezuelan heavy crude is significant, a growing liability in a carbon-constrained world.

What’s more, U.S. oil company interests don’t always align with American energy security and geopolitical policy objectives, and expectations of an oil surplus in the coming decades dampen enthusiasm for massive new investments.

Political uncertainty remains acute, and even American firms like Chevron operate under fragile arrangements that could be reversed. Though it’s unlikely, a more revolutionary, post-American intervention government in Venezuela might even seek retribution against the U.S. and other foreign companies seen as complicit in past pressure campaigns.

In short, Venezuela’s oil is vast, but monetizing it at scale is another matter.

Lessons from past regime change efforts

History offers sobering lessons about past efforts to bring about regime change.

In Iraq, Iran and Libya, attempts to reshape energy sectors through regime change or coercive pressure often backfired. Production disruptions, political instability and nationalist backlash frequently undermined both investor confidence and geopolitical objectives.

There are some reasons to assume Venezuela would be different, including ongoing negotiations between U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration and the regime in Caracas, limited economic and military options for the former Maduro regime and a growing consensus among major powers that they can gain from a return to imperialist “spheres of influence.”

But energy markets reward stability more than ideology, and regime change rarely delivers it quickly.

Who else loses from lower oil prices?

Finally, it’s worth noting that lower oil prices would not hurt Canada alone. In the U.S., the first casualties would likely be some oil producers, particularly smaller shale firms with high debt and thin margins. While a few large American oil companies might benefit from cheaper acquisitions and refinery gains through access to cheaper Venezuelan supply, many smaller U.S. producers could suffer.

This complicates the notion that the U.S. would unambiguously “win” in the event of a Venezuelan oil revival. Energy geopolitics creates winners and losers on all sides.

In the end, Venezuela’s political future may matter less for Canada because of what happens in Caracas and more because it highlights a deeper reality: oil no longer offers the geopolitical and fiscal certainty it once did. For Canada, adapting to that reality, rather than betting against it, may be the most strategic move of all.

Philippe Le Billon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. A regime change in Venezuela could have grim consequences for Canada’s oil sector – https://theconversation.com/a-regime-change-in-venezuela-could-have-grim-consequences-for-canadas-oil-sector-272694

January 5, 2026

Three ways to tackle injustice without being a full-time activist

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Joshua Hobbs, Lecturer and Consultant in Applied Ethics, University of Leeds

Many people want to try to address injustice, but don’t know where to start. Some forms of injustice can be addressed by donating money to charities or aid organisations. However, as the American political theorist Iris Marion Young argued, many of the most serious injustices in the world are structural and require political solutions.

Structural injustices are not the result of people deliberately acting wrongly, but instead come about when large numbers of people act in tiny, normal and morally acceptable ways. Without necessarily meaning to, they help perpetuate injustices such as sweatshop labour, as well as factors that lead to poverty and climate change. We might say that these injustices are baked into society.

Individual efforts – for example by buying less, donating to charity or buying ethical alternatives – can’t solve these problems entirely. The structures will remain unchanged without political action. Becoming an activist is a way of taking up what philosophers call our “political responsibility” for structural injustice.

But despite all the injustice in the world, and the pressure from social media to care loudly about every issue, devoting a significant amount of time to activism isn’t achievable for everyone.

Most people – especially those with caring responsibilities – have scarce free time to develop the requisite knowledge about the political issues or the relevant skills to take part. People also need to manage the practicalities of activism, such as attending a demonstration or participating in a letter-writing campaign. Some forms of activism also require skills, such as speaking in public or expressing political views online.

If this sounds intimidating, here are three small ways you can help tackle injustice.

1. Activism light

Getting involved in activism doesn’t have to be a full-time job. For those with other commitments, it’s still better to do something rather than nothing.
This might mean engaging in small ways around other commitments, for example, by attending occasional protests or posting political content on social media.

You might worry that this route is minimally effective, and engaging in what may appear to be tokenistic activity is certainly a concern here if that time could be better spent on more effective alternatives.

But lots of small actions can quickly add up when they take place as part of a collective effort. Engaging in smaller forms of activism can also provide learning opportunities. Small actions can help skill you up to participate more effectively in more complicated and demanding forms of activism in the future.

A young man scrolling on his phone indoors — Posting online can be a form of ‘activism light’.
DimaBerlin/Shutterstock

2. Work within existing social roles

A second way to address structural injustice without becoming activists comes from the ethicist Robin Zheng. Zheng argues that we can alter unjust structures by pushing the boundaries of our existing social roles.

We all occupy various social roles, such as parent, teacher or friend. As these roles are part of the social structures we live in, performing these roles with “a raised consciousness” can help challenge injustice from where we already are.

This doesn’t have to be by doing anything additional, but by doing what we already do – differently. For example, as teachers we might educate our students on the injustice of sweatshop labour, or as parents we might prioritise gender equality in raising our children.

3. Be a scaffolder

Finally, you might support the activism of others without engaging in activism yourself. This (often unrecognised) work is vital for the success of collective political action. Without it, activism would be more burdensome for activists, and much activism would simply not occur.

Take, for example, the role of many ordinary citizens within black communities during the 1960s struggle for civil rights in the US who supported activists without engaging in activism themselves. Rather than attending protests, many supported the actions of those who did, through supplying food, transport or places to stay.

Engaging in scaffolding could be as simple as looking after someone’s child so that they can attend a protest, or providing protesters with food or coffee.

Scaffolding can still take place even if you don’t come into contact with activists in your everyday life. Campaigns exist where people can sponsor activists by organising training, covering the costs of childcare and transportation, or even paying the bail of those detained while protesting.

