Whose turn is it? The question is at the heart of language and chimpanzees ask it too

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Kayla Kolff, Postdoctoral researcher, Osnabrück University

When we think about what sets humans apart from other animals, language often comes to mind. Language is more than words – it also relies on the ability to build shared understanding through conversation.

At the heart of conversation is turn-taking: the ability to coordinate interaction in time. This means alternating speaking roles, where one person speaks and the other listens, and responding in ways that keep the exchange moving forward.

But is this uniquely human? Increasingly, scientists are finding signs of turn-taking beyond our species – in visual cues in Siamese fish, in meerkat calls, and, as our recent study suggests, also in the grooming behaviour of chimpanzees.

As primatologists and biologists, we are interested in the evolutionary origins and driving forces behind human communication and cognition.

One animal behaviour that’s been said to involve features resembling human communication is grooming – combing through or licking each other’s fur. It’s one of the ways that some animals connect and bond with one another.

Grooming is a central part of the daily lives of chimpanzees, a species that together with bonobos represent humans’ closest living relatives. Chimpanzees engage in grooming to build relationships, reduce stress, and strengthen their friendships. While we know why they groom, and whom they prefer to groom, we do not know much about how it is organised. Does grooming happen randomly, or do chimpanzees take turns? And might things like age, their position in the group, family ties, or friendships influence the interaction? There may be another layer to grooming, shaped by social decisions made in the moment.

To answer this, we looked at whether grooming interactions involve turn-taking. We found that chimpanzees living in their natural environments do take turns, using a range of signals and movements to engage each other within the interaction. We then went on to check whether age, social standing, family ties and friendships affected the exchange of turns.

We found that especially age and social standing shaped how individuals accommodated their partners. This is in line with Communication Accommodation Theory, which is the idea that individuals adapt their communication according to the characteristics of recipients. Our findings open a new window on chimpanzee social cognition and provide perspectives on the evolutionary foundations of human communication.

Grooming coordination in the wild

To investigate how chimpanzees coordinate their grooming interactions, we studied male eastern chimpanzees at the Ngogo field site, in Uganda’s Kibale National Park. Over the course of ten months, we observed and filmed grooming interactions among 42 males in their natural environment using a digital camera.

As chimpanzee grooming is not just a simple back-and-forth where one chimpanzee grooms and then gets groomed in return, we paid close attention to gestures and additional actions. Gestures are bodily movements used to get another chimpanzee’s attention or to ask for something, such as raising an arm to invite more grooming. Actions, on the other hand, are things one chimpanzee does to another, such as grooming, approaching or leaving.

Based on these, we identified four types of turn exchanges:

  • action–action

  • action–gesture

  • gesture–action

  • gesture–gesture.

We observed that chimpanzees actively managed the interaction, using actions and gestures to start, invite, or respond to their partner’s participation.

What shapes participation in these exchanges?

Some chimpanzees were more likely than others to take turns during grooming. A closer look revealed that age and social status played a key role. Older males, who in chimpanzee societies tend to hold more dominant positions, were more likely to get responses from others. Younger males, especially adolescents, were more likely to take a turn in response to others than to have others take a turn in response to them – suggesting they were more often responding than being responded to.

That makes a lot of sense when you think about chimpanzee social life. Younger individuals are still figuring out their place in the group, and grooming can be a way to build and nurture relationships and to learn the social ropes and finesses. Older males already have stable and strong friendships; they often receive grooming from others and tend to give less in return.

Surprisingly, friendships and family ties did not influence the chances of turn-taking, although these are important aspects of chimpanzee lives. What mattered more were age and social standing. Think of it like choosing a lunch seat at school: you might choose to sit near an older student or someone popular, even if it meant not sitting with your friends or family.

Grooming interaction between Gus (a subadult male) and Jackson (an adult male and the alpha), both of whom also appear in the Netflix documentary Chimp Empire.

When we looked more closely at different types of turn-taking, one stood out: gesture–gesture exchanges. These looked a lot like social negotiations, where both chimpanzees gestured to each other before any grooming happened. These kinds of exchanges were more common when a chimpanzee interacted with an older individual, who may be more experienced in handling social situations and better at getting what they want, whether that means “groom me” or “keep going in grooming me”.

This study suggests that chimpanzees take turns as a strategic social tool to achieve goals like being groomed instead of doing the grooming themselves. Who you are, who you are interacting with, and what you might stand to gain from the exchange all shape how things unfold.

What this tells us

Our findings reveal that chimpanzee grooming is a complex behaviour, organised through structured exchanges of gestures and actions, shaped by strategies for engaging with others. It’s about more than the grooming itself.




Read more:
Inside the chimpanzee medicine cabinet: we’ve found a new way chimps treat wounds with plants


This ability to coordinate action and respond to others suggests a basic foundation that may have helped lay the groundwork for the evolution of human communication.

The Conversation

Kayla Kolff received funding from the DFG, German Research Foundation.

This project is part of a project that was funded by an EUConsolidator
grant (772000, TurnTaking) to SP of the European
Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon
2020 research and innovation programme.

ref. Whose turn is it? The question is at the heart of language and chimpanzees ask it too – https://theconversation.com/whose-turn-is-it-the-question-is-at-the-heart-of-language-and-chimpanzees-ask-it-too-258736

Ces silences qui en disent long : enseigner la pornographie à l’université

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Corneau Simon, Professor, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM)

Selon une étude, une très grande majorité d’hommes, et une majorité de femmes, en ont déjà fait usage de la pornographie durant leur vie. (Unsplash)

Depuis plusieurs années, j’enseigne un cours universitaire consacré à la pornographie. Si le sujet suscite l’intérêt, il s’accompagne d’un silence tenace en classe : celui des personnes étudiantes face à leur propre usage. Ce mutisme, loin d’être anodin, révèle les tensions entre intimité, normes sociales et enjeux pédagogiques.

Ce cours, intitulé Pornographies et société, s’inscrit dans une approche pédagogique critique et interdisciplinaire. Contrairement à ce que rapportent certains collègues dans des publications universitaires — où l’enseignement de ce sujet peut se heurter à des résistances institutionnelles —, je n’ai, pour ma part, rencontré aucun obstacle majeur lors de la création et de l’enseignement de ce cours. Les résistances que j’observe se manifestent ailleurs.

Les silences

Très populaire et bien fréquenté, ce cours s’appuie sur une approche critique et engagée en pédagogie qui met de l’avant l’importance d’entendre la voix des personnes étudiantes. On reconnaît également dans cette approche que le partage d’expériences personnelles peut servir d’outil dans l’apprentissage.

Cependant, pour les personnes étudiantes, lorsqu’il s’agit de parler de leur usage personnel de pornographie, le silence s’installe. Peu d’entre elles osent évoquer leur propre expérience, malgré la prévalence documentée de cette pratique. Les résultats de l’étude d’Ingrid Solano et ses collègues, psychologue et chercheuse américaine affiliée à l’Université Stony Brook, menée en 2018 aux États-Unis dévoilent que, au sein de leur échantillon diversifié en matière d’âge (18 à 73 ans), une très grande majorité d’hommes, et une majorité de femmes, en ont déjà fait usage durant leur vie.

Ce constat du silence n’est nullement un jugement envers les personnes étudiantes, ou la perception d’un manque de courage de leur part. Il s’agit d’un simple fait observable (et audible !), qui nous offre toutefois des pistes de réflexions sur les enjeux sociaux, culturels et personnels liés à ce sujet.

Comment expliquer ces silences dans un contexte de sexualisation de la culture ? En effet, depuis les années 2000, les représentations sexuelles sont de plus en plus visibles et discutées, le sexe et la sexualité sont omniprésents, acceptés et acceptables médiatiquement, socialement et culturellement.

Dans un accord tacite adopté sous le couvert de l’humour, sourires en coin, nous parlons donc en classe de l’usage de pornographie « des autres », de l’usage de « nos amis et amies », évitant ainsi de mettre en lumière nos propres pratiques, pouvant être perçues comme intimes ou potentiellement stigmatisantes.

Un sujet sensible

La pornographie et son usage sont des sujets sensibles. Cela signifie qu’ils mobilisent une forte charge émotionnelle et l’aborder de front peut représenter une menace personnelle et faire l’objet de jugements.

