Dans l’espace, le vieillissement du cœur des astronautes s’accélère

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Cyril Tordeur, PhD Candidate in Biomedical Sciences and Pharmacy (Space Cardiovascular Physiology), Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB)

L’astronaute française Sophie Adenot s’entraîne lors d’un vol parabolique destiné à simuler l’état d’impesanteur. Les travaux révèlent que ce dernier entraîne l’atrophie rapide de petits muscles importants pour l’étanchéité des valves cardiaques. ESA – A. Conigli

De nouveaux travaux révèlent que, dans l’espace, certains muscles du cœur sont mis à rude épreuve par l’impesanteur. En quelques mois, cette dernière provoque leur atrophie. Les conséquences de ce processus, qui prend des décennies sur Terre, sur la santé des astronautes restent à évaluer. Point positif : ces résultats pourraient faire avancer notre compréhension de certains mécanismes à l’origine de l’insuffisance de la valve mitrale.


Considérons, d’un côté, un patient de 80 ans, essoufflé au moindre effort, dont le cœur affaibli laisse refluer le sang vers les poumons et, de l’autre, un astronaute âgé de 35 à 45 ans, entraîné, qui revient de six mois à bord de l’ISS, la Station spatiale internationale, et qui semble en parfaite santé. Que peuvent bien avoir en commun ces deux individus ? Plus qu’on ne le pense.

Pour la première fois, nos travaux ont mis en évidence l’existence chez l’humain d’un phénomène jusqu’alors observé uniquement chez l’animal : dans l’espace, certains petits muscles logés au sein des cavités cardiaques s’atrophient, malgré le sport que les astronautes pratiquent tous les jours.

En réalité, la mission de l’astronaute a donc imprimé sa marque sur son cœur. Derrière son apparente forme physique se cachent des modifications cardiaques subtiles qui miment, en accéléré, ce que le vieillissement a provoqué beaucoup plus lentement chez le patient terrestre. La coupable est l’impesanteur, cet état où la pesanteur du corps ne se fait plus ressentir, qui fait flotter ceux qui s’aventurent dans l’espace. Une situation qui pourrait compliquer les futurs voyages interplanétaires.

Le cœur de l’astronaute face à l’impesanteur

Sélectionnés parmi des milliers de candidats et candidates, les astronautes sont des professionnels soumis à des entraînements rigoureux, et suivis médicalement de manière continue. Pourtant, dès qu’ils quittent la Terre, leur système cardiovasculaire entre dans un processus de « déconditionnement ». Autrement dit, sa physiologie et ses caractéristiques physiques se modifient, parce qu’il n’a tout simplement plus besoin de travailler aussi dur.

En effet, en condition d’impesanteur, le cœur n’a plus la nécessité de lutter aussi difficilement pour propulser le sang vers le cerveau. Les fluides corporels se redistribuent vers la tête, le volume sanguin diminue, et le muscle cardiaque, moins sollicité, s’adapte.

Les scientifiques, qui étudient ces phénomènes depuis les premières missions spatiales, ont découvert que cette adaptation n’est pas sans conséquence. Des études antérieures avaient par exemple montré que le cœur pouvait perdre de la masse musculaire après quelques semaines en orbite, et que sa forme devenait plus sphérique.

Il y a plus de trente ans, une étude menée sur des rats avait aussi mis en évidence une diminution de la taille de petits muscles cardiaques très particuliers, les muscles papillaires.

Les muscles papillaires, essentiels, mais peu étudiés

La mission principale du cœur est de faire circuler le sang à travers les poumons et le corps. Pour cela, il est composé de quatre cavités se contractant à un rythme régulier. Des valves jouent le rôle de clapet antiretour et empêchent le sang de circuler dans le mauvais sens.

Pour accomplir leur fonction, elles reçoivent l’aide de petites structures musculaires, qui représentent moins de 10 % de la masse totale du cœur : les muscles papillaires. Ces derniers évitent que, lorsque le cœur se contracte, les valves ne se retournent comme un parapluie par grand vent. C’est d’ailleurs précisément ce qui se passe en cas d’insuffisance mitrale, une pathologie qui touche des millions de personnes – principalement âgées – dans le monde.

Gif animé du cycle cardiaque du ventricule gauche ; le rythme cardiaque a été ralenti, afin d’avoir le temps d’apprécier la mécanique existant entre le muscle papillaire (indiqué par une flèche jaune) et la valve mitrale (flèche bleue).
Cycle cardiaque du ventricule gauche ; le rythme cardiaque a été ralenti, afin d’avoir le temps d’apprécier la mécanique existant entre le muscle papillaire (indiqué par une flèche jaune) et la valve mitrale (flèche bleue).
Université Libre de Bruxelles, Fourni par l’auteur

En 1992, une étude menée sur des rats avait mis en évidence une diminution de la taille de ces muscles papillaires, après seulement deux semaines dans l’espace. Néanmoins, aucune étude de ce genre n’avait été menée chez l’humain, au cours de vols spatiaux de longue durée.

Pour combler cette lacune, nous avons utilisé l’imagerie par résonance magnétique (IRM) afin de mesurer précisément la masse de ces petits muscles chez des astronautes assignés à des missions spatiales de longue durée (de six à douze mois) à bord de l’ISS. Les mesures avaient lieu dans une période de quarante-cinq à soixante jours avant le décollage et environ une semaine après leur retour sur Terre.

Un risque de perte d’étanchéité de la valve mitrale

Nos résultats ont mis en évidence une réduction moyenne de 14 % de la masse des muscles papillaires après le vol spatial. Cette atrophie sélective, combinée à la sphéricité accrue du cœur observée en impesanteur ainsi qu’à une augmentation de 6 % du diamètre de la valve mitrale (située entre l’oreillette gauche et le ventricule gauche), crée des conditions anatomiques qui pourraient théoriquement favoriser un manque d’étanchéité de ladite valve.

Dans un tel cas de figure, le sang n’est plus expulsé correctement : au lieu de se diriger en direction de l’aorte, une partie reflue vers l’oreillette gauche, dans le sens contraire de la circulation normale. On parle de « régurgitation mitrale ».

En aigu, cette fuite de sang vers l’oreillette gauche et vers les poumons peut provoquer une détresse respiratoire. À long terme, le cœur, contraint de compenser cette insuffisance progressive, se remodèle petit à petit, jusqu’à ne plus être en mesure de maintenir une fonction suffisante : c’est l’insuffisance cardiaque.

Jusqu’à présent, aucune fuite de ce genre n’a été observée dans le cœur des astronautes, principalement parce que cet aspect n’a pas encore été étudié en détail. D’autres travaux devront être menés pour évaluer les potentielles implications cliniques de ce constat en situation spatiale.

Cette nouvelle étude soulève autant de questions qu’elle apporte de réponses. Nous ne savons pas encore si l’atrophie des muscles papillaires est réversible après le retour sur Terre, ni si elle s’aggrave lors de missions plus longues. Nous ignorons également si elle affecte réellement la fonction de la valve mitrale à long terme.

Des protocoles d’imagerie plus spécifiques, consacrés à l’évaluation valvulaire, et des suivis à long terme seront nécessaires pour répondre à ces interrogations, car les régurgitations mitrales peuvent rester asymptomatiques pendant des années avant que des dommages irréversibles ne surviennent.

L’espace, une « machine à voyager dans le temps » physiologique

Cette découverte prend tout son sens quand on la replace dans le contexte du vieillissement terrestre. Sur Terre, l’inactivité physique prolongée et le vieillissement physiologique sont associés à un risque accru d’insuffisance mitrale. Ce processus se déroule sur des années, voire des décennies. En orbite, l’impesanteur compresse ce temps : en six mois, des modifications anatomiques similaires apparaissent.

C’est ce qui fait de l’espace une « machine à voyager dans le temps » physiologique. Les astronautes ne vieillissent pas réellement plus vite, mais leur corps subit des contraintes qui reproduisent certains effets du vieillissement de manière accélérée et réversible. Cette particularité offre aux chercheurs une fenêtre unique pour observer et comprendre des mécanismes qui, sur Terre, se perdent dans la lenteur du temps biologique.

