La « méthode Lecornu » a-t-elle échoué ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Thomas Ehrhard, Maitre de conférences, Université Paris-Panthéon-Assas

Deux motions de censure ont été déposées, le vendredi 23 janvier, en réponse à l’utilisation de l’article 49-3 par Sébastien Lecornu sur la partie recettes du budget. La promesse du premier ministre de ne pas faire usage de cet outil constitutionnel en négociant des compromis avec les groupes parlementaires a été rompue. Pourtant, il ne s’agit pas tant d’un échec de méthode que d’une conséquence d’un vice originel concernant la formation du gouvernement.


Malgré les promesses et les sentiments d’un premier ministre « un peu amer » d’avoir perdu le « pari », d’après ses propres mots, la tentation d’y voir un « échec de la « méthode Lecornu » est grande avec le retour du « 49-3 » sur la scène politique.

Cependant, les trois mois d’examen parlementaire ne soldent pas un échec de méthode, mais bien la conséquence logique d’un vice originel concernant la formation du gouvernement.

Deux raisons qui expliquent cet échec

D’abord, le gouvernement est mal né avec un processus de nomination et de renomination improbable, ne s’appuyant sur aucune majorité gouvernementale, aucune majorité parlementaire, et aucune majorité partisane. Or, ce triptyque détermine la logique institutionnelle majoritaire du régime parlementaire de la Ve République.

Ensuite, conséquemment, le gouvernement aurait dû, comme dans les autres régimes parlementaires lorsqu’aucun parti ne dispose à lui seul d’un nombre de sièges majoritaire à la chambre basse, essayer de s’appuyer sur une coalition. Il n’en a rien été.




À lire aussi :
Vu de l’étranger : comment choisir un premier ministre face à une Assemblée divisée ?


Or, en France comme à l’étranger, les compromis ne résultent pas de débats parlementaires dans lesquels des orateurs se convaincraient au terme d’argumentations faisant changer d’avis ceux qui les écoutent. Les compromis se font a priori, avant la nomination du gouvernement, et précisément en contractualisant les réformes, leurs contenus, et leur calendrier. Tous les autres pays (Allemagne, Belgique, Espagne, Pays-Bas, etc.) fonctionnent ainsi. Dans le contexte actuel, l’erreur initiale vient donc de la manière dont le premier ministre a été nommé, plaçant le gouvernement dans une position de faiblesse définitive.

Il n’existe pas de « méthode Lecornu »

Cet épisode budgétaire n’est donc qu’une énième péripétie dérisoire et prévisible, mais qui permet de comprendre certains des dérèglements et des lacunes de la vie politique et institutionnelle française.

Premièrement, il n’existe pas de « méthode Lecornu » : le gouvernement n’a ni dirigé les débats, ni gouverné le contenu du texte dont tous les acteurs disent avoir obtenu gains de cause (sauf LFI et RN), ni eu les moyens de l’ingéniosité du gouvernement Barnier qui s’est appuyé sur le Sénat pour être majoritaire en commission mixte paritaire. Au contraire, il a subi le calendrier, malgré ses tentatives répétées de dramatisation, subi les rivalités inter et intra-partisanes, malgré ses tentatives de dépolitiser le budget « pour la France ». Il a subi, enfin, les jeux parlementaires, malgré son étrange renoncement à l’article 49 alinéa 3 de la Constitution. Difficile d’y voir une nouvelle méthode de gouvernement, tant il s’agit là d’un acte d’impuissance.

Deuxièmement, un gouvernement ne peut pas dépendre d’un consentement renouvelé quotidiennement (« Gouverner, c’est prévoir ») et rempli de lignes rouges des députés et partis. Cela, dans un contexte majoritaire ou non, à un ou plusieurs partis. Les contrats de coalition servent justement à anticiper le contenu de la partition gouvernementale, et laissent au quotidien l’exécution de ce contrat. Ils sont négociés durement, pendant plusieurs mois, allongeant d’autant la période entre les résultats législatifs et la nomination du gouvernement : 18 mois en Belgique (2010), de 7 à 9 mois aux Pays-Bas (2017, 2021), 6 mois en Allemagne (2017), 4 mois en Espagne (2023). Cela n’est pas un problème démocratique mais la prise en compte de la fragmentation parlementaire à minorités multiples. Cela rappelle l’idée élémentaire selon laquelle, dans un régime parlementaire, le gouvernement doit être doté d’une légitimité avant de gouverner et d’exercer sa responsabilité.

Les véritables responsables

Plus largement, cet épisode donne à voir les autres acteurs. Reconnaissons ainsi à Sébastien Lecornu que cette erreur n’est pas la sienne et qu’il importe finalement peu. Qui porte la responsabilité ?

  • Le président de la République et ses conseillers (ceux-là mêmes qui lui ont soufflé l’idée de dissoudre l’Assemblée nationale) portent la responsabilité de cette erreur. Elle remonte au lendemain des législatives de juillet 2024. Depuis lors, trois premiers ministres se sont succédé, tous nommés selon des calculs politiciens reposant sur des capacités supposées à obtenir l’abstention de LFI ou du RN, puis du PS ou de LR, en cas de motions de censure. Comme dans tous les autres régimes parlementaires, le chef du parti ayant remporté le plus de sièges aurait dû être appelé à tenter de former un gouvernement, puis en cas d’échec, le deuxième, etc. Un premier ministre n’aurait donc dû être nommé qu’après avoir construit une coalition au programme de gouvernement contractualisé, démontrant, de fait, une assise suffisante à l’Assemblée nationale.

  • Le Parlement, pris au piège par le gouvernement qui a tenté de le responsabiliser pour cacher son impuissance, dans une inversion malvenue des rôles, n’est pas devenu le gouvernement.

  • L’Assemblée nationale a confirmé que sa capacité à légiférer était compromise (contrairement à ce qu’ont pu affirmer certains commentateurs à propos d’un nouvel « âge d’or » du parlementarisme). On peut expliquer cette incapacité par la subordination de l’Assemblée en tant qu’institution mais aussi par son déclassement politique, lié au manque de poids politique des nouveaux députés depuis 2017.

  • Le Sénat a montré ses limites constitutionnelles. Autrement dit, la Seconde Chambre, doublement exclue des influences politiques et institutionnelles, n’a pas pu peser sur l’examen du projet de loi de finances et a donc travaillé vainement.

Quels enseignements en tirer ?

Cet épisode apporte des enseignements, de plus en plus flagrants depuis juillet 2024.

1) L’arithmétique de l’Assemblée nationale expose une double impasse. D’une part, le président de la République ne dispose plus d’une majorité parlementaire pour gouverner comme il l’a fait entre 2017 et 2022 : c’est la fin du « présidentialisme majoritaire » qui caractérisait jusqu’alors la Ve République. Mais, d’autre part, aucune majorité alternative ne s’est constituée autour du premier ministre, contrairement aux périodes de cohabitation (1986-1988, 1993-1995, 1997-2002), pour opérer un « retour au texte » de la Constitution – c’est-à-dire une lecture où le premier ministre gouverne effectivement.

Dès lors, toute discussion sur l’inadaptation supposée des règles de l’examen parlementaire des projets de loi de finances est malvenue. Elles attribuent les échecs du gouvernement et de l’Assemblée aux règles de procédure – comme l’a suggéré la présidente de l’Assemblée nationale Braun-Pivet – alors que les causes sont ailleurs. Le changement de procédure n’aurait pas conduit à un résultat différent. Les propositions de réformes (comme celles du Haut-Commissariat au plan) écartent le poids du contexte politique et, pis, relèvent d’une vision techniciste et d’un solutionnisme normatif dépassé.

2) Ni présidentialisme ni « retour au texte » de la Constitution : nous assistons à la fin des modèles connus de la Ve République. Dans ce contexte, les institutions ne sont « bien faites » pour personne (François Mitterrand déclarait en juillet 1981 : « Les institutions n’étaient pas faites à mon intention. Mais, elles sont bien faites pour moi. ») Un changement de texte (qui serait le 26ᵉ…) ou un nouveau mode de scrutin ne changerait ni les votes des Français, ni le populisme, ni le déclin des partis de gouvernement, ni les acteurs politiques. Le contexte de fragmentation appelle un nouveau modèle reposant sur la formation d’un gouvernement de coalition comme à l’étranger – ce que permet le texte de la Constitution aux lectures multiples.