La pornographie et ses usages sont souvent associés à des inquiétudes et des paniques morales polarisées, amplifiées par le discours actuel qui campe de plus en plus l’usage comme un enjeu de santé publique, dans une rhétorique de risques entourant la dépendance, ses effets sur l’image corporelle, l’estime sexuelle, les relations interpersonnelles, et la violence sexuelle.

Est-ce la seule raison du silence ? Pas forcément.

La datafication sexuelle et ses implications

En contexte actuel où l’usage de pornographie se fait majoritairement en ligne, les sites Internet pornographiques utilisent des systèmes d’étiquettes (tags) pour catégoriser leurs contenus.

La professeure Rebecca Saunders, de l’Université Cardiff au Pays de Galles, parle de datafication sexuelle pour désigner cette catégorisation, qui permet de surveiller et d’analyser les goûts et habitudes des utilisateurs et utilisatrices de pornographie dans une logique marchande.

Ces étiquettes, cependant, ne sont pas neutres : elles véhiculent fréquemment des stéréotypes et des termes péjoratifs, notamment liés à la couleur de peau, au genre, à l’orientation sexuelle, à certaines pratiques sexuelles ou à des caractéristiques corporelles. Ainsi, parler de son usage personnel de pornographie en classe peut révéler des éléments de stéréotypes et des goûts personnels qui ne sont pas socialement acceptés ou qui risquent d’être jugés négativement. L’option du silence peut s’avérer plus sécuritaire.


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Les rapport de pouvoirs et les stéréotypes sur la base du genre et de la couleur de peau semblent nombreux et courants dans la pornographie commerciale facile d’accès (mainstream), pouvant ainsi contribuer à rendre la prise de parole personnelle encore plus délicate. Se taire n’a pas la même portée selon qui on est, en fonction de nos positionnements sociaux.

Ces silences en contexte universitaire témoignent peut-être de la nature profondément privée et intime des fantasmes, des goûts et des préférences individuelles. Même si la culture ambiante sexualisée influence ces préférences, l’usage de la pornographie demeure une pratique souvent vécue comme personnelle, voire privée. La difficulté à en parler ouvertement ne doit pas être perçue comme un refus ou un manque de légitimité, mais plutôt comme une réaction compréhensible face à la sensibilité du sujet.

Vers une évolution des normes et des pratiques

Aujourd’hui, l’usage de pornographie est parfois décrit comme une pratique banale, voire anodine. Peut-être, mais en tentant de l’aborder ouvertement et publiquement comme toute autre pratique courante, on se bute à certaines barrières (compréhensibles). La pédagogie engagée met en évidence l’importance d’un climat de respect et de confiance en salle de classe, ce qui ne peut pas être garanti dans un grand amphithéâtre.

Les silences, loin d’être définitifs, témoignent de normes sociales. Ces normes sociales évoluent lentement, parfois par reculs ou résistances, notamment sous l’influence de discours politiques ou moraux qui cherchent à censurer ou à limiter les discussions sur la sexualité humaine, sa diversité, et ses représentations.

Les futures cohortes étudiantes nous « diront » si ces silences s’atténuent ou s’intensifient avec l’évolution des normes. En attendant, je choisis de travailler avec eux, avec respect et humour, pour ouvrir la voie à une réflexion plus libre sur ces sujets sensibles.

La Conversation Canada

Corneau Simon ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Ces silences qui en disent long : enseigner la pornographie à l’université – https://theconversation.com/ces-silences-qui-en-disent-long-enseigner-la-pornographie-a-luniversite-259529

How women are trapped in years of homelessness that often begin in their teens

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Mary Vaccaro, Lecturer in Social Work, McMaster University

Many women without children in their care who become homeless in Canada remain homeless for many years. Yet their experiences remain misunderstood and largely ignored because of the ways we define and measure homelessness in Canada.

I have worked in the women’s emergency shelter system in Hamilton, Ont., since 2012. I have met many women who have been navigating homelessness for years — with no permanent solution to their housing crisis. For my PhD in social work, I interviewed 21 women who had experienced homelessness for a year or longer in Hamilton. I asked them about their experiences, and through art-based activities, about their ideas for housing and support.

What I learned in the interviews, combined with existing research, highlights a hidden crisis. Within our current system resides a profound human cost that manages, instead of resolves, homelessness.

Many women who experience homelessness do so for far longer than the federal government’s definition of chronic homelessness, which is six consecutive months or 18 months over three years. Research from the United Kingdom that focuses on long-term and unresolved homelessness for women found that the ways women experience homelessness is to “go around in circles” without having their housing or support needs met.

Among the women I spoke with, more than half had been experiencing homelessness for 10 years or longer. Six of the the women said they have never had a safe place of their own to live for the entirety of their adult lives.

All of the women who participated in this project accessed the services offered by the homeless serving sector, including shelters and outreach workers, designed to resolve their homelessness. Yet none of these women were able to have their housing and support needs met.

This means their experience of homelessness has persisted for years, and even decades.

Homelessness often starts in their teens

More than half of the participants I spoke with first experienced homelessness before they turned 18. Their primary route into youth homelessness was gender-based violence. They ran away from home when they were teenaged girls to escape violence and became caught in a cycle of events that include: hospitalization, incarceration, staying in youth shelters, living in group homes and unsafe places.

The Pan-Canadian Women’s Housing and Homelessness Survey, as well as a study on Toronto youth, echo what the women I spoke with told me. Studies from the United States also confirm similar patterns — homelessness begins early in life for a majority of women, and is often followed by a chronic, chaotic churn of precarious housing and homelessness situations.

The women in my study described a frustrating and exhausting cycle of going among institutions such as hospitals, jails, emergency shelters, drop-in programs and transitional housing programs. They had all spent periods of time living outdoors, in encampments, in motels, with unsafe people and in other precarious and temporary housing arrangements. This phenomena is well-documented in existing Canadian research.

Better definitions, better data

The Canadian government defines those who have been homeless and using shelters for more than 180 days a year as experiencing “acute chronicity.”

Another term used by the federal government for individuals who have accessed shelters at least once in each of the last three years is “prolonged instability.”

People who meet one or both of these criteria are considered to have the highest housing needs in the country.

According to recent federal data, women and gender-diverse people across Canada experience slightly higher rates of acute chronicity than men (13.4 per cent for men, 15.4 per cent for women, and 13.9 per cent for gender-diverse people). But the real numbers for women are likely much higher due to under-reporting.

Research shows women remain invisible to official systems during periods of homelessness. For example, the available data relies solely on information about emergency shelter usage. It does not capture experiences of homelessness that occur outside of the shelter system.

Women are less likely than their male counterparts to access shelters and other formal supports. Instead, they rely on precarious, unsafe and temporary housing arrangements to navigate homelessness.

In Canada, there are also fewer emergency women-specific shelter beds than for men

Rethinking responses to long-term homelessness

For the women I spoke with, the official 180 days or three years that makes someone officially chronically homeless in Canada does not even begin to describe the length and complexity of their experiences of homelessness.

They described wanting to live in supportive, gender-specific housing programs that foster community and care. Highly supportive housing typically integrates health and social services and a range of other support services. This type of integrated housing does exist across Canada — examples are the Block Line Supportive Housing Program operated by YWCA Kitchener-Waterloo and the Women’s Building (Alpha House) in Calgary — but there is not enough of it.

The current measurements from the government of Canada fall short of capturing the complexity of the homeless experience for many Canadian women.

Government officials must therefore not only rethink their definitions of those in the most housing need, they must develop responsive housing solutions to meet the needs of women who have been homeless for many years.

The Conversation

Mary Vaccaro consults for YWCA Hamilton. She receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

ref. How women are trapped in years of homelessness that often begin in their teens – https://theconversation.com/how-women-are-trapped-in-years-of-homelessness-that-often-begin-in-their-teens-259239

Many Texas communities are dangerously unprepared for floods − lack of funding plays a big role

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Ivis García, Associate Professor of Landscape Architecture and Urban Planning, Texas A&M University

A deadly flash flood on July 4, 2025, destroyed homes near the Guadalupe River in Texas Hill Country. Jim Vondruska/Getty Images

The devastating flash floods that swept through Texas Hill Country in July 2025 highlight a troubling reality: Despite years of warnings and recent improvements in flood planning, Texas communities remain dangerously vulnerable to flood damage.

