De l’Algérie à l’Europe : ce que l’héritage nucléaire français révèle sur la “dissuasion avancée”

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Leila HENNAOUI, Maîtresse de conférences en droit international, Universite Hassiba Benbouali de Chlef

Le président Emmanuel Macron a annoncé, le 2 mars 2026, une évolution significative de la doctrine nucléaire française. La France augmentera ses ogives nucléaires pour la première fois depuis 1992 et déploiera des avions à capacité nucléaire chez des alliés européens dans le cadre d’un nouveau concept baptisé « dissuasion avancée ». Huit partenaires européens participeront à des exercices et fourniront un soutien conventionnel.

Le discours a révélé une continuité avec les pratiques institutionnelles passées. Emmanuel Macron a détaillé ce que la France proposerait à l’Europe, mais donné peu de précisions sur les mécanismes institutionnels qui encadreront la transparence et la responsabilité de ce nouvel arrangement.

Cette asymétrie soulève une question centrale : comment la crédibilité d’une dissuasion nucléaire élargie peut-elle être évaluée, lorsque ses structures de gouvernance restent largement indéfinies ?

Pour avoir étudié les questions de gouvernance et d’héritage nucléaire, je soutiens que pour comprendre cet enjeu, il faut replacer ce moment stratégique dans une trajectoire plus longue de gestion institutionnelle du nucléaire français.

L’héritage algérien : une question toujours ouverte

Entre 1960 et 1966, la France a mené 17 essais nucléaires dans le Sahara algérien. Le programme a débuté avec l’explosion atmosphérique « Gerboise Bleue » en février 1960, suivie de 16 essais supplémentaires à Reggane et In Ekker, deux localités du sud de l’Algérie. À l’époque, la France exerçait son autorité sur le territoire et portait responsabilité envers les populations sous son administration.

Six décennies plus tard, de nombreuses obligations découlant de cette responsabilité restent largement non honorées. La loi Morin de 2010 a établi un mécanisme d’indemnisation, mais ses critères restrictifs ont exclu la majorité des demandeurs algériens, tandis que les vétérans militaires français exposés à des niveaux de radiation comparables reçoivent des prestations. Les protocoles d’essais, les données dosimétriques et les informations sur les sites d’enfouissement de déchets radioactifs demeurent classifiés.




Read more:
Les obstinations nucléaires des dirigeants français en Algérie indépendante


Renversement saisissant : l’Algérie elle-même a entrepris récemment des initiatives de décontamination sur d’anciens sites d’essais – l’État affecté assumant une responsabilité que l’État testeur n’a pas pleinement endossée. Parallèlement, des parlementaires français réclament depuis des années l’ouverture des archives complètes sur les essais nucléaires, mais celles-ci demeurent toujours classées “secret-défense”.

Au terme de cet examen, un constat s’impose : l’opacité française sur les conséquences nucléaires en Algérie ne s’est pas dissipée avec la fin de la période coloniale. Depuis 1962, l’Algérie souveraine demande la déclassification des archives d’essais, le partage des cartes topographiques des sites de déchets radioactifs, et la transparence sur les données dosimétriques.

La France refuse toujours, invoquant le secret-défense.Le cas algérien révèle que cette opacité persiste, indépendamment du statut reconnu à l’interlocuteur, à travers deux moments politiques pourtant radicalement asymétriques. Il s’agit là d’un indice d’une culture institutionnelle que des analystes comme Vipin Narang, Austin Long et Bruno Tertrais qualifient d’« ADN nucléaire français » : un attachement absolu à l’autonomie décisionnelle, jugée « fondamentale juridiquement, culturellement, philosophiquement », associé à des mécanismes limités de transparence et de supervision institutionnelle.

C’est cet héritage institutionnel qui aide à comprendre la logique d’opacité qui continue de structurer la doctrine nucléaire française.

Une doctrine fondée sur l’opacité

Ce même «ADN nucléaire français» se manifeste en effet dans l’approche actuelle de la dissuasion avancée. Emmanuel Macron a ainsi annoncé que la France cesserait de divulguer publiquement la taille de son arsenal nucléaire, rompant avec des décennies de transparence. Depuis 2008, les présidents français ont confirmé publiquement le nombre d’ogives. Emmanuel Macron lui-même a réaffirmé le plafond de 300 ogives en 2020.

Le chef de l’Etat français a été explicite :

Il n’y aura aucun partage de la décision ultime, ni de sa planification, ni de sa mise en œuvre (…). Il n’y aura pas non plus de partage de la définition des intérêts vitaux.

La France conserve ainsi l’autorité exclusive. Il n’y aura « pas de garantie au sens strict » pour les alliés. Des mécanismes de consultation ont été évoqués vaguement, mais aucune structure institutionnelle précisée.




Read more:
Les poussières du Sahara qui remontent en Europe sont-elles radioactives du fait des essais nucléaires des années 1960 ?


Cela contraste avec les arrangements nucléaires de l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN), qui s’appuient sur le Groupe de planification nucléaire permettant une consultation structurée. L’approche française, comme le note la chercheure française Héloïse Fayet, demeure « délibérément opaque et souveraine ».