Le parallèle entre espace et vieillissement terrestre s’étend bien au-delà du cœur. Le système musculosquelettique subit lui aussi un déconditionnement rapide en impesanteur : les astronautes peuvent perdre jusqu’à 1 à 2 % de leur masse osseuse par mois dans certaines régions du squelette, un rythme dix fois supérieur à celui de l’ostéoporose terrestre. Leurs muscles des jambes s’atrophient rapidement, faute de devoir supporter le poids du corps.

Les yeux ne sont pas non plus en reste. En impesanteur, les fluides corporels se redistribuent vers la tête, ce qui augmente la pression au sein du crâne et provoque des modifications structurelles du nerf optique et du globe oculaire, un syndrome désormais bien documenté sous le nom de Spaceflight Associated Neuro-Ocular Syndrome (SANS) ou syndrome neuro-oculaire associé aux vols spatiaux).

Par ailleurs, une autre étude a montré que six mois de vol spatial induisent une résistance à l’insuline associée à une rigidification des artères menant le sang vers le cerveau. Un processus qui, sur Terre, se déroule sur des années.

Pour lutter contre ce déconditionnement généralisé dans l’espace, la solution mise en œuvre sur l’ISS est intensive : les astronautes suivent un protocole strict d’environ deux heures et demie d’exercice quotidien, combinant vélo, tapis de course et renforcement musculaire.

Cependant, si ce protocole permet de limiter considérablement la perte de masse musculaire, ainsi que la masse cardiaque totale, il n’empêche malheureusement pas l’atrophie des muscles papillaires. Cette vulnérabilité spécifique pourrait s’expliquer par leur anatomie unique et leur sous-stimulation en contexte spatial.

De l’orbite au lit d’hôpital : un double bénéfice

Ces observations ont une double portée. Pour les agences spatiales, elles soulignent la nécessité de surveiller la fonction valvulaire des astronautes, particulièrement dans la perspective de missions de longue durée vers la Lune ou vers Mars. Si l’atrophie des muscles papillaires s’aggrave avec le temps, elle pourrait théoriquement compromettre l’étanchéité de la valve mitrale et entraîner des fuites cardiaques chez des équipages, loin de toute assistance médicale terrestre.

Elles ont aussi des implications prometteuses en matière de médecine « terrestre » : comprendre comment l’impesanteur provoque l’atrophie des muscles papillaires pourrait aider à identifier les mécanismes qui sous-tendent également leur détérioration liée à l’âge ou à la sédentarité.

Une chose est certaine : l’étude du cœur des astronautes continue d’éclairer notre compréhension des maladies cardiovasculaires terrestres. Chaque mission spatiale est aussi une mission médicale qui profite aux millions de patients cardiaques sur Terre. En regardant vers les étoiles, nous apprenons à mieux soigner ceux qui ont les pieds sur Terre. Un paradoxe de plus dans cette fascinante aventure qu’est l’exploration spatiale.

The Conversation

Cyril Tordeur est membre de l’International Society for Gravitational Physiology (ISGP), de la European Low Gravity Research Association (ELGRA) et de la Mars Society Belgium (MSB). Il a reçu des financements du Service Public Fédéral de Programmation Polique Scientifique belge (BELSPO) et du Fonds pour la Chirurgie Cardiaque.

ref. Dans l’espace, le vieillissement du cœur des astronautes s’accélère – https://theconversation.com/dans-lespace-le-vieillissement-du-coeur-des-astronautes-saccelere-274923

Ukraine is being left out in the cold

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor, The Conversation

This article was first published in The Conversation UK’s World Affairs Briefing email. Sign up to receive weekly analysis of the latest developments in international relations, direct to your inbox.


January and February are the cruellest months in Ukraine. For the past week, temperatures in Kyiv have hovered between lows of -19°C and highs of -6°C. The Ukrainian capital gets about nine hours of daylight per day. And the relentless Russian bombardment of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure has meant that, for the most part, people are shivering in the dark in the coldest winter in a decade.

At one point in January, things were so bad that Kyiv’s mayor, Vitali Klitschko, ordered anyone who could to leave the city to leave and find refuge in places with alternative sources of power and heating.

There are conflicting reports as to whether the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, honoured the commitment he reportedly made to Donald Trump to order a one-week pause on attacks on Ukraine’s power infrastructure. The US president insisted he had, Ukrainians said he hadn’t and that, in any case, Russia was attacking so many Ukrainian targets that it was hard to tell when the “power truce” actually began and when it ended.

At the time, Kremlin mouthpiece Dmitry Peskov said that the goal was the “creation of favourable conditions for holding talks”. It’s no coincidence that the nights before both recent rounds of three-way talks between Russian, Ukrainian and American negotiators saw massive Russian bombardment of critical civilian infrastructure in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities.

And, once again, the talks have failed to achieve very much. After the most recent day of negotiations in Abu Dhabi, some progress has been made on prisoner swaps, but little else of any substance has been agreed. As Stefan Wolff notes, the two sides are so far apart in their negotiating positions that there’s little or no chance of seeing a meaningful peace agreement any time soon.

Wolff, an expert in international security at the University of Birmingham who has written regularly for The Conversation since the full-scale invasion nearly four years ago, sees a series of potholes on the road to peace, many of which Trump has helped to dig.

For example, on the vexed issue of territory, Putin takes as his starting point what has become known as the “Anchorage formula”, apparently agreed with the US president when the pair met in Alaska last August. This holds that in return for security guarantees from Kyiv’s allies (the coalition of the willing in Europe, but – of course – principally the US), Ukraine will withdraw from the portion of the Donbas that it still holds after four years of bitter fighting.

Zelensky, for his part, remains adamant that this is a non-starter. Meanwhile Putin is equally adamant that he will not accept non-Ukrainian boots on the ground as guarantors of a ceasefire. Add to that, Trump’s mercurial approach to security guarantees and his apparent desire to link any peace deal to some sort of business upside for the US, and you understand why Wolff concludes that: “Any claims of progress in the negotiations in Abu Dhabi are therefore at best over-optimistic and at worst self-deluding.”




Read more:
Farcical peace talks continue in Abu Dhabi as Ukraine shivers under Russia’s winter onslaught


Take Putin’s stipulation that Kyiv must withdraw its military from the rest of the Donbas. This, write Rod Thornton and Marina Miron of King’s College London, would be tantamount to suicide for Ukraine. The “Donbas line” has held up Russia’s westward advance for the best part of four years.

It comprises a row of fortified cities linked by a line of seven distinct defensive layers which Russian troops would need to overcome to move further into central Ukraine.

Given the rate of attrition, particularly on Russia’s side (at last count, estimates are that Russian casualties have mounted to 1.2 million killed, inured or missing – more than double those of Ukraine) you can understand why Putin’s military planners are so keen to avoid their troops having to face these sophisticated killing zones.




Read more:
Trump wants Ukraine to give up the Donbas in return for security guarantees. It could be fatal for Kyiv


To sum up: the post-second world war order is in disarray, Nato is looking shakier by the week, a major war is raging in Europe and the Chinese leader, Xi Jinping, is reportedly becoming increasingly insistent about China’s claim over the future of Taiwan in his recent phone call with the US president. So now’s a good time to note that the New Start nuclear arms control treaty has just expired, prompting speculation on all sides as to the likelihood of a new nuclear arms race.




Read more:
New Start’s expiration will make the world less safe – even if it doesn’t spark another nuclear arms race


Xi’s military purge

Talking of China, reports emerged recently that Xi has purged another of his top generals. The removal of Zhang Youxia, vice-chair of China’s central military commission (CMC), which is chaired by Xi, means that all but one of the members of that powerful body have lost their positions in the past three years.

China-watcher Kerry Brown, of the Lau China Institute at King’s College London, tracks XI’s record of purging senior officials since his early days in charge. When considering what this might mean for Taiwan, it’s worth noting that Zhang was the last remaining senior military commander with actual combat experience, having fought in the war against Vietnam in the late 1970s. This may mean that China will need to regroup and reorganise before it could consider mounting any aggressive action against Taiwan. All eyes will be on who replaces Zhang.