The tragedy wasn’t caused just by heavy rainfall. It was made worse by a lack of money for early warning systems, by drainage systems and emergency communication networks that haven’t been updated to handle more intense storms or growing populations, and by the many older buildings in harm’s way.

A 2024 state report estimated the cost of flood mitigation and management projects needed statewide at US$54.5 billion. But in Texas, most of that work is left to local governments.

We study disaster planning at Texas A&M University and see several ways the state and Texas communities can improve safety for everyone.

Progress since Hurricane Harvey

Since Hurricane Harvey devastated the Houston area in 2017, Texas has made strides in flood planning.

The state in 2024 created its first comprehensive flood plan, which identifies flood risks statewide and recommends projects to reduce them. The state now requires all local governments to adopt and enforce flood plain regulations that meet federal standards, enabling residents to purchase federal flood insurance.

The plan represented a major shift for a state government that historically left flood planning to local communities.

However, it also revealed widespread risks in Texas: Approximately 5 million Texans live or work in flood-prone areas, and an estimated 1.5 million homes and other structures are in flood plains.

Flood risks are intensifying as Texas experiences more extreme rainfall. State climatologist John Nielsen-Gammon and colleagues at Texas A&M University found that extreme one-day precipitation has increased by 5% to 15% in Texas since the late 20th century, and another 10% increase is expected by 2036.

Rural communities lack resources

The biggest problem for small towns and rural communities isn’t just weak regulations. Many of them can’t afford to hire specialized staff for technical work such as hazard assessment and regulatory enforcement.

While the state provides planning frameworks, implementation and enforcement remain local responsibilities.

Budget limitations can mean one emergency manager serves as fire marshal, building inspector, engineer and flood plain administrator for hundreds of square miles.

These officials must still meet federal standards and develop detailed disaster plans. But cash-strapped communities often lack the funding to implement solutions.

A short older man with glasses stands at podium. Three larger men in cowboy hats, two of them in uniforms, stand behind him.
Kerrville Mayor Joe Herring, Jr. speaks at a news briefing about the July 4, 2025, flooding. Most towns in Texas Hill Country are small, and their government officials wear many hats.
Jorge Salgado/Anadolu via Getty Images

What they need is practical hazard mitigation plans. Those include specific evacuation routes for each neighborhood, identifying which buildings house vulnerable populations, such as older adults, and steps local officials can implement immediately during emergencies. It also means aligning of other local planning documents, such as comprehensive plans or land use plans. Access to flood gauge data, weather monitoring and social vulnerability mapping is also important for determining when to close roads or activate emergency shelters.

That work takes time, expertise and funding.

The challenge of older buildings

Creating safer communities also requires investment to address challenges with both new development and vulnerable existing structures.

For new construction, many communities require buildings to be built above flood level. The state could help small communities in this area by funding new local code enforcement jobs, similar to the way it provided training and guidance to local officials after Hurricane Harvey. However, that might not be possible in the Texas Legislature today.

The bigger challenge is older buildings. According to federal requirements, unless a structure floods or gets “substantially damaged” – meaning damage exceeds 50% of its value – there’s no requirement to make it safer.

Rescue workers are seen on land and on a boat as they search for missing people near Camp Mystic along the Guadalupe River after a flash flood swept through the area Sunday, July 6, 2025, in Hunt, Texas.
The July 4, 2025, flash flood tore off the wall of this building in Camp Mystic. The Guadalupe River rose more than 20 feet in less than an hour and a half early that morning.
AP Photo/Julio Cortez

Research shows that retrofitting homes by improving drainage to avoid future flood damage and [voluntary buyout programs can be effective]. Buyout programs allow families to sell their homes at market rate and relocate to higher ground when the programs are properly designed and funded.

Harris County’s buyout program after Hurricane Harvey acquired nearly 200 flood-damaged homes in the Houston area for a total of $20 million. That helped families escape repeated flooding. The homes were demolished, and the land became permanent open space. By preventing future development, the land can take on floodwater in the future without economic harm.

Many counties can’t afford buyout programs, though. A statewide voluntary buyout program could help them by prioritizing the most vulnerable properties. But to have a wide reach, such a voluntary program would need dedicated funding in the hundreds of millions of dollars.

How Harris County’s buyout program works.

Beyond voluntary buyouts, the state could expand programs that help property owners retrofit existing houses and other buildings, such as elevating structures, installing flood vents that allow water to flow through, or using flood-resistant materials. Tax incentives and low-interest loans could make these improvements more affordable while respecting property owners’ right to choose to participate or not.

Texas currently offers limited retrofit assistance through the General Land Office’s disaster recovery programs. But it lacks a comprehensive retrofit program with dedicated funding that would help homeowners prepare before the disaster strikes.

Where communities are taking important steps

Some innovative approaches are emerging in Texas cities and counties.

Liberty and Comanche counties have partnered with Texas A&M University’s Texas Target Communities program to create comprehensive plans that help their communities grow but in safer ways. Research shows that when communities integrate land use planning, hazard mitigation, emergency response and economic development plans, they can better ensure that new development avoids high-risk areas and that existing vulnerable areas are targeted for improvement projects.

Houston, despite lacking traditional zoning, has implemented strict flood plain regulations that require new construction to be elevated above flood levels and prohibit development in the most dangerous flood-risk areas. By maintaining a top rating in FEMA’s Community Rating System, the city helps residents qualify for discounts on flood insurance.

The tragedy in Hill Country is a reminder that many Texas communities face flood risks yet lack the funding and technical capacity to implement comprehensive flood risk reduction on their own without state support. As extreme weather becomes more common, the question is whether communities will be able to protect themselves without more help.

The Conversation

Shannon Van Zandt is affiliated with Texas Housers, a non-profit advocating for affordable housing for low-income Texans.

Ivis García and Jaimie Hicks Masterson do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Many Texas communities are dangerously unprepared for floods − lack of funding plays a big role – https://theconversation.com/many-texas-communities-are-dangerously-unprepared-for-floods-lack-of-funding-plays-a-big-role-261090

Les psychédéliques sont détournés de leur usage traditionnel par l’industrie médicale, et ce n’est pas pour le mieux

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Kevin Walby, Professor of Criminal Justice, University of Winnipeg

Autrefois stigmatisés et interdits, les psychédéliques sont passés de la contre-culture à la culture dominante. De l’utilisation de la psilocybine par le prince Harry aux aventures du quart-arrière (quarterback) de la Ligue nationale de football américain Aaron Rodgers avec l’ayahuasca, nos médias regorgent de témoignages vantant leurs bienfaits.

Des centaines d’universités à travers le monde se lancent désormais dans la recherche sur les psychédéliques. Et des initiatives de légalisation prennent forme.

Les psychédéliques sont en train de devenir un marché très lucratif. Tout comme le capital privé a inondé le secteur du cannabis il y a quelques années, une nouvelle ruée vers l’or est en cours, cette fois autour des psychédéliques.

De riches entrepreneurs investissent dans l’industrie psychédélique tandis que des start-up biotechnologiques lèvent des fonds et mènent des essais cliniques sur de nouvelles molécules psychédéliques. Les investisseurs en capital-risque convoitent les perspectives offertes par un nouveau marché de masse lucratif.




À lire aussi :
Et si les drogues psychédéliques pouvaient révolutionner votre fin de vie?


Une couverture de livre avec des dessins colorés
Les auteurs de cet article ont publié un nouveau livre : Psychedelic Capitalism.
(Fernwood)

Trois sujets de préoccupation

À ce jour, la plupart des débats sur les psychédéliques ont peu analysé de manière critique leur relation avec l’économie politique du capitalisme moderne et les structures de pouvoir au sens large. Dans notre nouveau livre Psychedelic Capitalism, nous formulons trois constats sur ce que l’on appelle la renaissance psychédélique.

Premièrement, la médicalisation des psychédéliques risque de restreindre leur accès et de renforcer les inégalités sanitaires et sociales existantes.