L’opacité s’étend au Parlement français lui-même. Les dépenses de réarmement nucléaire, comme l’observe le juriste Benoît Grémare, « du fait de leur caractère secret et stratégique, sont rarement détaillées auprès du Parlement ».

Ce tableau illustre, dans le contexte même de la dissuasion avancée, une caractéristique durable de la gouvernance nucléaire française : une forte autonomie décisionnelle de l’exécutif, combinée à une faible formalisation des mécanismes de transparence et de responsabilité. Ce que les analystes qualifient d’« ADN nucléaire français ».

Cette exigence de transparence institutionnelle est d’ailleurs reconnue dans la littérature stratégique elle-même : le chercheur français Bruno Tertrais note que l’absence française du Groupe de planification nucléaire de l’OTAN relève de l’« ADN stratégique » du pays. Un choix qui, selon Camille Grand, ancien haut responsable de l’OTAN, risque de produire des arrangements peu rassurants pour les alliés si la seule réponse à leurs questions demeure «faites-nous confiance».

C’est précisément cette culture institutionnelle que l’héritage algérien, examiné plus haut, permet d’éclairer dans sa profondeur historique. Peu exploré dans ce contexte, il en révèle la persistance sur la longue durée, y compris dans des situations où les obligations juridiques et morales de transparence étaient pourtant les plus manifestes.

La question n’est donc pas de savoir si la France reproduira les dynamiques du passé — les contextes sont radicalement différents et les alliés européens sont des partenaires souverains qui auront librement choisi ce cadre. C’est plutôt de savoir si un mode de gouvernance historiquement marqué par une transparence limitée saura évoluer face aux exigences d’une collaboration nucléaire nouvelle avec des alliés démocratiques.

Ces éléments invitent ainsi à s’interroger sur le caractère potentiellement structurel — plutôt que strictement circonstanciel — de cette opacité dans la gouvernance nucléaire française, et sur ses implications pour la crédibilité d’une dissuasion élargie.

Au-delà de la capacité, la crédibilité

Du point de vue d’une analyse en droit international attentive aux zones de flou institutionnel qui ont entouré ce dossier depuis plus de soixante ans, l’enjeu n’est pas de savoir si la France peut contribuer à la sécurité européenne, mais si le cadre de gouvernance offre un niveau de transparence et de responsabilité suffisant pour fonder une confiance durable.

La crédibilité se construit dans la durée. Les États qui cherchent à étendre leur protection nucléaire sont jugés non seulement sur leurs capacités, mais aussi sur leurs pratiques démontrées de transparence. Les questions non résolues sur les essais passés ne sont pas qu’historiques : elles façonnent les évaluations contemporaines de fiabilité institutionnelle.

La dissuasion exige la confiance que la puissance protectrice agira selon des cadres prévisibles, transparents et responsables.




Read more:
Guerre d’Algérie : ce que les difficultés d’accès aux archives disent de notre démocratie


Le concept de «dissuasion avancée» n’est pas nouveau. Comme l’observe Vipin Narang, expert en stratégie nucléaire, les présidents français invoquent la « dimension européenne » des intérêts vitaux français depuis des décennies. Ce qui demeure également constant, c’est l’absence de mécanismes de gouvernance multilatéraux venant institutionnaliser la rhétorique élargie — une absence que le discours du 2 mars 2026 n’a pas encore comblée.

Le discours d’Emmanuel Macron a exposé la vision stratégique, mais pas l’architecture de transparence et de responsabilité qui ferait de la « dissuasion avancée » plus qu’une assertion de prérogative souveraine.

La question algérienne ne relève donc pas uniquement d’un grief historique. Elle renvoie à des schémas institutionnels qui continuent de façonner les débats contemporains sur la confiance, la transparence et la responsabilité.

The Conversation

Leila HENNAOUI does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. De l’Algérie à l’Europe : ce que l’héritage nucléaire français révèle sur la “dissuasion avancée” – https://theconversation.com/de-lalgerie-a-leurope-ce-que-lheritage-nucleaire-francais-revele-sur-la-dissuasion-avancee-278210

The silver lining in Europe’s deforestation law delay: A chance to build fairer supply chains

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Douglas Sheil, Professor, Faculty of Environmental Sciences and Natural Resource Management, Wageningen University

When you reach for a “palm-oil-free” label at the supermarket, you likely feel you’re doing your part to save orangutans and protect biodiversity. However, the reality behind that label is more complex than it appears.

Our work with the IUCN Oil Crop Task Force reveals that replacing palm oil with alternatives actually increases the demand for land. Recent studies from both the IUCN and industry leaders like Musim Mas confirm that palm oil is exceptionally efficient, producing four to ten times more oil per hectare than soy or sunflower.

Consequently, a blind boycott of palm oil risks a “displaced” environmental catastrophe, potentially triggering the clearing of millions of hectares elsewhere.

As a conservation biologist with years spent on the forest frontier alongside local communities, I’ve learnt first-hand that the line between “good” and “bad” agriculture rarely lies in the crop itself.

The EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) attempts to address this complexity, yet it currently lacks the precision needed to avoid significant unintentional harm.

The fog of transparency

Our 2025 analysis of three major Western supermarket chains — selected for the transparency of their online ingredient lists — suggests that the often repeated “palm oil lurks in 50% of consumer items” claim may be an overstatement, at least according to our data.

While palm oil appeared in just 8% of the products we analysed, significant uncertainty remains; as much as 40% of items may contain hidden palm oil disguised as derivatives (processed ingredients) or listed under vague labels like “emulsifiers”.

This labelling fog prevents consumers from tracing product origins, allowing myths to eclipse the realities of supply chain management.

The EUDR offers a critical solution. By requiring that key commodities — including beef, cocoa, coffee, palm oil, rubber, soy and wood — entering the EU are both deforestation-free and legally produced, the regulation sets a high bar for global trade. However, the path to successful implementation faces significant hurdles.

With the European Parliament voting to delay enforcement for a second time, the law’s good intentions appear stuck in a political deadlock. While the core text remains intact, proposed simplifications for early 2026 include streamlining reporting obligations and refining the product list to include items like palm oil-based soaps and instant coffee.




Baca juga:
Which cooking oil is best? Asking how they’re made could tell you more


Why should Indonesia, the UK and others care about this regulatory pause?

The EUDR’s impact deeply affects tropical exporters and their trading partners, including the UK. British companies exporting goods containing these commodities must align with EUDR standards to maintain access to the EU market.

However, the UK’s own deforestation rules are notably less strict. This regulatory divergence threatens UK firms with higher compliance costs and risks turning the country into a “dumping ground” for deforestation-linked goods rejected by the EU. This delay offers a vital window of opportunity for the UK to align with the EUDR, mitigate trade risks and reclaim its leadership in ethical supply chains.

For exporting countries like Indonesia, the core issue remains fairness. The EUDR relies on satellite-derived “base maps” to verify forest loss, yet these maps are deeply flawed. Research shows that Indonesian agroforestry systems face a 63% risk of being misclassified as “deforested”. As a result, a single erroneous pixel in Brussels could effectively bar an honest smallholder in Sumatra from European markets.

Recent analysis from Mongabay warns that the extremely high costs of tracing and mapping farm locations threaten to marginalise these smallholders. This financial burden risks driving them toward less regulated markets — a phenomenon known as “leakage” that could dilute the EUDR’s environmental impact.

To date, nations like Indonesia, Malaysia and Brazil have condemned the regulation as “green protectionism”. The resentment is clear: many view it as hypocrisy from a Europe that cleared its own forests to build wealth, only to now lecture others without offering adequate support. By positioning Brussels as the only judge of what is legal, the law is seen as undermining national sovereignty.

Moving forward: Towards a fair system

For the EUDR to succeed, this delay must serve as a catalyst for practical reform.

First, the EU must engage producer nations as partners. This requires investing in collaborative, high-resolution mapping that accurately distinguishes sustainable agroforestry from industrial clear-cutting. Transparency should be treated as a funded public good rather than a financial burden pushed onto vulnerable producers.

Second, transparency must be enforced universally. The EUDR must apply rules equitably across all agricultural products that affect land use, and this accountability must extend to retailers and supermarkets. EUDR data could finally mandate clear labelling that reflects both origin and practice.

Crucially, to truly preserve global biodiversity, the EU must ensure its regulatory system rewards conforming smallholders and traditional guardians rather than favouring large corporations.

Finally, we must confront the trade-offs head-on. The EU accounts for only 10% to 15% of global trade in deforestation-linked commodities. If Brussels restricts imports without addressing the underlying drivers of deforestation, production will simply shift to less regulated markets. Forests will fall elsewhere, and prices will rise at home. We must ask ourselves: are we simply paying a premium to ease our consciences without actually solving the problem?

We have to start somewhere, and transparency is the right focus. The upcoming 2026 simplification package and review must prioritise these fundamental changes. The EUDR holds immense potential to benefit global sustainability — but only if it evolves beyond rigid rules and overly simple measurements.

The Conversation

Douglas Sheil tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

ref. The silver lining in Europe’s deforestation law delay: A chance to build fairer supply chains – https://theconversation.com/the-silver-lining-in-europes-deforestation-law-delay-a-chance-to-build-fairer-supply-chains-276968

What is Nowruz, the Iranian new year?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Darius Sepehri, Doctoral Candidate, Comparative Literature, Religion and History of Philosophy, University of Sydney

Nowruz (meaning “new day” in the Persian language) is the Iranian, or Persian, festival celebrating the coming of spring – and the regeneration it brings. It is the first day of the year in the Iranian solar calendar (which began in 1079), marking the exact moment of the spring equinox. The date varies, between March 19 and 21 – this year, it’s March 21.

Within Iran, this year’s Nowruz will be especially emotionally charged, as its cities are under bombardment by Israel and the United States, leaving nearly 1,500 dead since February 28. By celebrating, Iranians will be reaffirming their unique identity and deep-rootedness in their homeland.