Read more:
Why Xi purged China’s top military general


Competing visions for Gaza

On the sidelines of the World Economic Forum in Davos the other week, shortly after the US president launched his Board of Peace, the dignitaries who had signed up to the board were given a presentation on the future of Gaza by two members of the board’s executive committee: Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner.

It was a similar vision to one publicised by the US president last year and featured gleaming office towers, data centres, luxury beachfront resorts and modern transport hubs. Like a similar plan unveiled by Israel last year, it’s not immediately clear what part the 2.1 million residents of Gaza may play in the reconstruction of their homeland.

Timothy J. Dixon, an expert in urban futures at the University of Reading, has run his ruler over the competing visions for the future of Gaza and spells out some of the considerable challenges that lie ahead for anyone taking on this gargantuan task.

Not the least of them is doing something with the estimated 61 million tonnes of rubble under which there is likely to be large amounts of unexploded ordnance and human remains.

Whether there is any justice in this for the people of Gaza themselves remains to be seen. One plan for reconstruction, the Gaza Phoenix plan, was developed by a consortium of local and regional planners and “preserves Gaza’s identity, its heritage and its people”. Or at least, that’s the aim. It sounds optimistic, but as Dixon points out, the most successful plans for large-scale reconstruction – most notably the Marshall plan for the rebuilding of Europe after 1945 – “involved close engagement with civil society and local communities to achieve success”.


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The Conversation

ref. Ukraine is being left out in the cold – https://theconversation.com/ukraine-is-being-left-out-in-the-cold-275260

Le plus ancien vomi fossile d’un animal terrestre nous indique le menu d’un prédateur ayant vécu il y a 290 millions d’années

Source: The Conversation – France in French (2) – By Arnaud Rebillard, Doctorant en paléontologie, Museum für Naturkunde, Berlin

On connaissait les crottes fossiles, appelées coprolithes. Mais une découverte récente montre que les régurgitations peuvent elles aussi se fossiliser. Sur le site paléontologique de Bromacker, en Allemagne, un fossile très particulier a été mis au jour : un régurgitalithe, c’est-à-dire un vomi fossile. Cette régurgitation regroupe des restes osseux appartenant à trois animaux différents et provient d’un prédateur appartenant aux synapsides (groupe d’animaux incluant les mammifères modernes), déjà découvert sur ce site.

Les roches de cette localité, âgées d’environ 290 millions d’années (Permien inférieur), ont déjà livré des plantes, des amphibiens et des reptiles exceptionnellement bien conservés, ainsi que de nombreuses traces de pas. Cette fois, notre équipe a découvert un petit amas d’os partiellement digérés, sans structure ni forme régulière, suggérant qu’il ne s’agissait pas d’un excrément mais bien de restes régurgités par un prédateur. Cette découverte vient d’être publiée dans Scientific Reports.

Comment avons-nous déterminé qu’il s’agissait de vomi fossilisé ?

Ce fossile se présente sous la forme d’un amas osseux compact. Un tel regroupement d’os n’a jamais été découvert à Bromacker, et suggère que ces restes ont été ingérés puis rejetés par un prédateur, soit par défécation ou régurgitation. Dans le cas des coprolithes (crottes fossilisées), les restes osseux sont généralement préservés à l’intérieur d’une matrice sédimentaire d’origine organique (matière fécale) visible, riche en phosphore, issu de l’activité bactérienne liée à la digestion des os. Or, dans le cas de ce spécimen, les restes osseux ne sont pas entourés d’une telle matrice. Une analyse des éléments chimiques par micro-XRF (Spectrométrie de fluorescence des rayons X) a confirmé une quasi-absence de phosphore dans cette matrice. Cette absence de phosphore est caractéristique des régurgitalithes (régurgitations fossilisées) comparé aux coprolithes, fortement concentré en phosphore, dû à un temps de digestion plus long.

Nous avons aussi scanné le fossile en 3D (CT-scan). Cette approche non destructive a permis de reconstituer virtuellement chaque os et de les identifier avec précision. Le régurgitalithe contient notamment :

  • un maxillaire d’un petit reptile quadrupède (Thuringothyris), avec la plupart des dents encore en position ;

  • un humérus appartenant à Eudibamus, un reptile bipède ;

  • un métapode (os du pied ou de la main) d’un diadectide, un herbivore de taille nettement plus grande.

Au total, trois animaux différents et de tailles variées, ont été ingérés puis partiellement régurgités par un même prédateur.

Pourquoi cette découverte est-elle importante ?

Les régurgitalithes sont très rares dans le registre fossile, et aucun n’avait encore été décrit dans un environnement terrestre aussi ancien. Cette découverte représente ainsi le plus ancien vomi fossile de vertébré terrestre connu.

Elle ouvre aussi une fenêtre inédite sur le comportement alimentaire des prédateurs du Permien inférieur. Deux carnivores suffisamment grands pour avoir ingéré ces proies sont connus à Bromacker : Dimetrodon, reconnaissable à sa crête dorsale, et un autre synapside carnivore de taille comparable, Tambacarnifex.

La diversité des restes contenus dans ce régurgitalithe suggère un comportement opportuniste, où ces prédateurs ingéraient tout ce qui était à leur portée. De plus, ce régurgitalithe agit comme une véritable capsule temporelle, renfermant les restes de plusieurs animaux ayant vécu exactement à la même période, peut être même au jour près. Ce spécimen nous permet ainsi de vérifier la coexistence réelle de ces trois animaux.

Quelles suites donner à cette recherche ?

Cette étude nous invite à reconsidérer certaines accumulations d’ossements fossiles, parfois interprétées comme des coprolithes ou des dépôts sédimentaires. Elle montre que les régurgitalithes pourraient être plus fréquents qu’on ne le pensait, mais encore largement sous-identifiés.

À l’avenir, la combinaison de scans 3D, d’analyses chimiques et de comparaisons anatomiques détaillées pourrait permettre de reconnaître d’autres vomis fossiles et de mieux relier ces vestiges aux prédateurs à leur origine. Ces travaux ouvrent de nouvelles perspectives pour reconstruire les réseaux trophiques (ensemble des interactions d’ordre alimentaire entre les êtres vivants d’un écosystème, ndlr) anciens et mieux comprendre le fonctionnement des écosystèmes terrestres il y a près de 300 millions d’années.


Tout savoir en trois minutes sur des résultats récents de recherches commentés et contextualisés par les chercheuses et les chercheurs qui les ont menées, c’est le principe de nos « Research Briefs ». Un format à retrouver ici.

The Conversation

Arnaud Rebillard ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Le plus ancien vomi fossile d’un animal terrestre nous indique le menu d’un prédateur ayant vécu il y a 290 millions d’années – https://theconversation.com/le-plus-ancien-vomi-fossile-dun-animal-terrestre-nous-indique-le-menu-dun-predateur-ayant-vecu-il-y-a-290-millions-dannees-275013

With international law at a ‘breaking point’, a tiny country goes after Myanmar’s junta on its own

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Emma Palmer, Lecturer in International Law, Griffith University

Just four months ago, Timor-Leste formally became a member of the Association of Southeast Asian States (ASEAN).

This week, the tiny country took an unprecedented step: its judicial authorities appointed a prosecutor to examine the Myanmar military’s responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity. It’s believed to be the first time an ASEAN state has taken such an action against another member.

The case resulted from the persistence of a victims’ group, the Chin Human Rights Organisation, in pursuing justice for the Chin people, a minority group in Myanmar. In submitting the complaint, the head of the organisation expressed solidarity with Timor-Leste’s own historic efforts to secure justice and independence.

Timor-Leste authorities will now assess whether to bring charges against Myanmar’s military leaders, including junta chief Min Aung Hlaing.

Any prosecutions would be on the basis of “universal jurisdiction”. This is a legal principle that allows domestic courts to hear cases alleging international crimes, regardless of where the crimes occurred, or the nationality of the victims or perpetrators.

Limitations of international courts

This week, a major study of 23 conflicts around the globe said the international legal system designed to protect civilians is at a “breaking point”. Observers are also asking whether the United Nations has any future at all.