Deuxièmement, la « corporatisation » des psychédéliques permettra aux élites économiques de dominer le marché tout en s’appropriant le vaste réservoir de connaissances accumulées par les communautés autochtones, les institutions publiques et les chercheurs clandestins.


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Et troisièmement, plutôt que de représenter une réforme progressiste en matière de drogues, la légalisation limitée de certains psychédéliques à des fins médicales contribuera à renforcer et à pérenniser la guerre contre la drogue et la criminalisation de sa consommation.

Ignorer les connaissances communautaires

Partout en Amérique du Nord, nous assistons à une médicalisation des psychédéliques. De nombreux problèmes sont présentés comme pouvant être traités par ces substances. Cela se fait d’une manière qui renforce le contrôle des entreprises sur le processus et met de côté les connaissances communautaires et autochtones.

Nous avons vu ce phénomène en Australie. Certaines substances comme la psilocybine et la MDMA sont désormais légales, mais uniquement sur ordonnance médicale et à un coût financier élevé, ce qui soulève des questions sur l’équité, l’accès et les destinataires de ces thérapies.

Le fait de présenter les psychédéliques comme des produits pharmaceutiques et des solutions de santé individualisées renforce le discours prohibitionniste selon lequel ces substances ne sont pas adaptées à une utilisation en dehors du contexte médical. Ce discours détourne l’attention de la manière dont l’utilisation médicalisée pourrait perpétuer une idéologie néolibérale, qui réduit les troubles mentaux à des problèmes individuels plutôt que de s’attaquer aux causes plus systémiques telles que la pauvreté, les inégalités et l’exclusion sociale.

Il ignore également des siècles de traditions créées par l’usage communautaire autochtone, ainsi que les valeurs de la culture psychédélique underground.

Un système fondé sur des thérapies individuelles coûteuses et un accès clinique hypercontrôlé n’est pas le modèle envisagé par la plupart des défenseurs.

Un modèle basé uniquement sur la pilule pour la productivité et le bonheur

Les fondements du capitalisme psychédélique ont été largement créés par l’innovation publique aux frais du contribuable et sont aujourd’hui en train d’être repris par le capital privé.

Les conférences sur les psychédéliques prennent de plus en plus l’allure de salons commerciaux. L’industrie du tourisme psychédélique continue de se développer et de s’adresser à une clientèle élitiste. Des entreprises à but lucratif telles que Mind Medicine et Compass Pathways éliminent la psychothérapie de leurs protocoles de traitement et adoptent un modèle strictement médicamenteux, privilégié par les grandes entreprises pharmaceutiques.

Les psychédéliques, y compris le microdosage et la thérapie assistée par psychédéliques, sont commercialisés comme un moyen pour la population générale d’améliorer leur productivité dans une vie déjà surchargée, tout en y trouvant du bonheur.

Les entreprises se font concurrence pour s’approprier la propriété intellectuelle afin de tirer profit des composés existants et d’ériger des barrières juridiques autour des nouvelles substances chimiques et de leurs applications.

L’industrie lucrative de la kétamine offre déjà un aperçu de l’avenir de la thérapie psychédélique commercialisée. Cela inclut une négligence des risques, un marketing trompeur et peu de considération pour les soins thérapeutiques.

Il y a eu une vague de nouvelles demandes de brevets (et de brevets accordés) aux États-Unis sur des substances telles que la psilocybine, le LSD, le DMT, le 5-MeO DMT et la mescaline, qui visent à garantir l’exclusivité, à monopoliser les chaînes d’approvisionnement et à privatiser des connaissances qui existent déjà dans le domaine public.

Les psychédéliques ont été intégrés dans les logiques bien établies du capitalisme, où des acteurs privés s’approprient des droits exclusifs sur ce qui est en fin de compte le fruit de la lutte collective de l’humanité et de ses réalisations intellectuelles.

Légalisation médicale des psychédéliques

L’approche médicalisée des psychédéliques est également liée à la législation et à la politique en matière de drogues.

En Amérique du Nord, l’approche biomédicale la principale voie d’accès aux psychédéliques dans la plupart des juridictions. Cette approche est largement soutenue par l’industrie des psychédéliques qui ont un intérêt financier dans la légalisation médicale et souhaitent limiter l’accès légal à tout ce qui ne relève pas du cadre médico-pharmaceutique.

Aux États-Unis, des États comme l’Oregon et le Colorado ont adopté des modèles juridiques plus holistiques qui incluent des éléments de contrôle communautaire afin d’empêcher la mainmise des entreprises. Mais la plupart des initiatives étatiques restent limitées dans leur portée et sont centrées sur les thérapies médicalisées, en particulier pour les anciens combattants. Même dans l’Oregon, qui a été salué pour ses politiques progressistes en matière de drogues, on observe une nette tendance à la médicalisation.

L’industrie canadienne du cannabis illustre parfaitement comment les processus de légalisation peuvent s’entremêler avec les intérêts des industries dominées par les grandes entreprises.

Comme l’explique Michael Devillaer, professeur de psychiatrie et de neurosciences comportementales et auteur de Buzz Kill (2024), l’industrie du cannabis a donné la priorité à la maximisation des profits, à la promotion des produits et à l’augmentation de la consommation au détriment des préoccupations de santé publique.




À lire aussi :
Légalisation du cannabis par le Canada et modèle québécois : quels constats ?


Qu’est-ce qui est le mieux pour l’intérêt public ?

À mesure que la légalisation médicale des psychédéliques s’accroit, nous assisterons probablement à un durcissement des sanctions pénales pour les usages récréatifs et autres.

En effet, les saisies policières de psychédéliques tels que la psilocybine ont augmenté ces dernières années aux États-Unis. Les arrestations pour le transport de composés tels que l’ayahuasca, l’iboga et le peyotl ont également augmenté dans le monde.

Ces problèmes risquent d’être exacerbés par les systèmes de classification bifurquée, dans lesquels un produit pharmaceutique est classé dans une catégorie différente de celle de son principe actif ou de sa substance.

Par exemple, si la Food and Drug Administration (FDA) américaine autorisait la psilocybine pour traiter la dépression ou la MDMA pour traiter le syndrome de stress post-traumatique, il est probable que seuls les produits médicinaux à base de psilocybine et de MDMA approuvés par la FDA seraient reclassés, tandis que les substances elles-mêmes continueraient d’être interdites en tant que stupéfiants soumis à restriction.

Il est dans l’intérêt public de dépasser une vision étroite de la légalisation médicale pour adopter un modèle plus ouvert et dépénalisé d’accès public. Une telle approche permettrait non seulement d’atténuer les menaces liées à la mainmise des entreprises, mais aussi de réduire les méfaits associés à la criminalisation et à la guerre contre la drogue.

La dépénalisation contrôlée par la communauté est une meilleure voie pour intégrer les psychédéliques dans la société que de céder le pouvoir à l’industrie médicale et aux cartels pharmaceutiques qui fournissent des services monopolistiques à une clientèle principalement aisée.

Et le fait de traiter la consommation de drogues et la dépendance comme une question de santé publique et d’encourager la réduction des risques et les services de soutien aux populations à risque contribueraient grandement à atténuer les tragédies de la guerre contre la drogue.

La Conversation Canada

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

ref. Les psychédéliques sont détournés de leur usage traditionnel par l’industrie médicale, et ce n’est pas pour le mieux – https://theconversation.com/les-psychedeliques-sont-detournes-de-leur-usage-traditionnel-par-lindustrie-medicale-et-ce-nest-pas-pour-le-mieux-260744

Sculptor galaxy image provides brilliant details that will help astronomers study how stars form

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rebecca McClain, Ph.D. Student in Astronomy, The Ohio State University

This image of the Sculptor galaxy will give astronomers detailed information on a variety of stars, nebulae and galactic regions. European Southern Observatory

If you happen to find yourself in the Southern Hemisphere with binoculars and a good view of the night sky on a dark and clear summer night, you might just be able to spot the Sculptor galaxy. And if your eyes were prisms that could separate light into the thousands of colors making it up, then congratulations: After hours of staring, you could have recreated the newest image of one of the nearest neighbors to our Milky Way galaxy.