The geographical scope of Nowruz. Countries in blue recognise it as a public holiday – Wikimedia Commons.
CC BY

Rooted in the Middle East and Central Asia, Nowruz is celebrated in countries that were once part of Iranian empires: including Turkey, Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, India, Pakistan and the Caucasus region, particularly Azerbaijan.

Iranian culture was absorbed and integrated into local cultures during the pre-modern period – and it often remained as these territories were gradually lost. This wider sphere of Iranian influence is called Iranzamin or “Greater Iran”.

When Nowruz was first established, during the early period of the pre-Islamic Sassanian dynasty (224–651 CE), it was celebrated throughout the Persian Empire.

In Iran, the span of Nowruz is two weeks, with a four-day national holiday. Happily for students, schools are closed. In some other countries that celebrate the festival, government and retail sectors are closed, and public ceremonies and gatherings are common.

Today, it is part of UNESCO’s list of intangible cultural heritage.

Origins, rituals and symbols

The origins of Nowruz are tied to the practices of Zoroastrianism, the religion of the ancient Persian world – and one of the world’s oldest living ones. It is based on the teachings of the prophet Zoroaster, believed to have lived around the 6th century BCE.

In the lead-up to the festival, people embark on vigorous spring cleaning (khaneh tekaani – literally, “shaking of the house”), participating symbolically in clearing, or sweeping away, the old – and any lingering negativity.

Kazakh woman in a traditional outfit during the Nowruz holiday.
Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

New clothes are often bought, and decorative dresses are prepared for the Nowruz festivities to come.

The last Wednesday of the year before Nowruz is Chaharshanbeh Soori, literally “Scarlet Wednesday”. Fire is a sacred element within Zoroastrianism. Chaharshanbeh Soori is an improvised ritual centred on purification by proximity to it. Small fires are lit in public places, fireworks are let off and decorative lights adorn the streets.

Special foods are prepared: rich soups, pastries and servings of dried nuts and fruits. Sometimes, young children go through the streets banging on pots and pans to drive out the “unlucky” Wednesday.

At the centre of Nowruz rituals is a decorative setting (sofreh), artfully arrayed on household tables – which are placed with the haft seen: seven items beginning with the letter s, or “seen” in Persian.

A typical ‘Haft Seen’ decorative setting in Iran – Wikimedia Commons.
CC BY

The seven items most often placed are: seeb (apple), sabzeh (shoots from wheat or lentils), serkeh (vinegar), samanou (a pudding made with wheat), senjed (a berry), sekkeh (a coin), and seer (garlic). Each item symbolises some aspect of living systems: birth, growth, health, beauty and wisdom.

The sabzeh grass, representing new growth, is grown in a flat dish, then placed outdoors on the 13th day of the New Year.

‘Sabzeh’ or lentil growths symbolising life – Wikimedia Commons.
CC BY

The central books of Irano–Islamic culture also feature. Readings are made from the Qur’an, and the collected poems (or The Divan) of beloved 14th-century Persian poet Hafez.

The first few days of the Nowruz festival are spent visiting family and friends. Presents are exchanged, with older family members giving small gifts of cash to younger ones. In Central Asia, athletic competitions may take place, such as traditional equestrian games in Kyrgyzstan. Public gatherings in town squares featuring treats and festive foods are common in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.

Sizdah Bedar, also known as Nature Day, brings the Nowruz period to an end, 13 days after the equinox. People gather outdoors in a park or green space for a picnic lunch, to bring good luck for the year.

Politics, revolution and nationalism

Iranian monarchies used Nowruz to reinforce prestige for centuries: from the Safavid dynasty (1501–1736), which birthed the modern Iranian state, through the Qajar dynasty (1789–1925) and the Pahlavi dynasty – which ruled from 1925 and was ousted in the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

The Shia Muslim clergy have long been a powerful faction within Iran. The Iranian monarchy embraced Nowruz and its non-Islamic roots to counterbalance the clergy’s power.

After the revolution, some Iranian authorities attempted to downplay Nowruz due to its non-Islamic character. But unsurprisingly, given the deep-rootedness of the festival, they failed. Today, Nowruz co-exists with Islamic festivals, highlighting the synthetic and dual nature of Iran’s culture.

The Soviet Union went much further than Iran: it outright banned the festival in Central Asian nations with Nowruz traditions. These traditions weren’t officially revived until post-Soviet independence in 1991.

Nowruz was a minor part of the Ottoman world, but it began to be revived at the end of World War I by the Turkish state, as part of Turkish political nationalism. At the same time, Kurds within Turkey embraced Nowruz more publicly, to promote the cause of Kurdish identity.

Nowruz in Iran in 2026

For many years, the US president has traditionally given a Nowruz message. But Donald Trump’s war against Iran and constant use of ultra-violent rhetoric against Iranians would sour any message he might give during this year’s Nowruz.