It has long been clear that international courts have limited efficacy in prosecuting cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Critics argue the International Criminal Court (ICC) has engaged in selective prosecutions, is too slow and has weak enforcement powers. In the past 20 years, the court has heard 34 cases and issued just 13 convictions.

However, proponents of the court say it has been unfairly maligned and targeted, including by the Trump administration, which imposed sanctions on it last year.

The International Court of Justice (ICJ), meanwhile, can hold states accountable for crimes, but not individuals.

Both the ICC and ICJ have investigations underway on Myanmar, but they deal with crimes allegedly committed against the Rohingya minority group before the coup. The ICC case covers incidents committed partly in Bangladesh.

The ICC’s chief prosecutor asked the court’s judges to issue an arrest warrant for Min Aung Hlang in November 2024. More than a year later, a decision has yet to be made.

Challenges for domestic courts

In this environment, universal jurisdiction could play a more important role. The United Nations has implicitly recognised this by establishing investigative mechanisms for Syria and Myanmar that gather evidence for future prosecutions in domestic, regional or international courts.

Many states have laws that allow them to prosecute international crimes like torture, genocide or war crimes. What is lacking are resources to fund investigations and transparent criteria or guidelines for how to undertake them.

There are other challenges once cases are underway, too. For one, domestic courts have limited reach. Arrests are difficult, as high-level officials can rely on diplomatic immunity or just avoid the countries where they believe they could face prosecution or extradition.

Prosecuting even lower-level or mid-level perpetrators can be politically awkward. Cases can be expensive and practically difficult, especially when witnesses and evidence are mostly overseas.

The scale and complex nature of these crimes can also be challenging for domestic criminal courts that have limited experience with them.

And if trials go ahead, victims can still find justice elusive, even if the cases have broader strategic or symbolic aims.

Still, there have been successes. Nearly 10 years ago, the former president of Chad, Hissène Habré, was convicted of international crimes in Senegal. The case was tried using universal jurisdiction, driven by civil society networks.

More countries need to step up

This latest initiative in Timor-Leste comes after victim groups have tried many different countries to seek justice for the people of Myanmar. This includes Argentina, where arrest warrants were issued for Myanmar’s leaders, Turkey, and Germany.

In the Asia-Pacific, lawyers have also attempted to bring cases in Indonesia and the Philippines.

While European countries are increasingly using universal jurisdiction to prosecute crimes, other countries have been less keen to take these cases on. For instance, some suggest Canada and Australia could do more to investigate war crimes cases, even though they both have the laws in place to do so.

This just leaves the heavy lifting of prosecutions to others, possibly in courts with more limited resources.

With atrocities continuing to be committed around the world, it’s become more vital than ever for governments to not just back international justice with strong words, but show a real commitment to investigating them at home.

The Conversation

Associate Professor Emma Palmer is the recipient of an Australian Research Council Australian Discovery Early Career Award (project number DE250100597) funded by the Australian Government. The views expressed herein are those of the author and are not necessarily those of the Australian Government or Australian Research Council. She is also affiliated with the Association of Mainland Southeast Asia Scholars.

ref. With international law at a ‘breaking point’, a tiny country goes after Myanmar’s junta on its own – https://theconversation.com/with-international-law-at-a-breaking-point-a-tiny-country-goes-after-myanmars-junta-on-its-own-275089

Who is Bad Bunny? Why the biggest music star in the world sings in Puerto Rican Spanish

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Beatriz Carbajal-Carrera, Lecturer in Spanish and Latin American Studies, University of Sydney

Bad Bunny is on a roll. Among the three wins at the 68th Grammy Awards, DeBÍ TiRAR MáS FOToS (I should have taken more pictures) became the first Spanish-language record to win Album of the Year. On Sunday, Bad Bunny will be the first Latino and Spanish speaking artist to perform as solo headliner at the Super Bowl halftime show.

Born Benito Antonio Martínez Ocasio, and raised in Borinquen (the Taíno-language name for Puerto Rico), Bad Bunny’s life and music has been marked by political, social and economic crises affecting the archipelago: government corruption, failing infrastructure and debt.

Bad Bunny has used his voice to protest in both his music and public statements against national crises and the ongoing effects of colonialism, while celebrating Latinx and Puerto Rican identities.

Bad Bunny started posting songs on SoundCloud in 2016. In 2018, he released his first album, X 100PRE. Sung in Spanish, the album reached number 11 on the Billboard charts.

His third album, 2020’s El último tour del mundo (The Last World Tour), became the first Spanish-language album to reach number one in the Billboard charts. His fourth record, 2022’s Un Verano Sin Ti (A Summer Without You) also topped this chart, this time for 13 weeks.

DeBÍ TiRAR MáS FOToS stands out against Bad Bunny’s previous albums for its focus on Puerto Rican identity and ongoing fight against colonisation. This is reflected in the album through national symbols, genres and, of course, language. Bad Bunny addresses these themes through companion videos explaining central aspects to the collective memory of Puerto Rico.

In the current climate in the United States of interventionism and mass deportations, DeBÍ TiRAR MáS FOToS has made the domestic Puerto Rican experience resonate among global audiences.

Language and genre

Puerto Rico is an unincorporated territory that belongs to the US, and Puerto Ricans are US citizens, but the territory is not counted as one of the country’s states. The US exerts control over the military, politics and economy of the archipelago.

Spanish plays a complex role in Puerto Rico, as a colonial language that was imposed in the archipelago. More recently, Spanish has been embraced as a resistance to English dominance.

Bad Bunny speaks Puerto Rican Spanish, which combines influences from indigenous Taíno language, African languages, Spanish and English. Studies have found Spanish speakers may consider this variety as incorrect because its characteristics are seen as distant from the Castilian Spanish norm: perceptions anchored in colonial ideologies that privilege Castilian Spanish.

Among other genres, Bad Bunny sings reggaeton, a Caribbean genre that draws on Jamaican dancehall, American hip-hop and Dominican Republic dembow.

Reggaeton is popular music with underground roots and explicit lyrics. In the 1990s, Puerto Rican reggaeton was subject to government prosecution (including confiscation, fines and negative media campaigns) due to its alleged obscenity. That did not stop its increasing popularity among young audiences in the Caribbean, and beyond.

The international popularity of reggeaton artists such as Don Omar, Daddy Yankee, Young Miko, Ozuna and Bad Bunny has changed the perception of Puerto Rican Spanish from a history of deficit views to more social prestige. In the past, the distance from the Castilian Spanish norm was considered something negative, but there is now a strong interest among students of Spanish to learn this variety.

Fluid use of language

Bad Bunny’s language does not reflect a purist vision of language with rigid boundaries. Instead, he embraces a creative use of language with fluid boundaries.

The Puerto Rican slang Bad Bunny uses on DeBÍ TiRAR MáS FOToS features numerous Anglicisms, or words borrowed from English – a feature of Puerto Rican Spanish.

He uses unadapted borrowings – such as the words shot, pitcher, flashback, follow, blondie, glossy, brother, bestie, eyelash, underwater and movie. And he also uses hybrid realisations, compound words that combine English and Spanish components such as janguear (adapted from the English “hang out”), girla (girl), ghosteó (ghosted), stalkeándote (stalking) and kloufrens (close friends).

Bad Bunny embraces his Puerto Rican identity in the pronunciation of lyrics and in public commentary. For example, he pronounces the letter “r” as the letter “l” in songs like NUEVAYoL (New York) and VeLDÁ (Truth).

The letter “l” becomes a strong identity feature of NUEVAYoL when compared to other iconic renditions to the city, such as from Frank Sinatra.

By using his voice to celebrate characteristics of Puerto Rican Spanish previously not perceived as prestigious, Bad Bunny is contributing to the values of linguistic diversity and fighting language ideologies inherited from colonialism.

Music as defiance

The way Bad Bunny uses language has been described as an act of defiance and survival. Bad Bunny does not break down language and make it easier for listeners. Rather, listeners have to make the effort of decoding it.

Notably, the lexicographer Maia Sherwood Droz created a Spanish dictionary for DeBÍ TiRAR MáS FOToS, including definitions of words, phrases and cultural references to decode the meanings in the album.