This is not just another stunningly gorgeous picture of a nearby galaxy. Because it reveals the type of light coming from each location in the galaxy, this image of the Sculptor galaxy is a treasure trove of information that astronomers around the world cannot wait to pick apart.

As an astronomy Ph.D. student at Ohio State University, I (Rebecca) am one of the lucky people who gets to stare at this image for hours every day, alongside my adviser (Adam), discovering meaning behind the beauty everyone can appreciate.

Creating the image

The Sculptor galaxy lies 11 million light-years from the Milky Way. This may sound unfathomably far, but it actually makes Sculptor one of the closest galaxies to Earth.

For this reason, Sculptor has been the primary target for many observations. In 2022, an international team of scientists observed Sculptor with the Multi-Unit Spectroscopic Explorer, MUSE, on the European Southern Observatory’s Very Large Telescope in Chile, and publicly released the data this June.

Most astronomical observations obtain either an image of a single color of light – for example, red or blue – or a spectrum, which splits the light coming from the whole galaxy into many different colors.

MUSE, conveniently, does both, producing a spectrum at every location it observes. One observation creates thousands of images in thousands of colors, each tracing the critical components that make up the galaxy: stars, dust and gas.

It may look like only one picture, but this image of Sculptor is actually over 100 individual observations and 8 million individual spectra, painstakingly stitched together to reveal millions of stars all in one cohesive galaxy.

Scientific significance

The light associated with the stars in Sculptor is colored white, and gas made up of charged particles is colored red. The largest concentration of both is found in the spiral arms. At the very center of the galaxy is a nuclear starburst: a region of extreme star formation that is blowing material out of the galaxy.

There is even information in the absence of light. Dust obscures light emitted from behind it, creating a shadow effect called dust lanes. Tracing these dust lanes reveals the cold, dense material that exists between stars. Scientists believe this dark material is the fuel that will form the next generation of stars.

Clouds of gas punctuated by bright dots which represent stars.
Complex gaseous nebulae (red) surround young and massive stars (white) in this zoom-in of a cluster of star-forming regions.
European Southern Observatory/VLT/MUSE

There is a lot to look at in this image, but the subject of my work and what I find most interesting is the gas illuminated in red. In these star-forming regions, young and massive stars excite the gas around them, which then glows with a specific color to reveal the chemical makeup and physical conditions of the gas.

This image represents one of the first times that astronomers have obtained images of thousands of star-forming regions at this impressive level of detail. A component of our team’s research uses the data from MUSE to understand how these regions are structured and how they interact with the surrounding galaxy.

By meticulously piecing all of this information together, astronomers can use this image to learn more about the formation and evolution of stars across the universe.

The Conversation

Rebecca McClain receives funding from the National Science Foundation.

Adam Leroy receives funding from NASA/Space Telescope Science Institute that supports research related to the survey of NGC 253 discussed in this article.

ref. Sculptor galaxy image provides brilliant details that will help astronomers study how stars form – https://theconversation.com/sculptor-galaxy-image-provides-brilliant-details-that-will-help-astronomers-study-how-stars-form-259754

Weird space weather seems to have influenced human behavior on Earth 41,000 years ago – our unusual scientific collaboration explores how

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Raven Garvey, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Michigan

Wandering magnetic fields would have had noticeable effects for humans. Maximilian Schanner (GFZ Helmholtz Centre for Geosciences, Potsdam, Germany)

Our first meeting was a bit awkward. One of us is an archaeologist who studies how past peoples interacted with their environments. Two of us are geophysicists who investigate interactions between solar activity and Earth’s magnetic field.

When we first got together, we wondered whether our unconventional project, linking space weather and human behavior, could actually bridge such a vast disciplinary divide. Now, two years on, we believe the payoffs – personal, professional and scientific – were well worth the initial discomfort.

Our collaboration, which culminated in a recent paper in the journal Science Advances, began with a single question: What happened to life on Earth when the planet’s magnetic field nearly collapsed roughly 41,000 years ago?

Weirdness when Earth’s magnetic shield falters

This near-collapse is known as the Laschamps Excursion, a brief but extreme geomagnetic event named for the volcanic fields in France where it was first identified. At the time of the Laschamps Excursion, near the end of the Pleistocene epoch, Earth’s magnetic poles didn’t reverse as they do every few hundred thousand years. Instead, they wandered, erratically and rapidly, over thousands of miles. At the same time, the strength of the magnetic field dropped to less than 10% of its modern day intensity.

So, instead of behaving like a stable bar magnet – a dipole – as it usually does, the Earth’s magnetic field fractured into multiple weak poles across the planet. As a result, the protective force field scientists call the magnetosphere became distorted and leaky.

The magnetosphere normally deflects much of the solar wind and harmful ultraviolet radiation that would otherwise reach Earth’s surface.

So, during the Laschamps Excursion when the magnetosphere broke down, our models suggest a number of near-Earth effects. While there is still work to be done to precisely characterize these effects, we do know they included auroras – normally seen only in skies near the poles as the Northern Lights or Southern Lights – wandering toward the equator, and significantly higher-than-present-day doses of harmful solar radiation.

The skies 41,000 years ago may have been both spectacular and threatening. When we realized this, we two geophysicists wanted to know whether this could have affected people living at the time.

The archaeologist’s answer was absolutely.

Human responses to ancient space weather

For people on the ground at that time, auroras may have been the most immediate and striking effect, perhaps inspiring awe, fear, ritual behavior or something else entirely. But the archaeological record is notoriously limited in its ability to capture these kinds of cognitive or emotional responses.

Researchers are on firmer ground when it comes to the physiological impacts of increased UV radiation. With the weakened magnetic field, more harmful radiation would have reached Earth’s surface, elevating risk of sunburn, eye damage, birth defects, and other health issues.

In response, people may have adopted practical measures: spending more time in caves, producing tailored clothing for better coverage, or applying mineral pigment “sunscreen” made of ochre to their skin. As we describe in our recent paper, the frequency of these behaviors indeed appears to have increased across parts of Europe, where effects of the Laschamps Excursion were pronounced and prolonged.

lump of reddish crumbly rock
Naturally occurring ochre can act as a protective sunscreen if applied to skin.
Museo Egizio di Torino

At this time, both Neanderthals and members of our species, Homo sapiens, were living in Europe, though their geographic distributions likely overlapped only in certain regions. The archaeological record suggests that different populations exhibited distinct approaches to environmental challenges, with some groups perhaps more reliant on shelter or material culture for protection.

Importantly, we’re not suggesting that space weather alone caused an increase in these behaviors or, certainly, that the Laschamps caused Neanderthals to go extinct, which is one misinterpretation of our research. But it could have been a contributing factor – an invisible but powerful force that influenced innovation and adaptability.

Cross-discipline collaboration

Collaborating across such a disciplinary gap was, at first, daunting. But it turned out to be deeply rewarding.

Archaeologists are used to reconstructing now-invisible phenomena like climate. We can’t measure past temperatures or precipitation directly, but they’ve left traces for us to interpret if we know where and how to look.

satellite image of Earth with a glowing green circle extending down across Europe
An artistic rendering of how far into lower latitudes the aurora might have been visible during the Laschamps Excursion.
Maximilian Schanner (GFZ Helmholtz Centre for Geosciences, Potsdam, Germany)

But even archaeologists who’ve spent years studying the effects of climate on past behaviors and technologies may not have considered the effects of the geomagnetic field and space weather. These effects, too, are invisible, powerful and best understood through indirect evidence and modeling. Archaeologists can treat space weather as a vital component of Earth’s environmental history and future forecasting.

Likewise, geophysicists, who typically work with large datasets, models and simulations, may not always engage with some of the stakes of space weather. Archaeology adds a human dimension to the science. It reminds us that the effects of space weather don’t stop at the ionosphere. They can ripple down into the lived experiences of people on the ground, influencing how they adapt, create and survive.

The Laschamps Excursion wasn’t a fluke or a one-off. Similar disruptions of Earth’s magnetic field have happened before and will happen again. Understanding how ancient humans responded can provide insight into how future events might affect our world – and perhaps even help us prepare.