Similarly, this week Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu mentioned Nowruz while praising the destruction Israeli forces were carrying out in Iran. “Our aircraft are hitting the terror operatives on the grounds, in the crossroads, in the city squares,” he stated. “This is meant to enable the brave people of Iran to celebrate the Festival of Fire.” He ended with the threat: “We’re watching from above.”

This is all happening in the wake of attacks on Iran’s schools and hospitals, bombings of oil depots in Tehran releasing toxic elements into the atmosphere, and damage to dozens of Iran’s cultural heritage sites.

A ‘Haft Seen’ Table in Iran – Wikimedia Commons.
CC BY

This year, Iranians’ Nowruz celebrations will signal their intent to stay together in the face of threats demanding, in Trump’s words, “unconditional surrender”.

The Nowruz focus on regrowth and regeneration will allow celebrants to look to something beyond destruction. To wish for new birth, health and flourishing of life.

Nowruz Khosh Amad”: Welcome Nowruz, Nowruz has come joyously.

The Conversation

Darius Sepehri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What is Nowruz, the Iranian new year? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-nowruz-the-iranian-new-year-278779

Fines alone won’t stop big tech behaving badly. Here’s what might work

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Lauren C. Hall, PhD Candidate in Psychology, University of Tasmania

The Conversation, CC BY-SA

As countries around the world look to follow Australia’s lead and implement a social media ban for kids, many are also considering fines as an enforcement mechanism.

This is part of the playbook when it comes to regulating big tech. For example, last month the United Kingdom’s data watchdog fined Reddit £14 million (A$26 million) for unlawfully using children’s data.

In April 2025, the European Commission fined Apple and Meta €500 million (A$820 million) and €200 million (A$329 million) respectively for breaching the Digital Markets Act. And in September, the commission fined Google nearly €3 billion (A$4.9 billion) for abusive practices in online advertising technology.

But fines don’t always work to encourage companies to follow the law. For some companies, “illegal with a fine” is interpreted as “legal for a price”. So what are some other, more effective methods to encourage good corporate behaviour?

Fines can backfire

If fines are not consistent, immediate, and severe, they can backfire. If they do, bad behaviour may increase.

For example, a 2000 study examined the effect of childcare centres in Israel introducing fines for parents who regularly picked their children up late. But instead, these fines actually increased late pick-ups by parents.

Even after fines were stopped, the number of late pick-ups stayed higher than before.

Why? Because when there were fines, they were small (not severe), and parents could wait a month to pay (not immediate). However, parents got the immediate benefit of longer childcare.

Similarly, technology companies may decide a fine is cheaper than the costs to make changes, or any loss in money from fewer users and ad sales. And this could lead to them continuing with business-as-usual.

Corporate fines often fail because it may be unclear who in the company is directly responsible. Fines can also sometimes be too small to stop bad behaviour by large companies.

For these reasons, corporate re-offending is frequent, even if companies have been fined in the past.

A fine equals forgiveness

After introducing fines, behaviours previously considered socially or morally unacceptable may also be seen as “forgiven” by payment. This can increase bad behaviour.

The importance of unwanted behaviours may also be judged by the size of the fine.

If fines are seen as “small”, violations may also be seen as small, and bad behaviours may rise. Corporations may also see “small” fines as just a cost-of-doing-business.

Importantly, fine size is closely linked to a company’s financial size. For a small company, a fine could seem huge. The same sized fine may seem tiny to a large company. If similarly sized fines are given to companies making different revenue amounts, the companies may respond differently.

Changing company practices can also cost more for some companies than others. This too may affect how they respond to fines.

Furthermore, companies outside a legislative jurisdiction, or that have refused regulators’ demands in the past, may ignore fines altogether.

For example, 4Chan refused to pay fines issued under the UK’s Online Safety Act, and X decided to legally challenge instead of pay a €120 million (A$197 million) fine issued by the European Commission.

Given the borderless nature of some digital harms such as child sexual exploitation and abuse, coordinated changes to corporate laws, and international cooperation are needed.

Pulling multiple levers at once

So if fines alone don’t stop big tech and other businesses behaving badly, what will?

Research shows monitoring companies, and better resourcing regulators, are more effective than fines alone. Consistent regulator inspections combined with education also work well.

A 2025 paper suggests making “stand-alone consumer tech safety research centres” focused on reducing digital harms. This may require technology companies making data and algorithms available to these centres for inspection.

Then, regulators can look at if companies are using important and best practice safety features. For example, checking the images on sites to make sure users do not see harmful content online.

Regulators can also share knowledge with companies about laws and digital safety measures to improve consumer protections.

This cooperative model has been shown to be more effective than fines alone.

A 2016 study about what works when it comes to corporate deterrence found using multiple levers at the same time, such as monitoring, accountability, auditing, and punitive action were the most effective at stopping bad corporate behaviour.

Unfortunately, understanding the scope of digital harms, and best responses, have been limited by not enough resources, or access to data.

A 2025 paper highlights that increased data transparency from corporations will also improve evidence-informed decisions, ensuring regulation is fit-for-purpose.

As companies continue to prioritise rapid rollouts, with problems found after launch, fines may continue to be ineffective.