In an album loaded with references to the ongoing fight to preserve Puerto Rican identity, he evokes community symbols of “pitorro de coco” (homemade clandestine rum) to “la bandera azul clarito” (the light blue flag, referring to a 1895 Puerto Rican emblem.

When accepting an award at the Grammys, Bad Bunny said:

We’re not savage. We’re not animals. We’re not aliens. We are humans, and we are Americans.

Bad Bunny’s acceptance speech is explicitly rejecting dehumanisation in a ceremony where, finally, music in language other than English and, importantly, in Puerto Rican Spanish, was honoured and celebrated as the best album of the year.




Read more:
The backlash to Bad Bunny’s halftime show reveals how MAGA defines who belongs in America


The Conversation

Beatriz Carbajal-Carrera does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Who is Bad Bunny? Why the biggest music star in the world sings in Puerto Rican Spanish – https://theconversation.com/who-is-bad-bunny-why-the-biggest-music-star-in-the-world-sings-in-puerto-rican-spanish-274965

Taxi Driver at 50: Martin Scorsese’s film remains a troubling reflection of our times

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Alexander Howard, Senior Lecturer, Discipline of English and Writing, University of Sydney

IMDB

Martin Scorsese’s Taxi Driver turns 50 this month. Nominated for four Oscars and winner of the Palme d’Or at the 1976 Cannes Festival, Scorsese’s searing, hallucinatory portrait of urban alienation is widely regarded as one of the most important American films of all time.

It is also unquestionably one of the most troubling.

Taxi Driver channels the anger, paranoia and alienation of an American decade shaped by economic decline, imperialist violence and political scandal. Set in the dilapidated squalor of a rapidly deindustrialising New York, the film proffers a forlorn portrait of a society coming apart at the seams.

At its heart sits a deeply unsettling vision of masculinity, bound up in racism and misogyny.

The social and psychological forces Taxi Driver brought into focus have not disappeared. If anything, they have simply migrated – finding new expression in digital cultures shaped by the platforming of grievance, aesthetised resentment and the monetisation of male rage.

American existentialism

Travis Bickle (portrayed with unnerving intensity by Robert De Niro) was the creation of screenwriter Paul Schrader, who drew heavily on his own experiences of isolation and emotional crisis. Schrader also looked to literature for inspiration, citing Fyodor Dostoevsky’s misanthropic Underground Man as a formative influence.

In placing the European existential hero in an American context, said Schrader:

you find that he becomes more ignorant, ignorant of the nature of his problem. Travis’ problem is the same as the existential hero’s, that is, should I exist? But Travis doesn’t understand that this is his problem, so he focuses it elsewhere: and I think that is a mark of the immaturity and the youngness of our country.

Schrader also drew on contemporary events, including the attempted assassination of right-wing politician George Wallace by Arthur Bremer. The result was a character who crystallised the violent confusions of the era.

Like Bremer, Travis keeps a diary. We see him writing in it at various points in the film and we hear excerpts from it in voiceover:

All the animals come out at night. Whores, skunk pussies, buggers, queens, fairies, dopers, junkies, sick, venal. Someday a real rain’ll come and wash all this scum off the streets.

Travis, a decidedly unreliable narrator who claims to have served in Vietnam, takes a job as a taxi driver because he has trouble sleeping. Working almost exclusively at night and wound impossibly tight, he rides through the city in a state of heightened unease.

One morning, after clocking off from a long shift, he notices a young woman through the window of a midtown Manhattan office. This is Betsy (Cybill Shepherd), an ambitious campaign worker employed by a presidential hopeful Charles Palentine (Leonard Harris).

Betsy quickly becomes the object of Travis’s fixation. He begins loitering in his cab outside her workplace, watching her from a distance. Eventually, he somehow persuades her to go on a date with him. It does not go well.

Socially inept, Travis’ idea of a good time is a trip to a Times Square porno theatre. He appears genuinely baffled when Betsy decides she has had enough and storms out, cutting off all contact with him. This only deepens Travis’ indignation and culminates in an angry confrontation at Betsy’s office, where he berates her in front of her coworkers.

Travis starts to spiral, confessing to a fellow cabbie that he’s got “some bad ideas” in his head. He settles on a plan of action. His diary entries become even more ominous.

He starts working out obsessively, loads up on guns and plots the public assassination of Betsy’s boss. Political violence becomes a way of giving shape to his discontent, transforming indignation into a pipe dream of historical consequence. He practices shooting in front of the mirror in his dingy apartment.

De Niro’s improvised line, “You talkin’ to me”, became (to borrow from film scholar Amy Taubin) “arguably the most quoted scene in movie history”.

When his plan to murder Palantine collapses, Travis redirects his attention to Iris, a 12-year-old sex worker played by Jodie Foster. He decides he must “help” her get away from her pimp, believing himself morally just. Carnage ensues – so ferocious that it initially led to the film being refused a commercial rating.

It ends on a bleakly ironic, ambiguous note.

A dark afterlife

Taxi Driver divided critics but proved an immediate hit with viewers.

Its disquieting power did not diminish with time; if anything, the film’s afterlife has been almost as troublesome as the work itself.

In 1981, John Hinckley Jr. – who had become obsessed with the film – attempted to assassinate Ronald Reagan in an effort to impress Jodie Foster. This incident shook Scorsese, who briefly considered giving up filmmaking altogether.

Travis Bickle has been repeatedly elevated to the status of anti-hero. The character has cast a long cultural shadow, most obviously in Todd Phillips’s Joker (2019).

A 2025 documentary series reflecting on Scorsese’s career returns to this question of legacy. Director Rebecca Williams puts it to Schrader that she gets the impression that “there are a lot of Travis Bickles, especially right now.” Schrader’s reply is blunt:

They’re all talking to each other on the internet. When I first wrote about him, he was talking to nobody. He really was, at that point, the Underground Man. Now he’s the Internet Man.

It is a sobering thought.

The Conversation

Alexander Howard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Taxi Driver at 50: Martin Scorsese’s film remains a troubling reflection of our times – https://theconversation.com/taxi-driver-at-50-martin-scorseses-film-remains-a-troubling-reflection-of-our-times-261662

What exactly is misconduct in public office and could Peter Mandelson be convicted?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jeremy Horder, Professor of Criminal Law, London School of Economics, London School of Economics and Political Science

Peter Mandelson, former UK ambassador to the United States, is currently under investigation by the Metropolitan Police concerning an allegation of criminal misconduct in public office.

The allegation centres on evidence that Mandelson passed sensitive, confidential information – received in his capacity as a minister – to Jeffrey Epstein and his associates.

If that is true, then it is, of course, not the first time that ministerial confidences have been breached. However, what makes this case potentially serious is the possibility that the information passed to Epstein was known to be likely to assist Epstein financially and that this favour may have been bound up with a relationship between the men in which Epstein conferred financial benefits on Mandelson.

The offence of misconduct in public office – described by famous legal commentator Sir William Blackstone in 1765 as “a crime of deep malignity” – dates back many centuries. It carries a maximum sentence of life imprisonment. In most cases, a significant prison sentence is imposed on a convicted offender – and there are around 25 to 50 convictions each year. Misconduct in public office is what lawyers call a common law offence. That is to say, it is an offence invented and developed (like the definition of murder) by judges, without parliamentary intervention.

In its modern form, the offence has three main elements. The accused must have been acting in an official capacity at the time of the alleged offence, they must have wilfully misconducted themselves and their conduct must have fallen “so far below acceptable standards that it amounts to an abuse of the public’s trust”.

Prosecutors must be confident that the evidence for these elements points to a reasonable prospect of conviction and separately that there is sufficient public interest in prosecution.

Keir Starmer at the dispatch box in the House of Commons.
Keir Starmer faces questions over Mandelson in PMQs.
Flickr/UK Parliament, CC BY-NC-ND

A typical case might be one in which a prison officer accepts money for passing information to a prisoner on the whereabouts of the latter’s former criminal associates. Such cases are ones in which the offence operates in a broadly top-down manner: servants of the state entrusted with powers are called to account for the knowing misuse of those powers.