3) Reste aux acteurs politiques à le penser et le mettre en œuvre. Mais, au regard des atermoiements du président de la République depuis 2022, des députés qui ont intériorisé leur incompétence à légiférer (comme l’illustrent les motions de rejet préalable de mai et juin 2025 utilisées pour contourner le débat à l’Assemblée nationale par des majorités de circonstance pourtant favorables aux textes), et des partis et candidats tournés vers la prochaine élection présidentielle comme sous la IVe République vers la prochaine crise institutionnelle, il n’est pas certain qu’ils y arrivent.

La séquence ouverte en 2017 a disrupté le système politique, sans construire. S’appuyant sur les institutions et le fait majoritaire jusqu’en 2022, Emmanuel Macron n’a pas su, depuis, instaurer un mode de fonctionnement adapté à l’absence de majorité. Faute d’avoir pensé un gouvernement par coalition négociée, le pouvoir exécutif s’épuise à chercher des majorités de circonstance et à attendre du Parlement ce qu’il ne peut pas faire. Tant que cette leçon ne sera pas tirée, il n’y aura pas de méthode – Lecornu ou autre. Les institutions en sortent abîmées ; LFI et RN : 25 sièges en 2017, 198 depuis 2024. In fine, la question n’est peut-être plus de savoir qui gouvernera, mais s’il sera encore possible de gouverner.

The Conversation

Thomas Ehrhard ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. La « méthode Lecornu » a-t-elle échoué ? – https://theconversation.com/la-methode-lecornu-a-t-elle-echoue-274065

Donald Trump ou pas, le Groenland, futur pivot logistique arctique

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Gilles Paché, Professeur des Universités en Sciences de Gestion, Aix-Marseille Université (AMU)

Loin d’être seulement un territoire gorgé de ressources naturelles attisant toutes les convoitises, le Groenland se place comme un nœud stratégique majeur pour les chaînes d’approvisionnement mondiales. Une telle réalité reste encore trop souvent méconnue.


Depuis la réélection de Donald Trump, le Groenland occupe une place grandissante dans les débats politiques, souvent réduit dans les médias à une question de captation de ressources naturelles. Terres rares, uranium, hydrocarbures ou eau douce sont fréquemment présentés comme les motivations principales de l’intérêt renouvelé du président des États-Unis et, plus largement, des grandes puissances pour ce territoire arctique. Bien que fondée sur des enjeux réels, une telle lecture que l’on qualifiera d’extractive tend à simplifier la nature des tensions actuelles dans la mesure où elle masque une transformation plus profonde des équilibres mondiaux.

Le Groenland apparaît en effet moins comme un simple réservoir de ressources naturelles que comme un espace clé de circulation et de projection des flux dans un contexte de profonde reconfiguration des échanges. Les chaînes d’approvisionnement mondiales, longtemps structurées autour de routes méridionales, sont aujourd’hui fragilisées par les crises géopolitiques et la saturation des infrastructures existantes. D’où une interrogation récurrente : l’Arctique n’émerge-t-il pas comme un nouvel horizon logistique rendu progressivement accessible par le recul de la banquise ? Le Groenland, par sa position centrale entre l’Amérique du Nord, l’Europe et l’Asie, deviendrait alors un élément clé de la recomposition en cours, bien au-delà de la seule question des ressources.

De nouvelles routes maritimes arctiques

Le commerce maritime mondial repose historiquement sur quelques grandes routes structurantes : le canal de Suez (Égypte), le canal de Panama, le détroit de Malacca (Thaïlande, Indonésie, Malaisie) ou encore le cap de Bonne-Espérance (Afrique du Sud). Ces passages sont à la fois vitaux et très vulnérables, comme l’a montré l’ensablement du porte-conteneurs Ever Given en mars 2021 dans le canal de Suez. De ce point de vue, l’Arctique apparaît de plus en plus comme une alternative crédible. En effet, la réduction de la banquise estivale, fruit du réchauffement climatique, ouvre progressivement trois axes majeurs :




À lire aussi :
Les ressources du Groenland, entre protection de l’environnement et tentation du profit


Même si les routes indiquées sur la carte 1 ne sont pas encore accessibles toute l’année, leur fenêtre de navigabilité s’allonge et leur fiabilité augmente. L’intérêt logistique est considérable puisqu’un trajet maritime entre l’Asie de l’Est et l’Europe du Nord peut être raccourci de 30 à 40 % par rapport à un trajet par le canal de Suez, réduisant à la fois le temps de transport, la consommation de carburant et les émissions polluantes.

Carte 1. Nouvelles routes maritimes ouvertes grâce à la fonte des glaces


« La Dépêche », 15 janvier 2026., Fourni par l’auteur

Pour les chaînes d’approvisionnement mondiales, dont les délais et les coûts sont des variables critiques, ces gains sont loin d’être négligeables. Le Groenland ne constitue pas ici seulement un lieu de transit passif. Sa position géographique en fait au contraire une zone idéale pour des fonctions de soutien en matière d’escales techniques, de ravitaillement et d’assistance aux navires, mais aussi d’opérations de recherche et de sauvetage.

Il convient toutefois de nuancer l’enthousiasme qui gagne certains observateurs quant à l’émergence d’une nouvelle géographie des flux. Les routes arctiques, actuelles et à venir, restent soumises à des conditions extrêmes (météo imprévisible, dérive des glaces, ou encore manque de cartographie précise). La logistique arctique est donc plus complexe, plus risquée et plus coûteuse en infrastructures que la logistique des chaînes mondiales d’approvisionnement mise en œuvre depuis le début des années 1980. C’est précisément pour répondre à ces contraintes que le Groenland gagne en importance : en servant de base avancée pour la coordination et l’intervention, il devrait contribuer à la viabilité économique de nouvelles routes.

La logistique, un instrument de puissance

Dans le monde contemporain, nul doute que la logistique n’est plus un simple outil technique au service des échanges de biens et services. Elle est devenue clairement un instrument de puissance, au même titre que la maîtrise de ressources énergétiques et des technologies, notamment d’intelligence artificielle. Contrôler des routes et des nœuds critiques, c’est influencer les flux économiques et, par extension, les rapports de force internationaux. Or, le Groenland, territoire autonome rattaché au Danemark, se trouve de facto intégré aux structures occidentales, notamment via l’Otan. Il est ainsi un élément clé de l’architecture sécuritaire de l’Atlantique Nord et de l’Arctique.

Depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les États-Unis considèrent le Groenland comme un maillon essentiel de leur sécurité. La base spatiale de Pituffik (base aérienne de Thulé, jusqu’en 2023), construite en 1951, et aujourd’hui intégrée au dispositif de défense antimissile et de surveillance états-unien, illustre cette vision géostratégique que la carte 2 permet de mieux visualiser.

Au-delà de sa fonction militaire, la base de Pituffik joue également un rôle logistique majeur dans le suivi des flux maritimes de l’Arctique. Compte tenu du contexte de rivalités accrues avec la Russie et de méfiance vis-à-vis des ambitions chinoises, l’administration Trump cherche à renforcer sa présence et ses partenariats dans la région. La logistique, entendue comme capacité à soutenir et protéger des flux, en constitue un élément clé.

Carte 2. Les États-Unis sous la menace des missiles balistiques russes


« Ouest-France/Lignes de Défense », 7 janvier 2026., Fourni par l’auteur

La Russie dispose du plus long littoral arctique et a investi massivement dans des infrastructures portuaires, des brise-glaces et des bases militaires le long de la route du Nord-Est. Pour Moscou, cette route est à la fois un atout économique et un levier géopolitique. Concernant la Chine, bien que non riveraine, elle se définit depuis 2018 comme un « État proche de l’Arctique » et intègre la région dans son initiative des nouvelles Routes de la Soie. À ce titre, ses investissements potentiels dans les ports et les câbles sous-marins suscitent une vigilance accrue des pays occidentaux. Dans un contexte de montée en puissance des stratégies arctiques russe et chinoise, le Groenland apparaît ainsi comme un point de cristallisation des enjeux logistiques et sécuritaires occidentaux.