To tackle this problem, online regulators must ensure fines are complemented with other policy levers – and that the punishment for bad corporate behaviour is consistent, immediate and severe.

The Conversation

Lauren C. Hall is a recipient of an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship to support Higher Degree Research training.

James Sauer has received funding from the Australian Institute of Criminology and the Internet Watch Foundation for projects looking to mitigate online harms,

María Yanotti receives grant funding from Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI). She is a member of the tax gap advisory group for the Australian Taxation Office (ATO). She is the Tasmanian Chair for the Women in Economics Network (WEN) and a committee member for the Economic Society of Australia (ESA) Tasmanian Branch. Maria is an associate editor for the Australian Economic Papers.

Christine Padgett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Fines alone won’t stop big tech behaving badly. Here’s what might work – https://theconversation.com/fines-alone-wont-stop-big-tech-behaving-badly-heres-what-might-work-276969

Who are Iran’s new leaders? A look at 6 the US placed a bounty on – 2 of whom are already dead

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Mehrzad Boroujerdi, Vice Provost and Dean of College of Arts, Sciences, and Education, Missouri University of Science and Technology

A woman poses with a picture of Iran’s new supreme leader, Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, in central Tehran on March 9, 2026. Atta Kenare/AFP via Getty Images

The Trump administration announced a US$10 million reward on March 15, 2026, for information leading to the capture of several senior Iranian figures.

While two of these leaders have since been killed by Israeli strikes, they are included here to provide a more complete picture of Iran’s powerful elite – people deeply embedded in the Islamic Republic’s political, intelligence and security architecture.

As an international affairs scholar, I know their careers reflect the institutional pillars of the regime – clerical authority, intelligence coordination, military power – and help explain why they are considered high-value targets.

Seyyed Mojtaba Khamenei

The son of former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who was killed in a U.S.-Israeli strike in February 2026, Seyyed Mojtaba Khamenei, 56, was chosen as Iran’s new supreme leader in early March.

Long viewed as a powerful behind-the-scenes figure, he operated within his father’s inner circle. He has cultivated strong relationships with Iran’s security and intelligence institutions and earned a reputation as a political fixer and enforcer.

Despite never holding formal elected or senior appointed office, Khamenei had been widely perceived as a potential successor to his father. Such a transition would have been controversial under normal circumstances, given his lack of experience and the ideological sensitivity around hereditary succession in a system born from anti-monarchical revolution.

Khamenei has also been linked to political controversies. During the 2005 presidential election, reformist candidate Mehdi Karroubi accused him of involvement in electoral manipulation. Former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad later alleged that Khamenei engaged in financial misconduct.

Public opposition to his perceived rise was visible during the 2022–23 protests, when demonstrators explicitly rejected the prospect of his leadership by shouting “Mojtaba, may you die and never see leadership.”

Seyyed Ali-Asghar (Mir) Hejazi

A cleric with long-standing ties to Iran’s intelligence apparatus, Seyyed Ali-Asghar Hejazi had been among the closest aides to Ali Khamenei. He began his political career in 1980 as part of a “purification committee” tasked with firing perceived opponents from state institutions in the aftermath of the Iranian Revolution in 1979.

Hejazi later served as deputy for foreign affairs in the Ministry of Intelligence in the early 1980s and, more recently, as deputy chief of staff in the Office of the Supreme Leader. In this role, he has functioned as a key intermediary between various branches of government as well as religious and political personalities – transmitting Khamenei’s directives, shaping high-level policy and coordinating Iran’s complex intelligence and security networks.

He was sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury in 2013 for alleged human rights violations, including involvement in the suppression of the 2009 Green Movement, and by the European Union in 2019. He apparently survived an Israeli attack on March 6, 2026.

Seyyed Esmail Khatib

Seyyed Esmail Khatib, 64, who was killed on March 18, 2026, had built his career within Iran’s intelligence and security establishment. He joined intelligence operations linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in 1980 and was wounded during the Iran–Iraq War.

Following the war, this cleric held a series of senior intelligence roles, including director general of intelligence for Qom province, starting in 1991. He also held positions within the supreme leader’s security office from 2009–11 and was head of the judiciary’s Protection and Intelligence Center, a counterintelligence body within Iran’s judiciary, from 2012–19. He later served as a senior official within Astan Quds Razavi, a major religious and economic conglomerate controlled directly by Iran’s supreme leader.

Sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury in 2020 for alleged human rights abuses, Khatib became Iran’s minister of intelligence in 2021.

Ali Larijani

Ali Larijani, who was assassinated on March 17, 2026, was one of the Islamic Republic’s most experienced political insiders. Born into a prominent clerical family, he rose through both military and civilian institutions, beginning with roles linked to the Revolutionary Guard in the early 1980s.

A man speaks in front of several microphones.
Ali Larijani speaks to media in Tehran on May 31, 2024.
Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu via Getty Images

Over the decades, Larijani, 68, held numerous senior positions. Those include minister of culture from 1992–94 and head of state broadcasting from 1994–2004. He was also secretary of the Supreme National Security Council from 2004–08 and again from 2025–26. Larijani also served as Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator from 2005-07.