However, the offence can also operate in a more bottom-up manner. Those holding the highest elected or judicial offices can themselves be criminally accountable for misuse of power, if need be, through a private prosecution launched by an ordinary citizen or a pressure group. For example, the MPs in the so-called expenses scandal who knowingly made false claims were convicted of false accounting, but they could all equally have been charged with misconduct in public office.

Corruption in public office?

In Mandelson’s case, there seems to be evidence that while acting in a public capacity as a minister (element one), he wilfully – knowingly – misconducted himself (element two). He must have known that it was wrong to share confidential information with Epstein if he received it in a ministerial capacity.

The key is probably element three: did his wilful misconduct fall so far short of what is expected of a holder of ministerial office as to amount to an abuse of the public’s trust? Misconduct in public office is a serious offence, and so this is a high bar to surmount. Central to the determination of element three will be whether information was wrongly disclosed for a purpose itself involving significant impropriety, such as benefiting a private individual financially.

There is also the possibility that such an improper purpose was also associated with corruption. If the information was disclosed as part of an exchange of favours, that makes the case stronger for saying that there was an abuse of the public’s trust. Corrupt activity has long been equated in law with the abuse of public trust. Proof of both improper purpose and corruption would be very serious indeed.

The lapse of time, and his political disgrace, may have diminished the public interest in prosecuting Mandelson; and it should be noted that public outrage is not the same as public interest. Even so, he would be well advised to find himself a first-rate lawyer.

The Conversation

Jeremy Horder does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What exactly is misconduct in public office and could Peter Mandelson be convicted? – https://theconversation.com/what-exactly-is-misconduct-in-public-office-and-could-peter-mandelson-be-convicted-275122

Géopolitique des JO d’hiver : sous la glace des sports de glisse, le feu des confrontations internationales

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Cyrille Bret, Géopoliticien, Sciences Po

Onéreux, contraints par le réchauffement climatique, survalorisant les pays riches du Nord : au moment où l’Italie de Giorgia Meloni ouvre les JO d’hiver 2026, dans un contexte marqué notamment par les contestations de la présence d’agents de l’ICE (la fameuse police de l’immigration des États-Unis) et par la polémique désormais récurrente sur l’absence des sélections nationales russe et biélorusse, le grand événement hivernal quadriannuel est confronté à de nombreuses crises internationales…


Les XXVe Jeux olympiques (JO) d’hiver seront bien plus que sportifs !

Comme les autres grandes compétitions sportives internationales fortement médiatisées, à l’instar de la récente Coupe d’Afrique des nations de football au Maroc ou de la Coupe du monde de l’été prochain aux États-Unis, au Mexique et au Canada, ils seront géopolitiques, malgré leur neutralité politique officielle.

De même que les éditions précédentes des JO estivaux comme hivernaux, les XXVᵉ Jeux olympiques d’hiver mettront aux prises les stratégies de soft power des États-Unis (232 athlètes en Italie), de la Chine (125 athlètes) et de leurs rivaux (120 athlètes japonais et 71 de Corée du Sud). Comme pour les JO d’été, le palmarès des médailles sera considéré comme un attribut de puissance.

Organisés par la ville de Milan et la station de montagne de Cortina d’Ampezzo du 6 au 22 février 2026, ils constituent déjà un enjeu international, comme en attestent les nombreuses polémiques qu’ils ont déjà générées : le déploiement en Italie du service états-unien de lutte contre l’immigration, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), fait débat en Europe, car il est autorisé par un gouvernement Meloni proche de la présidence Trump ; les « éléphants blancs » – ces infrastructures sportives édifiées spécialement pour l’événement et qui risquent de ne plus être utilisées une fois les JO passés –, coûteux financièrement et écologiquement, défraient une nouvelle fois la chronique et irritent les opinions européennes, soucieuses de protection de l’environnement ; en outre, l’apparition dans l’affaire Epstein du nom de Casey Wasserman, président du Comité d’organisation des prochains JO d’été, qui se tiendront à Los Angeles en 2028, suscite le trouble ; classiquement, l’exclusion de la compétition des comités olympiques russe et biélorusse est au centre de l’attention, ainsi que la participation d’un contingent de neuf Israéliens, qui a déjà donné lieu à diverses actions de protestation ; enfin, les autorités italiennes sont vigilantes dans le cyberespace pour éviter intrusions, disruptions et sabotages. Autrement dit, des risques hybrides pèsent sur la très théorique trêve olympique.

Aussi importantes soient-elles, ces polémiques ne donnent pas la mesure des enjeux géopolitiques structurels propres aux Jeux olympiques d’hiver. Ceux-ci sont aujourd’hui confrontés à plusieurs défis mondiaux proprement politiques. Certains sont communs avec les JO d’été et les grandes Coupes du monde (bonne gouvernance, empreinte environnementale, exploitation commerciale, etc.). D’autres leur sont spécifiques : sous le blanc des pistes de ski et de patinage, le feu de la géopolitique contemporaine couve.

Une compétition condamnée à court terme par le réchauffement climatique et les transformations sociétales ?

La viabilité des Jeux olympiques d’hiver est aujourd’hui remise en cause non seulement par les militants écologistes, mais aussi par les citoyens et les édiles des villes potentiellement candidates à l’organisation de ces compétitions.

Non seulement les domaines skiables traditionnels s’amenuisent en Europe, terre de naissance des sports d’hiver, mais en outre, le Comité international olympique (CIO) a parfois bien du mal à recueillir suffisamment de candidatures pour accueillir la compétition en raison de son empreinte environnementale, de son coût financier et de son impact sociétal.

Comme les hôtes de ces événements sont des villes et non des États, la dimension locale est essentielle. Et le prestige des JO d’hiver éclipse de moins en moins leurs coûts environnementaux. En conséquence, les villes candidates sont désormais souvent de très grandes cités éloignées des montagnes : Sotchi en 2014, Pékin en 2022. Comme si les JO d’hiver pouvaient d’affranchir du climat et de la géographie !

Rareté de la neige, inquiétudes écologiques, réticences citoyennes et municipales, etc. : tout concourt à rendre obsolètes les Jeux d’hiver. Ils apparaissent comme une débauche financière et écologique très « XXᵉ siècle » et très « Trente Glorieuses ».

Toute la difficulté, pour les JO d’hiver, est de ne pas devenir les otages des débats internationaux entre climatosceptiques et climato-anxieux. Et, inversement, de trouver ce qui, dans l’esprit olympique d’hiver, est adapté aux aspirations des populations locales, de la Gen Z et du grand public en général : respect de la nature, pratique sportive de plein air, valorisation du local… À défaut, ils fondront comme neige au soleil. Les villes organisatrices sauront-elles dépasser le simple greenwashing ou plus exactement le snow-washing ?

Les JO d’hiver, un monde sans le Sud et sans la Russie (depuis 2018) ?

Le deuxième défi international des JO d’hiver est leur représentativité internationale, qui est contestée.

Créés à Chamonix en 1924, soit plus de vingt ans après les JO d’été, ils ont longtemps été une vitrine pour les sélections européennes, concurrencées par d’autres pays de l’hémisphère Nord – États-Unis, Russie et Canada, puis Japon et enfin Chine et Corée. Pour le géopoliticien, ils conservent une tonalité très « guerre froide », notamment marquée par les affrontements entre sélections états-uniennes, canadiennes et soviétiques sur la patinoire de hockey sur glace.

Malgré la première participation d’athlètes du Bénin, des Émirats arabes unis et de Guinée-Bissau aux JO 2026, les sportifs du Sud global sont largement sous-représentés. En outre, plusieurs athlètes en provenance du Nord sont sélectionnés par des pays du Sud.

Les JO d’hiver semblent difficilement pouvoir remplir la mission olympique de contribuer au dialogue sportif mondial quand une bonne partie de l’humanité n’y est pas représentée. La mission revendiquée par le CIO de « promouvoir la paix (§ 4 des missions du CIO selon la Charte olympique) est aujourd’hui précaire tant les délégations du Sud sont réduites au symbole.