Un multiplicateur de puissance

Loin d’être un simple territoire périphérique, le Groenland concentre en effet des fonctions essentielles de surveillance et de protection des infrastructures critiques structurant les chaînes d’approvisionnement mondiales. Routes maritimes émergentes, ports en développement, câbles de communication sous-marins et capacités satellitaires y convergent. Leur sécurisation conditionne non seulement la fluidité des échanges, mais aussi la résilience des systèmes militaires, numériques et énergétiques occidentaux. Dès lors, le Groenland s’impose comme un véritable « multiplicateur » de puissance : y contrôler l’accès et le soutien logistique confère un avantage stratégique décisif dans tout l’Arctique. Une telle centralité illustre l’imbrication croissante entre logistique et stratégie dans les rivalités entre puissances.

Le développement de la logistique arctique repose avant toute chose sur les infrastructures. Le Groenland possède un potentiel important pour l’accueil de ports en eau profonde capables de recevoir des navires de grande taille. Un accord signé en septembre 2025 entre le Danemark et le gouvernement groenlandais prévoit ainsi la construction d’un deep‑water port à Qaqortoq, dans le sud du territoire. Ce type de port joue un rôle de plate-forme multimodale, reliant transport maritime et aérien et, à terme, des réseaux numériques avancés. Il permettra de consolider, redistribuer ou rediriger les flux entre l’Amérique du Nord, l’Europe et l’Asie, en particulier pour les marchandises à forte valeur ajoutée ou sensibles aux délais.

Un futur hub logistique majeur

Au-delà des ports, la logistique moderne repose sur une gamme étendue de services : stockage stratégique, maintenance des flottes, gestion des carburants, traitement des données de navigation. Le Groenland pourrait accueillir des bases spécialisées dans le soutien, réduisant la dépendance à des infrastructures éloignées, situées plus au sud. Ajoutons que le climat froid, souvent perçu comme un handicap, constitue également un avantage concurrentiel pour l’implantation de data centers. Le refroidissement naturel réduit les coûts énergétiques (de 40 à 80 % de la consommation totale), tout en renforçant la résilience des infrastructures numériques.

Il serait toutefois illusoire de comparer en l’état le Groenland à des hubs logistiques matures tels que Singapour ou Rotterdam, traitant respectivement des centaines de millions de tonnes de marchandises par an. Avec une population d’environ 56 000 habitants, le territoire est confronté à des contraintes structurelles majeures : aucune route interurbaine ni voie ferrée, des infrastructures conçues pour de faibles volumes et une dépendance presque exclusive au transport aérien et maritime.

France Culture 2026.

De telles limites réduisent l’attractivité des routes arctiques pour le trafic commercial de grande échelle et exigent des investissements considérables afin d’accroître la capacité logistique locale. À moyen et long terme, le Groenland pourrait cependant se positionner comme un nœud logistique complémentaire
– plutôt que concurrent – des grands hubs mondiaux
.

Héritages et perspectives

Les axes logistiques ont toujours façonné le pouvoir des États. Des Routes de la Soie aux canaux de Suez et de Panama, la maîtrise des flux a déterminé les fortunes économiques et la capacité de projection militaire. Dans cette lignée, le Groenland pourrait incarner un jalon stratégique analogue pour le XXIe siècle. Son positionnement géographique central, combiné à des infrastructures adaptées, en fait un pivot capable d’influencer non seulement le commerce arctique mais aussi les chaînes d’approvisionnement mondiales. La logistique y devient ainsi un vecteur de puissance, révélant comment la maîtrise des circulations matérielles et numériques redessine la hiérarchie des États dans un monde multipolaire.

Au-delà de la géographie et de l’économie, le Groenland illustre l’imbrication croissante entre technologie, environnement et stratégie. Les défis du climat arctique obligent à innover en matière d’infrastructures et de sécurité, tandis que l’histoire contemporaine rappelle que le contrôle de points névralgiques produit des effets durables sur l’équilibre global des échanges.

En ce sens, le Groenland ne peut être réduit à un territoire dont les riches ressources sont à portée de main, mais un laboratoire de la puissance logistique où sécurité, commerce et innovation convergent. À n’en point douter, son rôle futur devrait résonner comme une preuve supplémentaire que les flux – et ceux qui les organisent – façonnent en profondeur le nouvel ordre mondial.

The Conversation

Gilles Paché ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Donald Trump ou pas, le Groenland, futur pivot logistique arctique – https://theconversation.com/donald-trump-ou-pas-le-groenland-futur-pivot-logistique-arctique-273928

The big higher education question in 2026 ought to be: what are we preparing young people for?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lucy Gill-Simmen, Associate Dean (Education & Student Experience) Faculty of Business & Law, Royal Holloway, University of London

The UK’s proposed post-16 education and skills policy promises a nation “where nobody is left behind”. The country’s modern industrial strategy 2025 talks of a workforce ready for a decade of growth, green jobs and artificial intelligence. It is the language of momentum and modernity, but beneath the optimism of these papers and policies lies unease.

We have a plan for skills, but do we still have a philosophy of education? The refrain that “nobody gets left behind” only holds meaning if we first know where we are going.

Education is not merely about producing employable subjects, but cultivating human beings capable of judgement, imagination and democratic participation. Without that moral compass, our forward motion risks becoming little more than acceleration without direction.

In 1949, Albert Einstein lamented: “It is nothing short of a miracle that modern methods of instruction have not yet entirely strangled the holy curiosity of inquiry.”

More than seven decades later, it feels prophetic. Across higher education in the UK, a quiet malaise has taken hold. Universities have become fluent in the language of metrics, policies and dashboards, while students have become fluent in anxiety and debt.

We speak earnestly of agility and alignment, yet without clear direction. Once the moral and intellectual conscience of society, the British university risks becoming something far more ordinary: an institution of conformity, competing for the same diminishing pool of students and, in doing so, becoming indistinguishable from its peers.

This creeping homogenisation reflects the global commercialisation of higher education, where institutions mirror market logics (such as supply and demand) rather than challenge them, often at the expense of curiosity, critical thinking and imagination.

US educational reformer John Dewey described education as “life itself”. Brazilian educator Paulo Freire warned that schooling without liberation (meaning here agency and active learning rather than passively absorbing information) becomes “the banking of facts”, while the feminist author and academic known as bell hooks viewed education as “the practice of freedom”.

These were not romantic slogans; they were blueprints for survival. These people understood that education is not training – it is a process of becoming. Yet today, the language of learning has been colonised by a language of logistics.

Students are “learners”, teachers “deliverers”, and curiosity has no place in key performance indicators. The university system is increasingly one of transaction and we are building a system that can measure everything except meaning.

Opportunity in a crisis

The world is moving faster than the curriculum. Recently leaked documents suggest Amazon could replace up to 600,000 workers with robots – a glimpse of a labour market where efficiency outruns employment. If automation can transform one of the world’s largest employers, then the question for higher education is urgent: what are we preparing young people for?

The answer cannot be “the jobs of tomorrow”, because those jobs may not exist. The task now is to educate for adaptability, imagination and moral judgment, the qualities no algorithm can replace. As the historian and philosopher Hannah Arendt wrote in 1961: “Education is the point at which we decide whether we love the world enough to assume responsibility for it.” This is the work before us.

The government has correctly diagnosed a skills shortage. But its policy misses a meaning shortage. We need not only employable graduates but capable citizens – people able to reason ethically, collaborate across cultures and invent purpose where automation erases routine.

Higher education must recover its voice as the space where society asks its most difficult questions. What is progress for? What is prosperity without dignity? What does it mean to flourish or even to matter in an age of intelligent machines? These are not rhetorical questions – they are the foundation of survival strategies for a civilisation on the cusp of reinvention.

The courage to begin again

Universities across the world are banging the drum of transformation, insisting that doing things differently is the way forward. But how many actually are doung things differently? For all the rhetoric of innovation, much of the sector remains bound by inherited models of teaching and governance.

Into this inertia steps a new generation of institutions reimagining what a university can be. The “challenger university” model exemplified by Minerva University in the US and the London Interdisciplinary School in the UK, has begun to disrupt long-held assumptions about place, teaching and purpose.

These universities treat the world itself as a campus, fusing digital delivery, experiential learning and global immersion to craft education around curiosity rather than compliance.