Our unconventional collaboration has shown us how much we can learn, how our perspective changes, when we cross disciplinary boundaries. Space may be vast, but it connects us all. And sometimes, building a bridge between Earth and space starts with the smallest things, such as ochre, or a coat, or even sunscreen.

The Conversation

Agnit Mukhopadhyay has received funding from NASA Science Mission Directorate and the University of Michigan Rackham Graduate School.

Raven Garvey and Sanja Panovska do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Weird space weather seems to have influenced human behavior on Earth 41,000 years ago – our unusual scientific collaboration explores how – https://theconversation.com/weird-space-weather-seems-to-have-influenced-human-behavior-on-earth-41-000-years-ago-our-unusual-scientific-collaboration-explores-how-257216

A law from the era of Red Scares is supercharging Trump administration’s power over immigrants and noncitizens

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel Tichenor, Professor of Political Science, University of Oregon

The Trump administration detained former Columbia University student and pro-Palestinian protest leader Mahmoud Khalil, center, for more than two months and is seeking to revoke his lawful permanent resident status. Kena Betancur/AFP via Getty Images

Nativism, the idea that government must guard native-born Americans from various threats posed by immigrants, has a long history in the United States.

Today, the Trump administration is citing the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, a restrictive measure written by nativist members of Congress decades ago when fears of communism were rampant, to sharply restrict the rights of noncitizens.

Under this law, also known as the McCarran-Walter Act, federal agencies have arrested and detained noncitizens associated with pro-Palestinian protests, reintroduced immigrant registration requirements, and imposed a new travel ban that affects 19 nations.

Since the 1950s, Congress has removed some of this sprawling federal law’s most discriminatory features, such as racist national origins quotas. But other key provisions remain on the books. Now they are the primary legal basis for some of President Donald Trump’s most controversial immigration crackdowns.

Author and reporter Clay Risen discusses parallels between anticommunist fears in the 1950s and the Trump administration’s anti-immigrant policies.

Foreign policy trumps free speech

In March 2025, the White House invoked the McCarran-Walter Act to justify arresting and deporting Mahmoud Khalil, a legal permanent resident who had participated in pro-Palestinian protests at Columbia University. Officials pointed to Section 237(a)(4)(C) of the law, which states that any “alien whose presence or activities in the United States the Secretary of State has reasonable ground to believe would have potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States is deportable.”

This has been tried only once before. In 1995, the Clinton administration unsuccessfully sought to use the provision to deport a former Mexican official, Mario Ruiz Massieu, to face charges in his homeland for extortion and obstructing a murder investigation. Ruiz Massieu was later indicted in the U.S. on money laundering charges and died by suicide shortly before his arraignment.

The Trump administration cited the same provision to justify detaining Tufts University doctoral student Rumeysa Ozturk in March. Ozturk came under government scrutiny because she co-authored an op-ed in the Tufts student newspaper criticizing the university’s position on the Israel-Gaza war.

Surveillance footage of a terrified Ozturk being arrested by masked Immigration Customs and Enforcement agents on a street in Somerville, Massachusetts, drew criticism from government officials and civil liberties advocates. In response, Secretary of State Marco Rubio alleged that Ozturk had harmed U.S. interests by supporting “movements that are involved in doing things like vandalizing universities, harassing students, taking over buildings, creating a ruckus.”

Khalil and Ozturk both were released after weeks in detention, pending final resolution of their cases. Their lawyers argue that their clients’ treatment violates free speech protections and that the defendants were punished for expressing their political beliefs.

Monitoring noncitizens

The McCarran-Walter Act also authorizes intrusive registration and tracking requirements for noncitizens who remain in the U.S. for 30 days or longer.

On Jan. 20, 2025, Trump issued an executive order directing the Department of Homeland Security to enforce an “alien registration requirement.” The agency issued a final rule in April requiring all noncitizens over the age of 14 to register and be fingerprinted. Parents or guardians must register noncitizen children under age 14. The rule also requires adult noncitizens to carry “evidence of registration” at all times.

Such policies aren’t new. Noncitizen registration was codified in the Alien Registration Act of 1940, on the eve of U.S. entry into World War II. The law was designed to regulate the foreign-born population and encourage eligible noncitizens to join the U.S. armed forces. Its requirements were written into the McCarran-Walter Act.

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the Bush administration created the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System, which targeted noncitizen males age 16 or older from 25 Muslim-majority countries. It required registrants to submit biometric information, check in regularly with immigration authorities and use specific ports of entry for travel.

The Obama administration suspended this system in 2011 and permanently dismantled it in 2016.

Today, Trump administration officials say they are simply enforcing long-standing legal authority. A federal judge agreed, ruling on April 10 that the Homeland Security Department could require noncitizens to register and carry documentation.

The Trump administration says it will strictly enforce a long-standing requirement for immigrants in the country more than 30 days to register with the federal government.

Travel bans redux

On June 2, Trump announced a new travel ban on foreign nationals from 12 countries, mostly in Africa and the Middle East. The ban draws its authority from the McCarran-Walter Act. Two days later, Trump claimed the same legal discretion to exclude Harvard University’s international students from the U.S.

During his first term, Trump invoked these sections of the law to justify a travel ban on seven predominantly Muslim countries. The U.S. Supreme Court ultimately upheld this action in 2018 by a 5-4 vote in Trump v. Hawaii. Writing for the majority, Chief Justice John Roberts stated that the travel ban was well within broad powers over immigration granted to the president under the McCarran-Walter Act. He added that the court had “no view on the soundness of the policy.”

Trump’s new ban is more carefully crafted than earlier versions and more likely to withstand legal challenges. But his efforts to use the McCarren-Walter Act to ban international students from attending Harvard University face stiff legal headwinds.

On May 22, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem notified Harvard officials that the agency was revoking the school’s certification to participate in the Student and Exchange Visitor Program, which grants visas to international students to come to the U.S. In a June 4 proclamation, the White House claimed that foreign students at Harvard had behaved in ways that threatened U.S. national security.

A federal judge in Boston quickly blocked the revocation, holding that it violated core constitutional free speech rights. “The government’s misplaced efforts to control a reputable academic institution and squelch diverse viewpoints seemingly because they are, in some instances, opposed to this administration’s own views, threaten these rights,” wrote Judge Allison D. Burroughs.

The latest step came on July 9, when the Trump administration subpoenaed Harvard for information on its foreign students, including their disciplinary records and involvement in campus protests.

Broad power over noncitizens

Ironically, congressional sponsors of the McCarran-Walter Act were at odds with the White House when the law was enacted in 1952. They overrode a veto by President Harry S. Truman, who thought the law’s nativist ideas were unfitting for a nation of immigrants and global defender of democracy.

However, the expansive executive powers created by this law have endured largely unaltered over time, through waves of immigration reform.

Now they are a boon to the Trump administration’s ambitious immigration crackdown. It’s a telling reminder that repressive old laws can come back to life – even when they don’t reflect the current views of many Americans.

The Conversation

Daniel Tichenor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. A law from the era of Red Scares is supercharging Trump administration’s power over immigrants and noncitizens – https://theconversation.com/a-law-from-the-era-of-red-scares-is-supercharging-trump-administrations-power-over-immigrants-and-noncitizens-255307

Muhammadu Buhari, l’ancien chef militaire devenu président démocratique du Nigeria laisse derrière lui un héritage mitigé

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Kester Onor, Senior Research Fellow, Nigerian Institute of International Affairs

L’ancien président du Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari, décédé à Londres le 13 juillet à l’âge de 82 ans, était l’un des deux anciens chefs d’État militaires à avoir été élus présidents en tant que civils. Buhari a été chef d’État militaire du Nigeria du 31 décembre 1983 au 27 août 1985, puis président de 2015 à 2023.

L’autre homme politique nigérian ayant connu ce double parcours est l’ancien président Olusegun Obasanjo. Il a été dirigeant militaire entre 1976 et 1979, avant d’être élu président entre 1999 et 2007.

Buhari a dirigé le Nigeria pendant près d’une décennie. Son mandat à la tête de l’État militaire a été marqué par la lutte contre la corruption, mais il n’a pas pu faire autant pendant son mandat présidentiel sous un régime démocratique.

En tant que politologue ayant servi dans l’armée nigériane, je pense que la guerre contre le terrorisme menée par le gouvernement de l’ancien président Buhari a été largement décevante, malgré les promesses et quelques succès initiaux.