À cette division géographique et climatique s’ajoute, depuis plusieurs éditions, une fracture économique : les sports d’hiver sont onéreux, pour les pratiquants amateurs comme pour ceux de haut niveau. L’esprit olympique est, là aussi, écorné, car il est particulièrement difficile de faire des JO d’hiver un instrument du « sport pour tous » (§ 13 des missions du CIO selon la Charte olympique).

La représentativité internationale de l’événement est devenue encore plus contestée depuis l’exclusion du comité olympique russe pour les trois dernières éditions des JO d’hiver et du comité olympique biélorusse depuis deux éditions. Les scandales de dopage, la répression de l’opposition interne puis l’invasion de l’Ukraine ont conduit le CIO à n’admettre que des participations individuelles de ressortissants russes et biélorusses. Cela crée pour les anciennes Républiques socialistes soviétiques (RSS) en tension avec Moscou et Minsk une fenêtre d’opportunité. En Italie, les sélections nationales de l’Estonie (32 athlètes), de la Lettonie (67 athlètes), de la Lituanie (17 athlètes) et de l’Ukraine (46 athlètes) seront particulièrement visibles et donc valorisées.




À lire aussi :
Géopolitique du sport : l’affrontement entre la Russie et l’Ukraine


Toute la difficulté, pour les JO d’hiver, est de cesser d’être un « événement pour pays riches » et « une compétition pour pays de l’hémisphère Nord ». L’intégration réussie du Japon et de la Corée du Sud (qui organisèrent l’événement respectivement en 1972 puis en 1998 et en 2018) est un gage d’ouverture et d’attractivité. Toutefois, loin de réunir le monde, pour le moment, les JO d’hiver soulignent sa division entre Nord et Sud ainsi qu’entre riches et pauvres.

Ce clivage s’est manifesté dans les audiences des derniers JO : alors que les JO d’été de Paris 2024 ont rassemblé au total près de 5 milliards de téléspectateurs, les JO d’hiver de Pékin 2022 n’ont, eux, attiré que 2,2 milliards de téléspectateurs, soit moins de la moitié.

Là encore, les villes organisatrices sont placées devant un défi planétaire : celui consistant à organiser des JO d’hiver réellement inclusifs.

Une vitrine pour les « puissances moyennes » ?

Le repositionnement international des JO d’hiver pourrait peut-être venir de la « sur-visibilité » dont y disposent des « puissances moyennes » pour reprendre l’expression traditionnelle de la géopolitique française, remise à l’honneur par le premier ministre canadien à Davos il y a peu. En effet, les superpuissances des JO d’hiver ne sont pas seulement les superpuissances économiques et militaires mondiales.

Les États-Unis et la Chine ont un palmarès impressionnant avec la 3ᵉ et la 4ᵉ place au classement des médailles pour les JO d’hiver de Pékin 2022. Quant à la Russie, elle obtenait à chaque édition, comme l’URSS avant elle, un solide socle de médailles avant son exclusion du CIO. Mais, aux JO d’hiver, les pays dominants sont les pays « petits » ou moyens » : Norvège (1ère au classement des médailles sur l’intégralité des JO d’hiver), Canada (2ᵉ délégation en 2026), Allemagne (2ᵉ au classement des médailles pour les JO 2022), France, Italie, Suisse, etc.

Au contraire, les palmarès des JO d’été reflètent fidèlement la hiérarchie économique et militaire mondiale. Aux JO d’hiver, les « petits » pays peuvent plus aisément déployer une stratégie d’influence. Les grandes délégations de puissances moyennes seront celles de l’Italie (196 athlètes), de l’Allemagne (185 athlètes), de la France (160 athlètes), de la Suède (110 athlètes), de la Finlande (103 athlètes) et de la Norvège (80 athlètes).

À défaut de pouvoir devenir universels, les JO d’hiver pourraient-ils devenir une enceinte où les « puissances moyennes », de moins en moins alignées sur les États-Unis, la Chine et la Russie, se montreraient et se valoriseraient ?

De 2026 à 2034 : réeuropéaniser les JO d’hiver ?

Pour répondre à ces défis mondiaux, les villes organisatrices d’Italie (pour l’édition 2026) et de France (pour l’édition 2030) ont commencé à infléchir les modalités d’organisation des JO. Elles ont essayé de se démarquer du gigantisme de l’édition 2022 organisée par Pékin en ventilant les compétitions entre plusieurs sites (sept pour l’édition 2026). Elles ont également intégré des sports moins consommateurs d’infrastructures comme le ski-alpinisme qui ne nécessite pas de remontées mécaniques. Et elles ont ouvert la compétition à des représentants (symboliques) du sud.

À long terme, ces deux éditions européennes des JO d’hiver réussiront-elles à infléchir la dynamique écologique, économique et politique de cette compétition ? Ou bien les JO d’hiver 2034, qui auront lieu dans l’Utah, reprendront-ils la trajectoire antérieure ? Au CIO comme dans le monde, les Européens réussiront-ils à endosser et promouvoir leur rôle d’avocats du développement durable ? Rappelons qu’en France, les Jeux d’hiver de Grenoble en 1968 et, encore plus, ceux d’Albertville en 1992 s’étaient distingués par ce qu’ils ont laissé en matière d’infrastructures de transport, permettant le désenclavement des Alpes…

The Conversation

Cyrille Bret ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Géopolitique des JO d’hiver : sous la glace des sports de glisse, le feu des confrontations internationales – https://theconversation.com/geopolitique-des-jo-dhiver-sous-la-glace-des-sports-de-glisse-le-feu-des-confrontations-internationales-275042

ICE pullback in Minneapolis shows the limits of Donald Trump’s scare tactics

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eli Lawrence Sopow, Adjunct Faculty, Adler University

Thanks to United States President Donald Trump, 2026 is shaping up to be an age of angst as groups and countries retreat turtle-like into protective economic and cultural shells. We’re trusting very few and are suspicious of many. As is generally the result of such tactics, the perpetrator is creating an environment of divide and conquer.

The global and local anxiety being created by Trump are illustrated by the Edelman Trust Barometer Global Report. It reveals the results of a 2025 survey of 33,000 respondents in 28 countries.

The results show that trust in institutions of all description, and our “shared reality,” has created a “crisis of grievance.” This in turn has produced a “heightened insularity, a reluctance to trust anyone who’s different from you.”

But Trump’s draconian anti-immigration agenda — enforced through masked, violent and unaccountable Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents — appears to be fuelling active and successful citizen collaboration.

In the aftermath of the slayings in Minneapolis of two civilians, Renee Good and Alex Pretti, and the mass protests that ensued, Trump’s border czar has announced he’s withdrawing 700 ICE agents from the city. Trump himself has also indicated his administration is backing down from its hardline tactics.

The simmering state of protest violence

A disturbing finding in the Edelman survey is that 40 per cent of respondents approve of one or more hostile actions to bring about change. This includes “attacking people online, intentionally spreading disinformation, threatening of committing violence, damaging public or private property.”

This willingness to take hostile action is the highest I have seen in my 45 years of research into public order and protest. It is far higher than numbers found in the 2017-22 World Values Survey of 102 countries that asked five questions about political action.

In that survey, only 35 per cent globally said they “might” get involved in a peaceful protest, while 46 per cent “would never.” In Canada, 48 per cent said they would get involved in a peaceful protest; 29 per cent would never. In the U.S., 55 per cent of respondents reported they “might” and 34 per cent wouldn’t.

The Edelman report states that “as fears rise, trust goes local.” This means that as change becomes a bigger feature in our lives, the circle of trust shrinks. Organizational psychologists like Canada’s Jason Walker note that this turn of the emotional screw can create paranoia, emotional stress and workplace/homelife violence.

One way to gauge rising fear and public anger is through Google Trends. Throughout January 2026, more people worldwide than at any point in the past five years — including during the darkest months of the COVID-19 pandemic — searched on the phrases “I fear change” and “I am angry.”

The U.S. led all countries on Google Trends, registering a score of 100 — the maximum value on the platform’s index, which indicates the highest relative search interest among all locations measured. The only other country matching this level of fear of change search was the Philippines, which is going through its own political and social turmoil.