Traditional universities are slowly following suit, rolling out accelerated degrees and hybrid formats with experiential learning embedded in their cities. At Royal Holloway Business School, the BSc Business and Management (London Accelerated) degree was built from this conviction. It is faster – two years all in instead of three – but not shallower.

London itself becomes the campus as students collaborate with businesses and design projects that connect innovation to ethics. They learn to work with artificial intelligence as a creative partner, not a threat.

This is not a course in survival; it is a course in significance. It teaches that employability follows from imagination, and that imagination begins with purpose. At its heart lies the courage of moral imagination: the willingness to envision not only alternative futures, but better ones.

Higher education stands at a fork in the road. One path leads deeper into optimisation: faster courses, tighter metrics, closer alignment to industry. The other path leads back to truth, curiosity and moral imagination. The first path is safe but soulless. The second is uncertain but alive.

And perhaps that is what this moment demands: to make education full of wonder again. When acceleration becomes an end in itself, education becomes soulless; when it is used to support inquiry, reflection and ethical engagement, it can do the opposite.

Universities must not only expand access but redefine ambition. They must teach not just for the labour market but for the human market – the realm of creativity, empathy and responsibility that automation cannot touch.

So yes, let us commit to no one being left behind. But let us also dare to ask: towards what? Towards compliance or consciousness? Towards growth or grace and fulfilment? If we want education to matter again, we must stop treating it as the servant of policy and start recognising it as the architect of possibility.

The Conversation

Lucy Gill-Simmen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The big higher education question in 2026 ought to be: what are we preparing young people for? – https://theconversation.com/the-big-higher-education-question-in-2026-ought-to-be-what-are-we-preparing-young-people-for-270208

Robert Burns and Mary, Queen of Scots: how the poet shaped the enduring cultural legacy of the executed monarch

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kate Kane, PhD Candidate in Scottish Literature, University of Glasgow

Wikimedia and National Galleries of Scotland, CC BY-NC

Internationally synonymous with Scottish identity, Robert Burns is Scotland’s national bard, a status he has achieved through his popularity since his death in 1796. He wrote some of the country’s most famous poems, including the satirical ode, Address to a Haggis and the rousing Scots Wha Hae. His most well-known work, the emotive Auld Lang Syne, is belted out the world over every New Year’s Eve.

On the 25th of January each year, Scots celebrate his life with good food (including the haggis he declared “Chieftain o’ the Puddin-race”) and recitations of his poetry. This Burns Night, I urge you to read one of the Bard’s lesser-known works from 1790, Lament of Mary, Queen of Scots, on the Approach of Spring.

A figure who also looms large in the Scottish cultural imagination, Mary, Queen of Scots was executed in 1587 for plotting against her cousin, the English queen, Elizabeth I. Following her execution and the death of Elizabeth, Mary’s son James was crowned king of both countries in 1603, meaning Mary is often viewed as the last distinctively Scottish monarch.

Mary’s legacy has long been contested. In her lifetime, she was depicted as either a papist jezebel, a “monstrous” female ruler, or a Catholic martyr.

Since her death, a slew of writers, including Burns, have written fictional versions of the Queen of Scots according to their own beliefs about her cultural significance. However, Burns’ poem, written 200 years after her execution, played a large part in shaping her legacy.

Mary was the subject of heated debate among Scottish men in the 18th century. Figures such as the philosopher David Hume labelled Mary “a whore” who had “murdered her husband”.

Hume was using the same smears weaponised by Mary’s contemporary political enemies to control her public reputation. The Scottish lords at the time implicated the queen in the murder of her second husband, Lord Darnley. Her marriage to the man accused of Darnely’s killing just months after his death seemed to support perceptions of her guilt. They denounced her as a murderer and adulteress, and she was forced to abdicate in 1567.

Burns’ representation of the “amiable but unfortunate” Mary is, by contrast, sympathetic. His lament first appeared in a letter in 1790 to his friend the heiress Francis Dunlop. He went on to describe the work, in another letter, this time to Lady Winifred Maxwell Constable in 1791, as “a tribute to the memory of our greatly injured, lovely Scottish Queen”.

Burns’ sympathy for the queen was probably influenced by the popular defence of her written by his friend William Tytler. Challenging accounts from the likes of Hume, Tytler critically re-examined the evidence used to condemn Mary for her second husband’s death.

Burns’s portrayal of Mary was also influenced by his Jacobite sympathies – he believed that the exiled Stuart dynasty, represented by Mary, should be restored to the British throne. A burgeoning romantic literary tradition, oriented around natural imagery and individualistic emotional expression, also informed his representation of the Queen.

Written in Mary’s voice as she awaits execution, Burns’ Mary contrasts her youthful happiness as “the Queen o’ bonie France” (she became Queen of France through her first marriage in 1558 to the French dauphin, Francis II) with her current imprisonment in “foreign bands” in England. She decries “mony [many] a traitor” in Scotland and wishes “kinder stars” for her son James.

The Lamentation of Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots by the female poet Anne Hunter (1742-1821) may also have influenced Burns’ depiction of the queen. Published around 1780, it bears marked similarities to Burns’ later lament.

Hunter and Burns both write as Mary in the first-person, describe Elizabeth I as a “false woman”, use nature-based imagery, and conclude with Mary’s defiant belief that she will live on after her death. Unfortunately, the likely influence of Hunter’s work on the bard has largely been forgotten, as her poem was often published anonymously.

With his lament, Burns cemented Mary’s status as a tragic figure ripe for romantic literary representation. Burns’ work inspired the romantic poet William Wordsworth to write three poems about the queen of “weeping captivity” in the early 1800s – one remarkably similar lament and two works that also appropriated her voice.

With Burns’s Mary declaring Elizabeth to be a lesser woman as “the weeping blood in woman’s breast / Was never known to thee”, he also helped to create an enduring trope that presents womanly, incompetent Mary as having been the victim and opposite of cold and shrewd (unwomanly) Elizabeth.

This idea has been perpetuated in works from Walter Scott’s The Abbot (1820) to Phillipa Gregory’s The Other Queen (2008). Liz Lochhead’s 1987 play Mary Queen of Scots Got Her Head Chopped Off is the most significant work to date to take issue with this portrayal of the queens as two “mean girls locked in a catfight to the death”.

Both Mary and Burns were poets, both of their corpses were exhumed in attempts to redefine their cultural reputations, and both are now profitable attractions for Scotland’s tourism and heritage industries.

As Burns Night comes around again and Mary’s last letter goes on display for the first time in Perth, now is the time to read Lament of Mary, Queen of Scots, on the Approach of Spring and remember two figures whose lives and mythologies have shaped Scotland greatly.

This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.


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Kate Kane receives funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council via the Scottish Graduate School for Arts and Humanities.

ref. Robert Burns and Mary, Queen of Scots: how the poet shaped the enduring cultural legacy of the executed monarch – https://theconversation.com/robert-burns-and-mary-queen-of-scots-how-the-poet-shaped-the-enduring-cultural-legacy-of-the-executed-monarch-273950

Why Greenland plays an outsized role in climate change science

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Will de Freitas, Environment + Energy Editor, The Conversation

How high will the sea eventually rise? Much depends on Greenland. muratart / shutterstock

This roundup of The Conversation’s climate coverage was first published in our award-winning weekly climate action newsletter, Imagine.

“Observing Greenland from a helicopter,” one scientist wrote last year, “the main problem is one of comprehending scale. I thought we were skimming low over the waves of a fjord, before … realising what I suspected were floating shards of ice were in fact icebergs the size of office blocks. I thought we were hovering high in the sky over a featureless icy plane below, before bumping down gently onto ice only a few metres below us.”

This is the view described by Durham glaciologist Tom Chudley, when writing about his research showing the Greenland ice sheet isn’t just melting – it’s falling apart. Chudley and his colleagues found crevasses are growing fast, channelling meltwater deep into the ice sheet, accelerating its slide into the ocean.

And as the ice cracks, so does the geopolitical status quo.

aerial shot of greenland interior
Fingerprint ridges or office block crevasses?
JSCorbella / shutterstock

Many world maps make Greenland seem even bigger than it actually is. The “Mercator projection” implies it’s almost the size of Africa, when in reality it is “only” about as big as the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Over my time in this job, I have noticed Greenland having a similarly outsized role in climate science. In recent years, The Conversation has published stories, among many others, on melting ice, climate-changing microbes, fast-adapting polar bears, Chudley’s creaking crevasses, the race to map the world’s most spectacular and remote fjords, and a skyscraper-sized tsunami that vibrated through the entire planet and no one saw. All relied on scientists – often in big international teams – having access to Greenland.