Une fois élu, Buhari a mené une vie personnelle modeste et a respecté les transitions électorales. Néanmoins, sa présidence a été entachée par une mauvaise gestion économique, l’incapacité à mettre en œuvre des réformes structurelles audacieuses, le favoritisme ethnique et des promesses de changement non tenues.

Il a toutefois laissé des réalisations concrètes en matière d’infrastructures, mis l’accent sur l’agriculture et jeté les bases d’une gouvernance marquée par la transparence et la lutte contre la corruption.

Son empreinte sur le développement du Nigeria est donc mitigée.

Les premières années

Buhari est né le 17 décembre 1942 à Daura, dans l’État de Katsina, dans le nord-ouest du Nigeria, de parents nommés Adamu et Zulaiha Buhari. Il avait quatre ans lorsque son père est décédé. Il a fréquenté une école coranique à Katsina. Il était Fulani, l’une des principales ethnies du Nigeria.

Après avoir terminé ses études, Buhari s’est engagé dans l’armée en 1961. Il a suivi une formation militaire au Royaume-Uni, en Inde et aux États-Unis, ainsi qu’au Nigeria.

En 1975, il a été nommé gouverneur militaire de l’État du Nord-Est (aujourd’hui État de Borno), après avoir participé au renversement Yakubu Gowon lors d’un coup d’État la même année. Il a occupé ce poste pendant un an.

Buhari est ensuite devenu commissaire fédéral aux ressources pétrolières, supervisant l’industrie pétrolière nigériane sous Obasanjo. Ce dernier était devenu chef de l’État en 1976 lorsque le successeur de Gowon, Murtala Muhammed, a été assassiné lors d’un coup d’État manqué cette même année.

En septembre 1979, il reprit ses fonctions dans l’armée régulière et prit le commandement de la 3e division blindée basée à Jos, dans l’État du Plateau, au centre-nord du pays. Cette année-là marque le début de la deuxième République du Nigéria avec l’élection de Shehu Shagari à la présidence.

Mais le 31 décembre 1983, un coup d’État mit fin au régime civil de Shagari. Buhari devint alors chef de l’État militaire du Nigeria.

Les années de la junte de Buhari

Buhari a dirigé le gouvernement militaire pendant un peu moins de deux ans. Il a été renversé lors d’un autre coup d’État le 27 août 1985.

Pendant son mandat, il promit que le gouvernement ne tolérerait ni les pots-de-vin, ni les surfacturations dans les contrats publics et les importations. Il ne tolérerait pas non plus la falsification, la fraude, le détournement de fonds, l’abus et le détournement de pouvoir, les transactions illégales en devises étrangères et la contrebande.

Dix-huit gouverneurs d’État ont été jugés par des tribunaux militaires. Certains des accusés ont été condamnés à de longues peines de prison, tandis que d’autres ont été acquittés ou ont vu leur peine commuée.

Son gouvernement a également promulgué le tristement célèbre décret n° 4, en vertu duquel deux journalistes, Nduka Irabor et Dele Thompson, ont été emprisonnés. Les accusations portaient sur trois articles publiés au sujet de la réorganisation du service diplomatique nigérian.

Buhari a également instauré des mesures d’austérité et lancé une « guerre contre l’indiscipline » visant à promouvoir des valeurs positives dans le pays. Des méthodes autoritaires ont parfois été utilisées pour la mettre en œuvre. Des soldats ont forcé les Nigérians à faire la queue, à être ponctuels et à respecter le code de la route.

Il a également instauré des restrictions à la liberté de la presse et à la liberté politique. Les syndicats n’ont pas été épargnés non plus. Des licenciements massifs de Nigérians dans la fonction publique ont été effectués en toute impunité.

Si les citoyens ont initialement salué certaines de ces mesures, le mécontentement croissant sur le plan économique a rendu la tâche plus difficile pour le régime.

Buhari, le démocrate

L’héritage qu’il laisse est mitigé. Buhari a tenté de revenir au pouvoir par les urnes. Il a échoué en 2003, 2007 et 2011. Mais il n’a pas abandonné. En 2015, une coalition de partis d’opposition a réussi à le faire élire.

Le gouvernement de Buhari a accentué les divisions nationales.

Ses nominations, souvent biaisées en faveur de la région nord et de ses compatriotes fulani, ont alimenté les accusations de tribalisme et de marginalisation. Son affinité perçue avec les éleveurs peuls, malgré les violences généralisées liées à certains d’entre eux, a encore érodé la confiance du public en son leadership.

Son discours anti-corruption n’a pas vraiment porté ses fruits. Si quelques saisies très médiatisées ont été effectuées, ses détracteurs affirment que sa lutte contre la corruption était sélective et fortement politisée.

Son ex-gouverneur de la Banque centrale est aujourd’hui jugé pour corruption.

Les résultats économiques ont également été médiocres sous son mandat. Tous ces problèmes ne peuvent lui être imputés. Néanmoins, son incapacité à s’attaquer aux problèmes sous-jacents du pays, tels que l’insécurité, l’inflation et la hausse du chômage, a contribué à cette situation. Son mandat a connu deux récessions, une hausse du chômage, l’inflation et l’affaiblissement du naira.

Il a toutefois remporté quelques succès.

Il s’est attaqué aux infrastructures. La construction de la grande autoroute Lagos-Ibadan était presque terminée et il a remis en service les chemins de fer, achevant les lignes Abuja-Kaduna et Lagos-Ibadan. Il a également finalisé la construction du Second Niger Bridge.

Un programme de revitalisation des aéroports a permis d’améliorer les aéroports de Lagos, Abuja et Port Harcourt.

Buhari a signé la loi sur l’industrie pétrolière après près de 20 ans de retard. Cela attire désormais davantage d’investissements dans l’industrie pétrolière.

Il a également lancé plusieurs programmes d’investissement social tels que N-Power, N-Teach et un programme d’alimentation scolaire. Ces programmes ont permis de créer des emplois temporaires pour certains et d’augmenter le revenu de nombreuses personnes défavorisées. N-Power est un programme d’autonomisation des jeunes destiné à lutter contre le chômage, à améliorer le développement social et à fournir aux gens des compétences pertinentes.

Ces programmes ont ensuite été entachés de corruption, révélée après son départ du pouvoir.

Il existait également un programme de prêts aux agriculteurs visant à rendre le pays plus autonome en matière de production de riz. Une fois encore, ce programme a été entaché de corruption et certains de ses responsables sont actuellement jugés.

Dans la lutte contre la corruption, le gouvernement Buhari a réalisé certains progrès grâce au compte unique du Trésor, qui a amélioré la transparence financière des institutions publiques. La politique de dénonciation a également permis de récupérer des fonds détournés.

Défaillances en matière de sécurité

Sous la présidence de Buhari, la situation sécuritaire s’est détériorée au Nigeria. Le banditisme, les affrontements entre agriculteurs et éleveurs, les enlèvements et les agitations séparatistes se sont intensifiés.

En 2015, Buhari a fait campagne en promettant de vaincre Boko Haram et de rétablir l’intégrité territoriale dans le nord-est du pays. Au départ, son administration a réalisé certains progrès. Boko Haram a été chassé de plusieurs zones administratives locales qu’il contrôlait auparavant, et d’importantes opérations militaires telles que l’opération Lafiya Dole ont été lancées pour reconquérir le territoire.

Cependant, ces premiers succès n’ont pas été durables. Boko Haram s’est scindé en plusieurs factions telles que la Province d’État islamique en Afrique de l’Ouest. Ce groupe a continué à lancer des attaques meurtrières.

La stratégie antiterroriste de Buhari était souvent réactive et manquait d’une doctrine claire à long terme. L’armée était surchargée et sous-équipée. Des problèmes de moral et des allégations de corruption dans le secteur de la défense ont compromis les opérations.

Il y avait une mauvaise coordination entre les services de renseignement. Les relations entre l’armée et les civils se sont dégradées à cause de fréquentes violations des droits humains commises par les forces de sécurité.

Peu à peu, la population a perdu confiance en la capacité de l’État à assurer sa sécurité.