In Cincinnati, Ohio, searches on “I am angry” were hitting close to 90 on the index following Good’s slaying in Minneapolis on Jan. 7. Ohio is where the National Guard shot and killed four unarmed students and wounded nine others who were protesting the Vietnam War in 1970.

Fear, distrust growing

Surveys and web searches expose a world of growing protective isolationism; it’s a lot more difficult to bring a collective, trusted resistance together.

Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney recently warned that “a world of fortresses will be poorer, more fragile and less sustainable.” But in extolling the virtues of collectivism and mutual trust, Carney underplayed the fact that, unfortunately, fear and protectionism are often more powerful than trust.

Decades of public order research by myself and colleagues, as well as extensive academic research about public order and protest, has revealed a predicable pattern.

As I found in my book The Age of Outrage, when people are afraid, their fear can turn to boiling anger. That anger then becomes an emotional catalyst for action, either collectively or singularly, passively or violently, to fix things.

In fact, fear, anger and a demand for action can instill the collectivism and mutual trust missing in the Edelman survey. That could be what’s currently happening with the anti-Trump and anti-ICE protests throughout the U.S.

The challenge is that large public protests are a very delicate, potentially volatile formula for change. Collective protests require drama and a saturation of news and social media coverage to raise awareness and support. But protest support can quickly evaporate if the public sees acts of violence and destruction by even a minority of demonstrators (one TV news shot of a burning building or smashed storefront window will usually do the trick).

Trump was betting on fear

Amid the anti-ICE protests, Trump was betting that fear and chaos would prevail. He and his operatives continually seeded the public consciousness with language like “domestic terrorists,” “weaponized her vehicle” and “paid agitators” to describe the victims of ICE agents and other anti-ICE protesters. So far, Trump’s propaganda campaign is failing.

Trump didn’t count on the many peaceful anti-ICE protests and viral videos of the slayings of Good and Pretti that revealed the administration’s lies about their deaths. The over-zealousness of masked ICE agents has resulted in an uncomfortable drop of public support for the president.




Read more:
Anti-ICE protesters are following same nonviolent playbook used by people in war zones across the world to fight threats to their communities


Trump’s penchant for sowing fear is now in danger. If the “ICE Out” protests and strikes continue in their generally peaceful way, public fear, anger and a demand for public safety won’t be directed at demonstrators but at violent federal ICE officers.

How can protesters continue to build public support? My decades of research point to a consistent pattern among successful movements: a C.O.R.E. profile. Protesters remain committed, communicative, organized, resourceful and experienced — and above all else, non-violent.

What’s happening in the U.S. right now illustrates that public law-and-order initiatives are a double-edged sword. Just as over-zealous and violent protesters can quickly sour public opinion for their cause, so can the over-reaction of law enforcement and other authorities to peaceful protests — a lesson Trump is currently learning the hard way.

The Conversation

Eli Lawrence Sopow does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ICE pullback in Minneapolis shows the limits of Donald Trump’s scare tactics – https://theconversation.com/ice-pullback-in-minneapolis-shows-the-limits-of-donald-trumps-scare-tactics-274933

How the UK government plans to limit ‘forever chemical’ pollution – and what’s missing

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ivan Kourtchev, Associate Professor, Centre for Agroecology, Water and Resilience, Coventry University

Forever chemicals known as Pfas are often found in waterproof, stain-resistant or iron-easy clothing, including school uniforms. Pixel-Shot/Shutterstock

The UK government has published its first national plan to deal with per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, better known as Pfas or “forever chemicals”. These chemicals have been used for decades in products such as firefighting foams, non-stick cookware, clothing, electronics and many industrial processes. Because many Pfas do not break down easily, they are now widely detected in the environment and in human blood and tissues.

The policy document, Pfas Plan: Building a Safer Future Together, follows growing public concern, media investigations and years of pressure from scientists calling for stronger controls. This marks an important moment for UK chemicals policy. The plan represents a step forward, but it avoids many of the hardest regulatory choices associated with Pfas.

In practical terms, this could include restricting Pfas-treated finishes from school uniforms and children’s clothing. In parts of the US, including California, state-level rules have already restricted or banned Pfas in textiles, effectively eliminating their use in everyday clothing, including school uniforms.

Unlike many pollutants, Pfas are not a single substance. There are several thousand Pfas in use or in circulation, each with different properties and behaviours. Some have been linked to health effects, such as liver toxicity, developmental problems and negative effects on the immune system. For many others, evidence remains sparse or uncertain.

Pfas are also highly mobile. They can be transported through air, deposited onto land or water, and then re-enter the atmosphere or food chain. Contamination measured in one location may originate from industrial activity, waste handling, consumer products or historic uses far away. This transboundary behaviour is well known in environmental science, but Pfas amplify the challenge because of their persistence.




Read more:
PFAS: you can’t smell, see or taste these chemicals, but they are everywhere – and they’re highly toxic to humans


In the UK, regulation has so far focused on a small number (fewer than a dozen) of well-studied Pfas, mainly through drinking water standards. This has left the wider group of Pfas, and their long-term accumulation in air and soil, largely outside the scope of formal regulation.

The new Pfas plan is intended to provide that framework. Rather than introducing sweeping new bans, it sets out how Pfas risks should be assessed and managed over time, with a strong emphasis on coordination across government, regulators, researchers and industry.

A central element of the plan is its focus on evidence. It recognises that Pfas pollution is not limited to water and soil, but also includes air emissions from manufacturing, industrial processes and waste treatment. Expanding monitoring across air, land and water is intended to improve understanding of sources, pathways and exposure, and to support more targeted controls in future.

The plan also commits to reviewing existing regulatory tools. This includes consultation on limits for Pfas in drinking water, closer scrutiny of industrial emissions and assessment of how current chemicals legislation could be applied more effectively to Pfas as a group. Research into the toxicity of Pfas in food and food packaging, plus more effective detection methods and safer alternatives forms part of this longer-term approach. Some Pfas uses such as medical devices are acknowledged as difficult to replace in the short term.

man's hand filling up glass with tap water in kitchen with flowers in background
Until now, Pfas have traditionally been monitored and regulated through drinking water.
Boris023/Shutterstock

A starting point

At the same time, the new plan leaves many hard decisions for later. It does not ban Pfas as a class, set timelines for phase-outs or define which uses should ultimately be considered essential. Much depends on future consultations and how quickly new evidence emerges.

This caution has attracted criticism, but it reflects a real constraint. New Pfas continue to enter the market, sometimes as replacements for substances that have already been restricted. Others occur as impurities or degradation products that are not routinely monitored. Regulating a group of chemicals that continues to evolve is inherently difficult, particularly when emissions are diffuse and exposure pathways complex.

In July 2025, the EU adopted a new Chemicals Industry Action Plan to support a transition away from Pfas through measures such as innovation, substitution, and improved data generation. In parallel, the European Chemicals Agency is assessing a proposed Pfas group restriction – its opinion is expected to be announced by the end of 2026 to inform a subsequent European Commission proposal to phase out Pfas.

The UK’s new plan acknowledges that historic Pfas contamination already exists and commits to developing guidance and technical tools to support its management. What remains unclear is how large-scale remediation would be prioritised or funded. Experience from heavily contaminated areas in Belgium, particularly around industrial hotspots near Antwerp, shows that cleaning up legacy Pfas pollution can take decades and involve very high costs.

Taken together, the UK’s Pfas plan is best seen as a starting point rather than a solution. It brings air, water and land into a single policy debate and recognises that Pfas pose a long-term challenge rather than a short-term compliance issue.

Whether it leads to meaningful reductions in exposure will depend on what follows: how quickly methods capable of addressing the many thousands of Pfas in commerce and the environment are developed and validated; how monitoring data is used; how rapidly regulatory reviews translate into enforceable standards; and whether future decisions prevent new Pfas problems from emerging.

For now, the plan does not solve the Pfas problem. But it makes clear that Pfas are no longer a peripheral issue, and that dealing with them will require sustained scientific effort and difficult policy choices over many years.


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Ivan Kourtchev does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How the UK government plans to limit ‘forever chemical’ pollution – and what’s missing – https://theconversation.com/how-the-uk-government-plans-to-limit-forever-chemical-pollution-and-whats-missing-275191