Read more:
The Greenland ice sheet is falling apart – new study


Access denied?

But the political stability that allows these scientists to work there is also under threat. In a piece explaining why Greenland is indispensable to global climate science, Martin Siegert, a glaciologist who heads the University of Exeter’s Cornwall campus, points out that Antarctica has been governed for decades by an international treaty that ensures it remains a place of peace and science. Greenland has no such protection.

“Its openness to research”, writes Siegert, “therefore depends not on international law, but on Greenland’s continued political stability and openness – all of which may be threatened by US control.”

The stakes are high: if Greenland’s colossal ice sheet fully melted, it would “raise sea level globally by about seven metres (the height of a two storey house)”.




Read more:
Why Greenland is indispensable to global climate science


polar bear peeks from behind ice
An occupational hazard.
Jane Rix / shutterstock

Why the sudden urge to take over Greenland, anyway?

Many assume America’s ambitions are ultimately about oil or other minerals. But Lukas Slothuus, who researches fossil fuel production at the University of Sussex, takes a more sceptical view on the supposed economic jackpot.

Logistical nightmares

Greenland does have vast natural resources, he says, but they won’t necessarily translate into huge profits. That’s because the logistics are so tough. Slothuus notes that: “Outside its capital Nuuk, there is almost no road infrastructure in Greenland and limited deep-water ports for large tankers and container ships.”

He contrasts this with other potential mining operations around the world, which can “exploit public infrastructure such as roads, ports, power generation, housing and specialist workers to make their operations profitable”. Greenland has none of this. That means “huge capital investment would be required to extract the first truckload of minerals and the first barrel of oil”.

This is one reason why Siegert believes “economics dictates” Greenland’s resources will “most likely be used to power the green transition rather than prolong the fossil fuel era”. The sheer cost of extraction means the commercial focus is on “critical minerals”: high-value materials used in renewable technologies from wind turbines to electric car batteries.

As Slothuus puts it, oil from Greenland is “implausible even in the event of a full US takeover”.

“There are many reasons why the Trump administration might want to dominate the Arctic, not least to gain relative power over Russia and China. But natural resource extraction is unlikely to feature centrally.”




Read more:
Why Greenland’s vast natural resources won’t necessarily translate into huge profits


This hasn’t stopped the superpowers, of course. And in the medium-term, Greenland looks set to host a massive military build up – whether or not the US takes over.

That’s according to Caroline Kennedy-Pipe, a professor of war studies at Loughborough University. She says Greenland is in a strategic position that will only become more important as climate change opens up new shipping lanes, enabling further conflict in the far north. “The Arctic in general,” she writes, “will become a showcase for the latest military technology the US has in its armouries.”




Read more:
Whether or not US acquires Greenland, the island will be at the centre of a massive military build-up in the Arctic


I’m not aware of any research on the climate impact of a military showcase on or around a pristine ice sheet. But as our glaciologist in the helicopter warned us, the ice is already fragile enough.


To contact The Conversation’s environment team, please email imagine@theconversation.com. We’d love to hear your feedback, ideas and suggestions and we read every email, thank you.


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ref. Why Greenland plays an outsized role in climate change science – https://theconversation.com/why-greenland-plays-an-outsized-role-in-climate-change-science-274053

Trump’s Board of Peace launches into a warring world

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor, The Conversation

This newsletter was first published in The Conversation UK’s World Affairs Briefing email. Sign up to receive weekly analysis of the latest developments in international relations, direct to your inbox.


Fears that Donald Trump’s newly minted “Board of Peace” might supplant the United Nations appear to have been premature. The US president has touted his brainchild as “an international organization” that aims to “secure enduring peace in areas affected or threatened by conflict”. This, of course, is a mission that is central to the UN’s raison d’etre.

But António Guterres, the UN’s secretary-general, is unlikely to lose much sleep over Trump’s new vehicle for global governance. Just 19 countries have signed up of the 60 invited, ranging from Argentina to Uzbekistan. From Europe, just Hungary and Bulgaria have joined. None of the major European powers were represented, neither were Russia or China.

The board’s charter amounts to what must be one of the more bizarre documents doing the diplomatic round at the moment. Despite being set up and given a mandate by the UN security council as a vehicle to oversee the future governance and rebuilding of Gaza, you’d search in vain in the charter for mentions of the embattled Palestinian territory.

Instead it confers on the US president some extraordinary powers as chairman of the board. He can dictate who is eligible to join (just not, as we have seen, who actually joins). He will occupy the chair for as long as he wishes and has the power to choose his successor. He will choose when to meet and what to discuss. In the event of a decision before member states being tied, he gets a casting vote.

Membership is for three years, and can be turned into a permanent seat for a fee of US$1 billion (£740 million). Funds will be controlled by the executive board, selected by the chairman, with a chief executive officer, nominated by the chairman. The chairman also has the power to remove or renew the tenure of members of the executive board.

It is, writes Stefan Wolff, like a “privatised UN with one shareholder: the US president”. And it comes a week after Trump pulled the US out of 31 UN organisations, including the peace-building commission and the peace-building fund, as well as office of the special representative for children in armed conflict. Perhaps we’ll see the Board of
Peace taking these roles on?

More likely, it would seem, is that the transactional ethos which appears to run through Trump’s foreign policy endeavours will persist in the Board of Peace’s efforts to solve today’s international crises. Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff have both been appointed to the executive board (alongside, among others, Tony Blair). Kushner presented the plan for the next phase of the Gaza plan, which will focus on decommissioning Hamas.




Read more:
Donald Trump’s ‘board of peace’ looks like a privatised UN with one shareholder: the US president


The launch of the Board of Peace took place on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum at Davos, a gathering which had appeared to have lost traction in recent years, but which has this week been the epicentre of global diplomacy. This has largely been thanks to Trump’s threat to acquire Greenland from Denmark by fair means or foul. Given that Denmark (and the Greenlanders themselves) have resolutely insisted that the island is not for sale, fair means appear to have been ruled out and there was much consternation about what foul might mean and whether it would involve military action.

Trump addressed the gathering on Wednesday, rowing back on his earlier threat to take Greenland by force. But it what was still clear that most leaders are coming to terms with the disintegration of the world order put in place in the aftermath of the second world war and the dawn of a new era dominated by great powers acting purely in their own interests. Or as Stephen Miller, Trump’s ideologue in chief puts it, a world “that is governed by strength, that is governed by force, that is governed by power”.

It’s hard to see how America’s erstwhile close allies can resist this, writes Robert Dover. Dover, an expert in international affairs at the University of Hull, with a focus on security and intelligence, sees just how intimately entwined the US and the rest of Nato are, particularly in terms of intelligence sharing and military cooperation.

Still, he writes: “There is a dawning realisation that the US might be Europe’s adversary, not ally.” Or, as Canadian prime minister Mark Carney put it in his speech on January 20: “We are in the midst of a rupture, not a transition.” It’s up to the rest of the world to decide how to face up to the new reality.




Read more:
Trump at Davos marks the start of a new era in world affairs


Carney’s speech, with its quotations from Václav Havel and Thucydides, has been much praised. (Take a look at this piece from Thucydides expert Neville Morley for a detailed look on what the ancient historian really meant by the line referenced by Carney.) One journalist even put it up there with Churchill’s iron curtain speech after the second world war.

There was, writes Mark Shanahan, professor of political engagement at the University of Surrey, one venue and two speeches but Carney’s “left Donald Trump in the dust”. It was clear-sighted, determined, reasonable and fact-based. Trump, meanwhile, served up 70 minutes that had it not been for the teleprompter you could have taken for stream of consciousness, including the usual jibes against friend and foe alike and a medley of his own greatest hits, many of them imaginary.

Shanahan contrasts the style and substance of the two leaders, concluding that: “One leader donned the cloak of statesmanship at Davos this week. It wasn’t Donald Trump.”




Read more:
One venue, two speeches – how Mark Carney left Donald Trump in the dust in Davos


Trump 2.0: one year in

So busy a week has it been that we’ve hardly had time to stop and notice that it marked a year since Donald Trump was inaugurated for his second term, promising to “preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States”.