From early January 2026, and more clearly following the Feb. 28 killing of Ayatollah Khamenei, Larijani emerged as a central decision-maker within the system before his death.

Brig. Gen. Eskandar Momeni

A Revolutionary Guard-affiliated security official, Eskandar Momeni, 64, is a veteran of the Iran–Iraq War and participated in counterinsurgency operations against leftist groups in northern Iran.

He later held a range of senior law enforcement roles, including head of the Police Emergency Center, a dispatch center that directs emergency response units, from 2004–05, deputy for operations of the national police from 2005–08, and chief of traffic police from 2009–14. He also holds a doctorate in national security.

As deputy commander of Iran’s Law Enforcement Force, responsible for public security, from 2015–18, Momeni oversaw security responses during the 2017-18 protests, which were met with force. Since becoming minister of interior in August 2024, he has remained a central figure in domestic security policy, including the lethal response to unrest in early 2026 in which an estimated 7,000 to 30,000 Iranians were killed.

A man in a blazer speaks at a podium.
A commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Eskandar Momeni speaks to lawmakers in the Iranian Parliament in Tehran on Aug. 20, 2024.
Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via Getty Image

Maj. Gen. Yahya Rahim Safavi

A senior Revolutionary Guard commander and longtime military strategist, Yahya Rahim Safavi, 73, received military training in Syria prior to the 1979 revolution and later became a key figure during the Iran–Iraq War.

He served as commander of the Revolutionary Guard ground forces, from 1985–89, deputy commander in chief from 1989–97 and commander in chief of the Revolutionary Guard from 1997–2007. During his tenure, he reportedly also earned a Ph.D. in geography.

In December 2006, the U.N. Security Council put Safavi on its sanctions list for his involvement in Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs. After stepping down as Revolutionary Guard commander, Safavi was appointed senior military adviser to the supreme leader and is still serving in that role. He remains under U.S. sanctions.

The Conversation

Mehrzad Boroujerdi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Who are Iran’s new leaders? A look at 6 the US placed a bounty on – 2 of whom are already dead – https://theconversation.com/who-are-irans-new-leaders-a-look-at-6-the-us-placed-a-bounty-on-2-of-whom-are-already-dead-278509

Sweden’s ‘old-growth’ natural forests store 83% more carbon than managed woodlands – new study

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anders Ahlström, Associate Professor, Department of Physical Geography and Ecosystem Science, Lund University

Old-growth forest in Sweden. Ulrika Ervander, CC BY-NC-ND

Most of Europe’s original natural forests have been transformed for agriculture and managed forests producing energy, paper and timber. The few remaining “old-growth” natural forests are relics of the past that illustrate how forests would have looked in the absence of human management. They can, therefore, tell us how people have transformed forests.

Most Swedish forests are so-called boreal forests. This type of coniferous woodland ecosystem encompasses most of the northern regions of the planet. These relatively cold regions have historically had low populations. Here, large-scale use of forests began relatively late.

In Sweden, modern forest management emerged in the 20th century. It involves cutting most trees in an area – clear-cutting – followed by planting and sowing of new trees, cleaning and thinning until the trees are clear-cut again up to 120 years later. The soil is also disturbed. It is very common to plough the soil and excavate trenches and ditches to remove water from forests.

After mapping and measuring the most natural old-growth forests in Sweden, we found that they differ much more from managed forests than previously thought, even if some of those managed forests looked old.

We found that old-growth forests store 78-89% more carbon than managed forests do, a difference in carbon storage larger than Sweden’s cumulative emissions from the combustion of fossil fuels since 1834. Our new study underscores the much larger carbon storage benefits that flow from protecting forests than using them to produce bioenergy and wood products.




Read more:
Sweden has vast ‘old growth’ forests – but they are being chopped down faster than the Amazon


light shining through tree trunks in old forest, moss on ground
Old-growth forests store much more carbon than managed forests.
makalex69/Shutterstock

Eight years ago, we started mapping the most natural lowland old-growth forests across the country. We focused on old-growth forest remnants in the least attractive areas for agriculture and forest management. We excluded these because they are usually slow-growing mountain forests and store less carbon than they would in the broader landscapes used for wood production. We then spent three years collecting samples and measuring the carbon content of the old-growth forests and compared with that of managed forests.

Soils are difficult to study. They store vast amounts of carbon but measuring that is difficult. The main methods to measure soil carbon have not changed in the last century. We dug 220 pits up to one-metre deep and took samples at different depths from across the country.

We analysed those soil samples in a lab and calculated carbon content in trees and dead wood from our measurements. We used the vast Swedish national forest inventory (a database collating annual sample-based survey results) to estimate carbon storage in managed forests and could then compare their carbon storage.

Managed forests are losing carbon

We found a huge difference in carbon storage between old-growth and managed forests. Old-growth forests store 87% more carbon in the trees, 334% more in dead wood, and 68% more in the soils than managed forests do. Overall, this amounts to 83% more carbon in old-growth forests than managed forests in Sweden’s boreal forests.