Le retour de Buhari au pouvoir avait suscité beaucoup d’espoir. Mais sur ce point aussi, il n’a pas été à la hauteur.

The Conversation

Kester Onor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Muhammadu Buhari, l’ancien chef militaire devenu président démocratique du Nigeria laisse derrière lui un héritage mitigé – https://theconversation.com/muhammadu-buhari-lancien-chef-militaire-devenu-president-democratique-du-nigeria-laisse-derriere-lui-un-heritage-mitige-261147

How universities can keep protests from turning violent: 3 lessons from the 2024 pro-Palestinian encampments

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Matthew J. Mayhew, Professor of Higher Education, The Ohio State University

Pro-Palestinian supporters march outside Columbia University in September 2024. AP Photo/Yuki Iwamura

In spring 2024, pro-Palestinian student encampments that began at Columbia and Harvard spread to university campuses throughout the U.S. as Israel invaded Gaza in response to Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, surprise attack. At least 100 campuses had encampments for at least a few days during this period.

While some campuses erupted in violence, others remained peaceful and didn’t experience the open conflict that led to congressional hearings, university presidents losing their jobs and repercussions that are continuing to be felt today.

What made the difference?

In spring 2024, Ohio State University’s College Impact Laboratory, where we all work, surveyed universities to learn more about whether their campuses experienced protests, what happened and how they handled them. Part of our goal was to understand how spiritual leaders played a role, if any, in managing the protests. We’ve been analyzing the data ever since. The results from those who responded point to several lessons universities could learn from to avoid violence in future protests.

Campuses are a critical arena for activism

Campus protests have long been a defining feature of social and political change in the U.S. From the civil rights movements of the 1950s and 1960s to the student-led climate strikes of recent years, higher education institutions have served as a critical space for activism.

Often, these protests reflect broader societal tensions, and how universities respond has played a significant role in shaping their outcomes.

Historically, protests have been most likely to escalate when students feel unheard. In contrast, institutions that adopt proactive strategies, such as facilitating conversations or including students in decision-making, often experience better outcomes.

a student holds a green red and white flag on pavement in front of tents on a college campus
A George Washington University student carries a Palestinian flag at a student encampment protesting the Israel-Hamas war in May 2024.
AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

Snapshot of the pro-Palestinian protests

As our survey data shows, the pro-Palestinian protests illustrate this dynamic.

To gather data, the College Impact Laboratory sent questionnaires to administrators at the 329 universities that participate in our Interfaith Spiritual, Religious and Secular Campus Climate Index, also known as the INSPIRES Index, as well as hundreds of colleges and universities in our recruitment database.

In all, 35 schools responded to our 23-question survey. Of those, we found that most protests were led by students, half lasted less than a week, and the vast majority were nonviolent. Fifteen did not have protests, while the rest did. While the number of institutions that participated in this survey is relatively small, it does give us key insights into what schools were thinking.

Half of the campuses with protests reported law enforcement involvement – either campus police or city officers – with 20% experiencing physical altercations between protesters and police. Other disruptive actions such as academic interruptions, vandalism, physical violence and doxxing were reported with varying frequencies.

Protests at campuses that participated in our survey peaked during April and May 2024, with 70% of them experiencing demonstrations in these months.

Here are three takeaways from the survey, suggesting steps universities can take before and during future protests to avoid escalation:

1. Involve students in guidelines for engagement – early

At every surveyed institution that reported protests, students were at the forefront of organizing and leading these efforts.

Yet, despite this clear student leadership, about one-third of institutions said they didn’t consult with students to establish guidelines for engagement. Those that did invited representatives from student organizations or student government officers into the policymaking process to determine what protocols would be followed to manage protests and keep them peaceful.

On campuses where administrators didn’t engage with student leaders, tensions tended to escalate, and protests disrupted the institutions for weeks, often after police were called in or curfews were imposed.

While many of the protests lasted only one to seven days, we found that institutions that opened lines of communication early between administration and student protest leaders were more likely to deescalate tensions quickly. In contrast, campuses where administrators did not engage early on saw protests lasting weeks or involving greater disruptions.

Also, institutions that engaged early with student leaders were less likely to face stronger demands, such as calls for administrators to be fired, divestment from Israeli companies or calls to defund the campus police.

Our survey results suggest it’s important for administrators to engage with students early to establish clear guidelines to make it less likely future protests spiral into violence.

2. Communicate openly, often and before protests

Discussion of difficult topics, such as the conflict between Israel and Palestinians, shouldn’t wait until protests break out to begin. We found that every school in our survey that proactively supported dialogue between Jews and Muslims – before the war broke out – didn’t see violence result from the protests.

Dialogue isn’t just a strategy for preventing protests from spiraling out of control; it is fundamental to intergroup learning in higher education. These events create safe spaces for students − whether Arab, Jewish, Palestinian or members of different ethnic or religious groups − to engage with classmates with different points of view.

But even once protests begin, dialogue can help. When institutions engaged in dialogue, during or as a result of a protest, the protests were less likely to involve violence. At half of the campuses that participated in our survey and experienced protests, protests were ended peacefully through dialogue.

Brown, for example, modeled the power of institutional listening in its response to its April 2024 encampment. Rather than escalating tensions, university leaders engaged directly with student activists, resulting in a peaceful resolution and a commitment to bring the students’ divestment proposal to a formal vote in October. It ultimately failed to pass the board of directors.

two people hold a sign saying we will be back on a mostly empty college lawn
Demonstrators unfurl a banner on a lawn after an encampment protesting the Israel-Hamas war was taken down at Brown University on April 30, 2024, in Providence, R.I.
AP Photo/David Goldman

3. Involve relevant groups in decision-making

Most administrators in our survey, as they considered how to engage with protesters, reached out to relevant student groups such as those that focus on Jewish and Muslim students to better understand their perspectives.

However, only 28% consulted a religious or spiritual life office staff member on campus.

Religious or spiritual life staff are present on both private and public campuses and may include university-employed multifaith chaplains, interfaith coordinators or directors of spiritual life. Unlike student-led religious groups, these professionals often serve as liaisons to the religious and nonreligious communities represented on campus.

The focus of such roles on serving students from all worldviews positions them as key resources for deescalation through community outreach, support and two-way communication. Additionally, these professionals have valuable expertise in religious pluralism and community relationships. This experience helps them to advise administrators on policy and potential courses of action in times of tension.

Consulting with university staff with a focus on religion or spiritual life makes particular sense given the nature of the protests and how religion is intertwined, but our data suggests they may be underutilized more broadly for their expertise in navigating tensions related to competing worldviews.

Proactive engagement with these leaders not only helps campuses navigate an immediate crisis but demonstrates a commitment to inclusivity and respect for different groups’ perspectives.

Leading by example

Put another way, our research suggests institutions can avoid the negative outcomes of protests by embodying the traits commonly associated with universities, such as showing mutual respect, fostering democratic debate and engaging in critical thinking even on divisive issues. Engaging from a mindset of goodwill with student leaders shows administrators value student voices and are willing to work collaboratively toward solutions.

But when campuses ignore peaceful protests or refuse to engage with student leaders, they risk turning manageable situations into prolonged crises.

At a time when divisions run deep, we believe campuses that lead by example by embracing dialogue and engaging student activists before, during and after protests take place are not only likely to see less violence, but are likely to help heal America’s great divides.

The Conversation

Matthew J. Mayhew receives grant funding for various research projects from the National Science Foundation, the ECMC Foundation, the Templeton Religion Trust, the Arthur Vining Davis Foundations, and Pew Charitable Trusts. Currently, Dr. Mayhew leads the College Impact Laboratory at The Ohio State University. He is the Principal Investigator for the INSPIRES Index project and is the current editor of the Digest of Recent Research.

Renee L. Bowling works for the College Impact Lab at The Ohio State University that produces the INSPIRES Index and serves as Chair of NASPA’s Spirituality and Religion in Higher Education Knowledge Community.

Hind Haddad does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How universities can keep protests from turning violent: 3 lessons from the 2024 pro-Palestinian encampments – https://theconversation.com/how-universities-can-keep-protests-from-turning-violent-3-lessons-from-the-2024-pro-palestinian-encampments-252278