He rode to victory in November 2024 thanks to a broad coalition with its core comprising what have become known as Maga voters – for his slogan that he will “make America great again”. Prominent among those voters were farmers and small business owners in rural communities across the heartland of America: rust-belt and rural communities drawn to his promise of economic regeneration.

But a year own there are signs that these people are becoming increasingly disillusioned, writes Inderjeet Parmar, an expert in US politics at City St George’s, University of London. The mass deportations of migrants has deprived farmers of vital labour while Trump’s regime of tariffs has increased costs for struggling families. With the midterms looming this November, the Republican party will be anxious that these crucial votes might not materialise.




Read more:
Signs that Trump’s economic policies are alienating his rural Maga base


Tariffs have been at the heart of Trumpian economic policy over the first year of his second term. Economists Prachi Agarwal, Jodie Keane and Maximiliano Mendez-Parra of independent research organisation ODI Global assess who are the winners from Trump’s tariff regime and who have lost out.




Read more:
After a year of Trump, who are the winners and losers from US tariffs?



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ref. Trump’s Board of Peace launches into a warring world – https://theconversation.com/trumps-board-of-peace-launches-into-a-warring-world-274147

« Carney a prononcé un discours courageux – parce que risqué », selon une spécialiste

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Mireille Lalancette, Professor, Département de lettres et communication sociale, Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières (UQTR)

Le discours prononcé mardi par le premier ministre Mark Carney au Forum économique mondial, à Davos en Suisse, dicté par le pragmatisme dont l’ancien gouverneur de la Banque d’Angleterre se revendique depuis son arrivée dans la vie politique, marque un tournant majeur pour les relations internationales du Canada.




À lire aussi :
Mark Carney à Davos : virage à 180 degrés dans les relations avec les États-Unis


Le sénateur et ancien diplomate canadien Peter Boehm a parlé du discours de Carney comme du « plus important prononcé par un premier ministre canadien depuis Louis St.Laurent en 1947 », tandis que certains analystes l’on comparé au discours du premier ministre britannique Winston Churchill sur le rideau de fer.

Était-ce la bonne décision compte tenu des retombées et des représailles potentielles ? S’il est difficile de prédire la portée qu’aura véritablement un discours politique, la professeure en communication politique à l’UQTR, Mireille Lalancette, note que Carney a très bien manié les codes du discours et les procédés rhétoriques afin de porter son message. Elle repère à cet égard une proximité entre Carney et le président américain John F. Kennedy, qui avait proclamé de manière célèbre : « Ne demandez pas ce que votre pays peut faire pour vous, demandez ce que vous pouvez faire pour votre pays. »

L’habileté de Carney n’est pas moindre, lorsqu’il dit : « Nous ne comptons plus seulement sur la force de nos valeurs, mais la valeur de notre force. » Lalancette, autrice de l’ouvrage Prendre la parole et argumenter, rappelle que Carney a écrit lui-même son discours, et note que l’on repère à ces formules solennelles la conscience qu’avait Carney de marquer un potentiel moment de bascule.


La Conversation Canada : Mark Carney s’est construit une image d’homme pragmatique et compétent. Réussit-il à tenir cette posture maintenant qu’il est confronté à Donald Trump et aux grandes puissances économiques ?

Mireille Lalancette : Pour l’instant, Mark Carney parvient à tirer son épingle du jeu. Si on se reporte au triangle du leadership, théorie avec laquelle je travaille avec mes collègues italiens Diego Cieccobelli et Luigi Di Gregorio, et qui comprend trois grands traits, soit la compétence, l’authenticité et la proximité, on voit qu’il réussit à les mettre de l’avant tant par ses paroles que ses gestes. L’authenticité, par exemple, ressort de ses propos et prises de décision, lorsqu’il parle d’honnêteté et de mettre fin aux mensonges. Le discours de Carney à Davos assumait un propos authentique malgré les risques importants qui y étaient associés.

Il y a un parallèle à faire ici avec Jean Chrétien, qui avait refusé en 2003 de participer à l’invasion de l’Irak avec George W. Bush. Il y avait une rupture ferme : on ne suivait plus aveuglément les Américains. Il ne voulait pas aller là, ne jugeait pas cette guerre nécessaire.

LCC : Carney s’est efforcé de se construire une image de politicien accessible et près des enjeux des gens. Est-ce que cette posture est encore importante dans le contexte actuel, ou peut-il jouer plus frontalement sur son image d’élite politique et économique ?

M.L. : Construire une posture politique, c’est un peu comme manipuler un système de son : On intensifie certaines variables, on en atténue d’autres en fonction du contexte et du moment. En ce moment, c’est gagnant pour Carney – et en fait il n’a pas vraiment le choix de mettre de l’avant cette posture. Ce qui est intéressant également avec cette posture d’élite économique qu’il possède, c’est que Carney connait les codes de ces milieux, il parle le même langage qu’eux. Quand on analyse le discours de Davos, et à plus forte raison sa réception, force est reconnaitre que Carney a su évaluer aussi bien le moment que le ton à adopté.




À lire aussi :
In-Carney le changement et un leadership gagnant en contexte de crise : comment le nouveau chef libéral a construit son image politique en ligne


LCC : Carney a prononcé son discours à un moment stratégique, alors que l’Europe fait front contre Trump et son désir de prendre contrôle du Groenland. Est-ce qu’il n’y a pas un risque pour le Canada, qui évolue dans un contexte plus précaire ?

Donald Trump montre une carte aux dirigeants occidentaux
Vraisemblablement crée à l’aide de l’intelligence artificielle, cette image publiée par Trump sur son compte Truth Social montre différents dirigeants du monde écoutant le prédisent américain discourir sur ce qui semble être l’élargissement du territoire américain au Canada et au Groenland.
(Capture d’écran | X), CC BY

M.L. : Marc Carney a prononcé un discours courageux – parce que risqué. Le problème, cependant, c’est que ne pas prendre ce risque constitue également un risque. Aussi récemment que lundi dernier, Trump publiait sur son compte Truth Social une carte où on pouvait voir le drapeau américain s’étendre au Canada et au Groenland. C’est du symbole, mais qui travaille concrètement un certain imaginaire politique de sa base. C’est une manière également de nous dire que notre présence est dérangeante. On a pu voir cette dernière année que marcher sur la pointe des pieds, signer des accords, bref que s’adapter aux humeurs de Trump de manière réactive, n’est pas une stratégie viable.


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On doit également rappeler que le discours de Carney ne visait pas uniquement les États-Unis, mais aussi d’autres superpuissances, comme la Russie et la Chine. Les pays d’Asie, de l’Europe et de l’Amérique vont avoir avantage à collaborer tant que les superpuissances vont adopter des attitudes belligérantes. Le message de Carney, à cet égard, était un appel au courage et à l’union.

Nous ne sommes pas naïfs, car nous reconnaissons que les progrès sont souvent graduels, que les intérêts sont divergents, que tous nos partenaires ne partagent pas nécessairement nos valeurs. Nous allons collaborer de manière ouverte, stratégique et lucide. Nous acceptons pleinement le monde tel qu’il est sans attendre qu’il devienne ce que nous aimerions voir. (Mark Carney)




À lire aussi :
Les États-Unis en repli, la Chine en retrait, le monde dans un vide dangereux


LCC : Ce nouveau leadership de Carney pourrait-il redonner au pays une place plus importante sur la scène internationale, quelque chose d’analogue à ce qu’on voyait sous Brian Mulroney ?

M.L. : Mulroney avait joué un rôle clé de négociateur, c’était un fin négociateur depuis longtemps. À l’échelle de son parti, c’est d’ailleurs quelque chose que des gens lui ont reproché, puisque confronté à des candidats qui voulaient par exemple quitter le parti, il avait tendance à négocier jusqu’à la fin. La place du Canada sur la scène internationale s’est détériorée notamment avec Harper, parce que ce n’était pas une priorité à l’époque. Trudeau a essayé de redorer le blason du pays, mais ça reste toujours un défi dans un contexte où les puissances mondiales ne jouent pas nécessairement selon les règles du jeu établies notamment par les traités internationaux.