Supporting activism at a distance without providing financial contributions is more difficult. Crafting supplies for protesters is one way this can be achieved – as in the case of the “pussyhats” created by knitting circles around the world for attendees at the Women’s March on Washington.

Challenging unjust structures can seem daunting, but it is something we all can do without becoming full-time activists.

Joshua Hobbs does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Three ways to tackle injustice without being a full-time activist – https://theconversation.com/three-ways-to-tackle-injustice-without-being-a-full-time-activist-271248

January 5, 2026

Odysseus the destroyer? Christopher Nolan’s new Odyssey adaptation revives an ancient moral question

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael La Corte, Research Associate, Curation and Communication, University of Tübingen

Imagine waking up to find strangers in your home – eating your food, killing your animals, then laughing as they blind you. Later, they tell the world you were the monster.

We are describing one of the better known episodes of Homer’s Odyssey, written around the late 8th or early 7th century BC. The intruders are protagonist Odysseus’s men, and the “monster” they attack is Polyphemus, a solitary giant shepherd later remembered only as a cyclops.

For centuries, we’ve followed the hero’s journey without asking what it costs. But what if the cyclops wasn’t the monster, but just one of many lives shattered along the way?

Director Christopher Nolan’s new adaptation of The Odyssey hits cinemas in July 2026. But will it celebrate Odysseus as the clever hero – or finally confront the wreckage he leaves in his wake?

Homer’s Odyssey, composed at the turn of the 8th to the 7th century BC, follows Odysseus, king of Ithaca, as he struggles to return home from the Trojan war, outwitting monsters, gods and fate. It’s a tale of resilience and cunning – and the template for countless stories since: the clever man triumphs over the monstrous other and sails home in glory.

We know the pattern by heart. But we rarely ask: who gets trampled along the way, and whose story is never told?

This article is part of Rethinking the Classics. The stories in this series offer insightful new ways to think about and interpret classic books and artworks. This is the canon – with a twist.

In the scene of Odysseus v Polyphemus, the cyclops is cast as a brute, a savage who traps the hero and his men in a cave. Odysseus responds with legendary cunning: wine, lies, a sharpened stake – and escape.

From the outside, it’s textbook heroism, yet Homer himself hints at the cost of that victory. He has Odysseus reveal his name only after the escape: “Tell them it was Odysseus, sacker of cities, who blinded you.” It’s a moment of pride, not necessity – the spark that seals his fate. In that instant, the clever survivor becomes the arrogant aggressor, and the story’s moral axis begins to tilt.

Yet if we shift perspective, the story changes. Polyphemus is a solitary shepherd, living in peace. Strangers break into his home, steal his food, kill his livestock, and leave him blinded and broken. His cave isn’t a prison but a home under siege. His violence, while brutal, emerges from desperation. You could easily argue that Polyphemus isn’t the villain. He’s the victim.

Painting of a cyclops throwing a huge rock at a boat — Odysseus and Polyphemus by Arnold Böcklin (1896).
Museum of Fine Arts Boston

This reversal reveals a troubling pattern: our cultural instinct to root for the protagonist, no matter what they do – as long as the cause feels noble. From ancient epics to Hollywood blockbusters, we excuse deception, destruction, even murder, if it serves the “greater good”.

We cheer when the hero escapes – but rarely look back at what’s left behind. A burned city. A grieving family. A blinded shepherd. If it fits the story, we accept the collateral damage as necessary. That’s the seductive logic of heroism: clean endings, messy consequences.

In Homer’s writing, Polyphemus gets a single moment of anguish – a prayer to Poseidon, his father – and then vanishes from the story. His voice, his pain, his version of events do not fit the heroic arc.

And this pattern continues. Empires and conquerors have long branded enemies as “barbarians”, “savages” or “monsters” to justify violence. From Roman propaganda to colonial domination in the Americas and Africa – and, more recently, to claims of “denazification” in Ukraine – this tactic dehumanises the “other side” and erases their stories. Strip the enemy of humanity, and their suffering becomes legitimised.

If history is so often written by the victors, we must ask: what remains of heroism when we finally listen to the so-called monsters? As global conflicts polarise public discourse around heroes and villains, the stories we choose, and those we silence, matter more than ever.

The trailer for The Odyssey.

What if we shift the spotlight? Polyphemus becomes more than a monster – he’s a mirror, showing how unchecked heroism can slip into cruelty. Cleverness isn’t virtue. And survival at others’ expense isn’t always justified.

Odysseus, the “man of many turns” is brilliant but ambiguous. His actions bring destruction alongside triumph. For every hero who returns, many suffer or are lost. True heroism lies not just in daring escapes, but in owning the cost left behind.

The cyclops’ tale warns us how easily we dehumanise those in the hero’s way. How we flatten complexity to fit a script. How we justify harm if the story feels right. Rethinking Polyphemus complicates Odysseus and challenges us as storytellers and audiences.

The real challenge for Nolan’s The Odyssey won’t be spectacle or scale, but perspective. Will it dare to look beyond the hero? Will it give voice to those left in his shadow? Clint Eastwood did just that with Flags of Our Fathers (2006) and Letters from Iwo Jima (2006), telling the story of the battle of Iwo Jima from opposing sides. By letting the “enemy” speak, he shattered the illusion of a single, righteous story.

If Nolan embraces that sort of complexity, The Odyssey won’t just retell a myth but will challenge us to rethink who we name as heroes and to listen more closely to those we once dismissed as monsters.

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This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Odysseus the destroyer? Christopher Nolan’s new Odyssey adaptation revives an ancient moral question – https://theconversation.com/odysseus-the-destroyer-christopher-nolans-new-odyssey-adaptation-revives-an-ancient-moral-question-270312