À lire aussi :
Partir ou bien rester ? Quand la loyauté politique est mise en péril


Le leadership, c’est surtout quelque chose qui s’exerce, et tout spécialement en fonction d’un contexte donné, en mettant certaines qualités de l’avant. Il est encore tôt pour se prononcer, mais on peut dire que jusqu’à maintenant, Carney joue les bonnes cartes en fonction du contexte, qui est d’ailleurs particulièrement délicat à négocier.

LCC : Pierre Poilievre a été pris de court par la posture technocrate adoptée par Carney. Est-ce que son discours politique s’y adapte ?

M.L. : Pierre Poilievre rêvait d’une campagne avec Trudeau, qui n’a pas eu lieu parce qu’il a tellement bien mené ses attaques en amont, que son adversaire est parti. Toute sa stratégie de campagne était liée à Trudeau, ce qui a fait que pendant les deux premières semaines de la campagne, il s’affairait encore à attaquer Trudeau alors que son adversaire était Carney. Mais dans le contexte actuel, ce n’est pas crédible, il répète systématiquement les mêmes arguments, les mêmes slogans. On le voit difficilement prononcer un discours comme celui que Mark Carney à offert à Davos cette semaine.

La Conversation Canada

Mireille Lalancette ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. « Carney a prononcé un discours courageux – parce que risqué », selon une spécialiste – https://theconversation.com/carney-a-prononce-un-discours-courageux-parce-que-risque-selon-une-specialiste-274171

Academy Awards 2026: How ‘Hamnet’ will help me lead Shakespeare classes about ‘Hamlet’s’ Ophelia

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Paul Yachnin, Tomlinson Professor of Shakespeare Studies, McGill University

In ‘Hamnet,’ Shakespeare’s wife, Agnes, (Jessie Buckley) is a healer. (Agata Grzybowska/2025 Focus Features LLC)

When I teach Shakespeare’s play, Hamlet, many students love the character Ophelia, and so do I. But the play seems to silence her just when readers need to know more about how she sees the world and her place in it — especially the young women in my classes.

After all, as Shakespeare critics have noted, Ophelia is a young woman who is bossed around by her brother and her father and slut-shamed and violently rejected by Hamlet — the prince who said he loved her.

Over the centuries, Ophelia appears frequently in popular western culture — recently in the Taylor Swift song of the same name, just as Ophelia imagery is referenced on Swift’s Life of a Showgirl album cover.




Read more:
The pre-Raphaelite muse who inspired Taylor Swift’s The Fate of Ophelia


Hamlet‘s Ophelia goes mad in the wake of her father’s murder. She ends up falling into a brook and drowning, according to the weirdly poetic account delivered by Queen Gertrude:

“There is a willow grows aslant a brook,

That shows his hoar leaves in the glassy stream;

There with fantastic garlands did she come

Of crow-flowers, nettles, daisies, and long purples …”

Finally, Maggie O’Farrell’s novel Hamnet, and the Hamnet movie that she wrote with director Chloé Zhao — now nominated for eight Academy Awards — have given me something important to share about Ophelia the next time I teach Hamlet.

Trailer for ‘Hamnet.’

Hamnet imagines origins of ‘Hamlet’

Hamnet, novel and movie, tells a compelling story about the origins of the play Hamlet in Shakespeare’s life as O’Farrell and Zhao imagine it, focused on the passionate relationship between Shakespeare and his wife and the tragedy of their son Hamnet’s death from plague at age 11.




Read more:
After the plague, Shakespeare imagined a world saved from poison, slander and the evil eye


The film draws on sparse historical details, such as the name of Shakespeare’s wife Agnes (aka Anne Hathaway) and the known death of one of their children.

The film shows us the shattering grief they felt — and envisions Hamlet as a gift of remembrance for the dead Hamnet, a gift that seems strong enough to begin to heal the broken love between Agnes and William.

But in the book and the movie, the potential healing a work of art can catalyze has roots eleswhere: Agnes’s art of natural healing. From her late mother, a woman said by the locals to have been a “forest witch,” Agnes learned how to gather the flowers and herbs that grow in the forests near Stratford and how to concoct them into medicines able to heal the sick and broken bodies of her neighbours.

Regardless of the historical plausibility of Hamnet, could it possibly tell us something about Hamlet that we don’t already know?

In my analysis as a Shakespeare scholar, the film can open up a new way of seeing, loving and standing up for Ophelia, precisely by seeing Ophelia in dialogue with Hamnet’s Agnes.

Face to face with Ophelia

To understand that story, let’s consider that the theatre Shakespeare and his company made in London around the turn of the 16th century is
what I am calling a “thinking machine.”

This idea emerges from collaborative interdisciplinary research I’m doing that brings Shakespeare into conversation about social, environmental and political upheaval and explores the convergence of art, science, technology and human experience.

Why a machine? Like large language models (LLMs) today that train on huge archives of digital data, Shakespeare’s play-making didn’t just draw on previous plays, but also on literary, political and legal language, street talk, sermons, songs — the whole textual and spoken ecosystem of his time and the textual works of earlier ages.

However, unlike LLMs, which use predictive logic to generate what word should follow what word to generate a text, Shakespeare’s plays are human-made mechanisms with meanings that grow larger over time and more complex by way of the creative, networked intelligence of actors and many other interpreters.

Hamlet, itself drawing on a vast trove of literary and cultural works, has generated a multitude of different performances, different critical accounts and thousands of other works of art. The works Hamlet has inspired have also been able to loop back and bring to light aspects of the play that have passed unremarked in earlier interpretations.

Ophelia as healer

Eighteenth and 19th-century Germans, for example, took up Hamlet as a play about their own struggles toward nationhood. Ferdinand Freiligrath wrote a poem “Hamlet” (1844) with the line “Deutschland ist Hamlet.”

Painting of a dreamy looking woman beside water.
John William Waterhouse 1894 painting ‘Ophelia.’
(Wikimedia)

That new way of thinking about the play took root across many European nations. It even ended up giving voice to 20th-century Québecois aspirations toward nationhood in Hubert Aquin’s novel Prochain Épisode.

Hamnet, like other interpretations of Shakespeare’s work, can help advance our understanding of Ophelia, a character who has been at the centre of much feminist scholarship across fields for at least the past 40 years and has been a central concern in theatrical, literary and visual art for far longer.

Image of a woman looking up from a greeny blue setting suggesting water in a jeweled bustier.
Taylor Swift’s ‘The Life of a Showgirl’ album cover references earlier artistic depictions of Ophelia.
(Wikimedia)

Maggie O’Farrell’s Agnes, brought to life on-screen by Zhao in Hamnet, can begin to bring forward stronger readings of the role of Ophelia.

Building on earlier readings that amplify studies of corruption and governance, we might consider how Ophelia, like Zhao’s Agnes, also sets out to be a healer, but a healer of souls and of the nation itself.

In the play’s Act 4, Opelia’s “mad” talk, heard by ordinary people in the streets, is already stirring the people up against the corrupt monarchy.

Fighting moral disease

The “mad” Ophelia uses herbs and flowers to get at the moral disease that has infected Denmark. Like Hamlet, she is bent on bringing healthy nationhood back to Claudius’s “rotten” state.

The flowers and herbs she offers to the king and queen and to her brother Laertes, or simply imagines she is offering, include, among others, rosemary “for remembrance,” pansies “for thoughts,” and rue, “herb of grace.” They are medicinal drivers of reflection and repentance and offer rich opportunities for symbolic analysis.

But the king and queen don’t heed what the poor “mad” girl has to say, and the play ends with spectacular show of killing and dying. Both Ophelia and Hamlet fail to save Denmark from corruption and death. It is a tragedy, after all.

Let’s consider then that Gertrude’s weird poetic narrative about how Ophelia died was only the first attempt to tell her story.

It falls to me, my students and you to tell it more truthfully for our time — and Hamnet offers a pathway forward.

The Conversation

Paul Yachnin receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

ref. Academy Awards 2026: How ‘Hamnet’ will help me lead Shakespeare classes about ‘Hamlet’s’ Ophelia – https://theconversation.com/academy-awards-2026-how-hamnet-will-help-me-lead-shakespeare-classes-about-hamlets-ophelia-273444

Why failure is a necessary ingredient for success – especially in the era of AI

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Thusha Rajendran, Professor of Psychology, The National Robotarium, Heriot-Watt University

On the arm of Swiss tennis player Stan Wawrinka is tattooed a quote by Samuel Beckett: “Ever tried. Ever failed. No matter. Try again. Fail again. Fail better.”

This excerpt from novella Worstward Ho seems motivational and suggests that perseverance is needed for success. However, the word failure carries a weight with it, especially if used as a label, as if it were an essential part of someone.

Yet, in evolution, the creative arts, engineering and education, failure is a process – without which success is not achievable.

“Error” might actually be a better term than failure, because error generates variation. And this variation is important in understanding the uniqueness of human creativity.

Generative AI can create fashion models, award-winning art and actors. But generative AI lacks the artist’s drive, their ability to reflect and know the significance about why and for whom the art is being created.

If we consider creativity as a process, then in order to create new and novel art, errors, mistakes, dead ends are required. In short, failure.

Generative AI also cannot understanding concepts such as aesthetic failure (when musicians use failure as a catalyst for improvisation), or have the desire to connect with an audience in a live performance. Creation can be outsourced but human creativity and the impulse to connect cannot.

Perfectionism is an illusion

Learning from mistakes in not a new idea in teaching, but with the rise of generative AI the temptation for both students and educators might to see generative AI as a way to eradicate failure, a guarantee of high grades at school and university.

However, this risks not providing students with the experiences they will need to be lifelong learners. British psychiatrist and cyberneticist W. Ross Ashby wrote: “The whole function of the brain is summed up in: error correction.”

Here, the key to understanding the brain is not in the error, but the process of correcting the error. Similarly, in his book To Engineer Is Human: The Role of Failure in Successful Design, the engineer Henry Petroski argues that failure is vital to the advancement of engineering and design, because it drives process.

Not that anyone deliberately designs bridges to collapse, but the knowledge of how to put things right comes from understanding why things went wrong. Petroski also argues that prolonged success leads to failure, but this is because of complacency.

In deciding what we want from AI, complacency (not failure) is our biggest enemy. Across many domains failure is not just necessary, but vital for success.

For example, a research study has found that both AI models and human dermatologists perform worse on images of dark skin tones and uncommon diseases when presented with a set of diverse skin images. This highlights the problems of a lack of exposure to variations in skin types and rare skin diseases in both AI trained datasets and humans.

Driverless vehicles have issues with merging into traffic and halting because they do not have a mental representation of the intentions of other road users.

By contrast, humans understand driving as a social, interactional and transactional endeavour – as much as a technical one – and, so, find ways to negotiate, to yield and say thank you.

Appreciating this a powerful counter narrative to perfectionism in all its guises. The most seductive of which is perhaps the promise of an AI-created utopia.

The question is whose vision of paradise is this and what are we forsaking by not questioning it. What we do risk losing by not striving, by not making (or accepting mistakes), of seeing beauty in imperfection?

The fallacy is that we have no agency, that technology cannot be imbued with moral ambition. However, history shows us that humans can and do shape technologies. For example, the printing press was repurposed from publishing books to printing newspapers – thereby creating the means and a mechanism for a free press.

So, there is no such thing as technological inevitability. We can decide what the relationship between humans and AI will look like – through consumer choice, the ballot box and legislation – and with it all the groundbreaking, creative and beautiful mistakes it will bring.

The Conversation

Thusha Rajendran does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why failure is a necessary ingredient for success – especially in the era of AI – https://theconversation.com/why-failure-is-a-necessary-ingredient-for-success-especially-in-the-era-of-ai-272820

How will weight-loss jabs change the food industry?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Yasemin Kor, Beckwith Professor of Management Studies, Cambridge Judge Business School

Richard M Lee/Shutterstock

Consumers are surrounded by food that is highly conducive to weight gain. No one likes dieting and very few have lasting success. But now weight-loss injections are seen as gamechangers, yielding results that seem miraculous for people who have struggled with their weight.

Around the world, obesity, high blood pressure, and abnormal blood sugar and lipid levels (so-called “metabolic syndrome”) have now been shown to affect 31% of women and 26% of men. The same study estimated that globally 1.54 billion adults had metabolic syndrome in 2023.

The new genre of weight loss injections (GLP-1 agonists) have been shown to reduce weight by 16-23% in roughly one year. These drugs are expensive, but some healthcare programmes cover the cost for those who need them the most.

In the UK, they are covered by the NHS for patients who are both severely obese and also suffer from specific weight-related health problems such as cardiovascular disease and type 2 diabetes. Some who can afford to pay may be able to get a prescription with less-pressing health conditions.

In the meantime, prices of the drugs are starting to come down thanks to commercial competition and patents expiring. And a more convenient pill form is now available in the US and likely to become available in some other markets in the near future, meaning the overall uptake of these drugs could grow exponentially.

This might all seem like bad news for the food industry. After all, the people who are taking these drugs, often for at least a year, have significantly reduced appetite. This will amount to a sizeable drop in demand for food products. So it’s interesting to consider how the food industry might react to this – with an aggressive response that revamps food product lines to promote better nutrition and health? Or with a wait-and-see approach to determine the long-term future of the drugs?

People taking weight-loss drugs still need to get enough protein, fibre and other nutrients to prevent muscle loss and to keep their digestive systems functioning. It takes tricky calculations and consistent planning to figure out how to obtain all essential nutrients in small plates day after day. This can be a new business opportunity for food companies.

Companies in the sector have introduced product lines with meals designed specifically for those on weight-loss medications – M&S (Nutrient Dense), Morrisons (Small & Balanced) and Nestle (Vital Pursuit). There are also smaller entrepreneurial companies in the mix – BistroMD, Field Doctor, Jane Plan and MealPro, for example. These specialise in meal preparation and delivery based on customers’ needs (for example, GLP-1-optimised, heart-healthy or diabetes-friendly) or taste preferences.

Others will no doubt follow – but companies like M&S and small specialised firms are the ones showing more agility and capability in this space right now.

The shadow of ultra-processed foods

However, beyond GLP-friendly ready meals, food companies must confront a major problem: they are a significant contributor to the global epidemic of metabolic syndrome due to their promotion of the ultra-processed and highly processed foods found everywhere – from supermarkets, to workplace cafeterias and food outlets.

It is not only consumers who rely on these products; food companies earn significant profits from them. GLP-1 drugs may help reduce consumers’ dependence on such foods, but could they also encourage companies to adjust their product ranges and offer more space for healthier options on shelves and menus?

And even though recent research has shown that people who stop taking the drugs often gain back the weight they lost very rapidly, these drugs will not go away. They will most probably be carefully combined with other tools for effective long-term weight and metabolic syndrome management.

Customers can expect to spot more GLP-1-friendly food products in all supermarkets this year. But unfortunately, with some exceptions, it is unlikely that consumers will see a significant reduction in highly processed or ultra-processed foods – or a big increase in the amount of healthier food on sale.

a shopper walks down a supermarket aisle stocking fizzy drinks and sweets.
Big Food is unlikely to pivot away from easy profits any time soon.
Loch Earn/Shutterstock

Food companies are likely to continue generating revenue from less healthy products for as long as demand remains strong. That’s the usual response of established firms that are disrupted by technology, competition and new business models. Most prefer to take a wait-and-see approach, keeping their bigger portfolio and overall business strategy intact, and plan to calibrate a response based on the perceived urgency and size of the threat.

But, in this case, that could be a big mistake. A tentative approach reinforces the already negative image of large food firms when it comes to public health. Introducing a limited range while failing to act on the damaging effects of their other product lines could further erode consumer trust.

It could also open the door to competition from pharmaceutical companies, technology startups, and speciality food firms that take alternative approaches to food and health. These could involve even more sophisticated prepared-meal options, supplements and customised meal kits. The wait-and-see approach, however, delays the development of new products and business strategy.

Ultimately, customer choices matter – and increasingly shoppers have more options. People with metabolic syndrome are more than likely to try weight-loss medications that may reverse their health problems. They are also likely to invest in approaches that will help them maintain their weight loss. Food and health companies that make it their mission to promote wellbeing are going to be tomorrow’s winners.

The Conversation

Yasemin Kor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How will weight-loss jabs change the food industry? – https://theconversation.com/how-will-weight-loss-jabs-change-the-food-industry-273849