Most of that carbon is stored in the soils. Old-growth forests store as much carbon in their soils as the managed forests do in trees, dead wood and soils combined.

Our methods of comparing old-growth to managed forests show the sum of the total carbon accumulated in forests over time. This means the differences can be due to the loss of carbon in managed forests or a larger carbon uptake in old-growth forests.

We also took into account how the wood extracted from managed forests was used as wood products (for example, to build a house), which might not reach the atmosphere and produce climate change for decades to come.

In Sweden, around half of the harvested wood (or biomass) is burnt for heating and electricity production, around 25% is used for paper, and only around 25% ends up in products with relatively long lifetimes, such as houses, where they can form a sizeable storage over time.

When including carbon in all these products, primary forests still stored about 70% more carbon than managed forests. Actually, there’s more carbon in dead wood in the old-growth forests than in these wood products and dead wood in managed forests combined.

Why losing old-growth forest matters

The losses of carbon from forest management in Sweden are much larger than previously estimated. The difference in carbon storage between old-growth and managed forests (including harvested wood products) is equivalent to 1.5 times all Swedish fossil fuel emissions since 1834, or 220 years of Sweden’s fossil fuel emissions at current levels.

Of course, if wood products had not been used, other materials would have been used instead, some of which may have high carbon intensity (such as steel). This makes it difficult to estimate the overall effect on atmospheric greenhouse gases. However, there are now plenty of non-wood alternatives for heat and electricity (heat pumps, solar and wind energy, for example).

There are also vast areas of natural forests where the largest trees were logged many decades to a century ago, and they are likely in a state much closer to an untouched old-growth forest than an average managed forest is. Protecting these forests will, therefore, lead to a carbon sink as the large trees grow back, and avoid soil carbon losses from management.

We have previously reported on the ongoing loss of these old-growth forests in Sweden – a loss that is five to seven times faster than the loss of the Brazilian Amazon forest.

EU regulation currently protects all remaining old-growth forests in Europe, but definitions of old-growth forests are left to the member countries. In Sweden, the proposed definition of old-growth forest is based only on tree ages. This definition is not well anchored in science and sets a very high bar: 180 years in the north of the country and 160 years in the south.

These proposed Swedish definitions have been heavily criticised by conservation organisations for undermining the ambition of the EU nature restoration regulation to protect all remaining old-growth forests. If the proposed definition stands, little of the remaining unprotected old-growth forest will be protected and their logging will likely continue.

Protecting and restoring old-growth forests for carbon storage and biodiversity benefits can significantly contribute to limiting climate change in countries like Sweden.

The Conversation

Anders Ahlström receives funding from the Crafoord Foundation (20200755 & 20241108), Swedish Research Council (2021-05344, 2024-01983), BECC, Carl-Tryggers Stiftelse, Stiftelsen Extensus, Stiftelsen Längmanska kulturfonden, the Royal Physiographic Society of Lund, P.O. Lundells stiftelse, Jan Hain stiftelse för vetenskaplig teknisk forskning inom miljö och klimat, EU H2020 Climb-Forest (101059888), Blaustein visiting professorship at Stanford University and The Sustainability Accelerator at Stanford University.

Pep Canadell receives funding from the Australian National Environmental Science Program (NESP2)-Climate Systems Hub.

Didac Pascual does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Sweden’s ‘old-growth’ natural forests store 83% more carbon than managed woodlands – new study – https://theconversation.com/swedens-old-growth-natural-forests-store-83-more-carbon-than-managed-woodlands-new-study-277150

You probably agree with the animals on which bird calls, frog noises and cricket chirps are most attractive – new research

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Logan S. James, Research Associate in Animal Behavior, The University of Texas at Austin; McGill University

Male zebra finch calls attract mates – and maybe, coincidentally, you? Raina Fan

Animals do all sorts of things to attract each other as potential mates. Many birds, for example, produce feathers with elaborate color patterns – from the iridescent plumage of many hummingbirds to the famously brilliant tail of a peacock. Charles Darwin, an early pioneer in the theory of evolution, saw these colors and concluded that they exist because other birds find them attractive.

But this raised a peculiar question: Why did Darwin himself find these colors beautiful too?

Indeed, he noted that some animals have “nearly the same taste for the beautiful as we have,” a simple observation with radical implications. Our sense of beauty might be something we humans share with other animals, rooted in biology.

Over a century after Darwin made his observations, my colleagues and I decided to actually test this idea.

I am an expert in animal communication, with a focus on sound production and perception. I have worked with species such as zebra finches, fringe-lipped bats and túngara frogs. For example, late at night in Panama, I have watched remote video feeds of female túngara frogs as they listened to calls that I played from different speakers. Eventually a female will hop toward one speaker, revealing which of the calls she preferred.

frog with its vocal sac inflated like a balloon
Túngara frog calls are a distinct part of the nocturnal jungle soundscape in Panama.
Kim Hunter

Could it really be possible that this tiny frog and I are attracted to some of the same sounds? What might shared preferences say about what animals and people have in common? We needed data to find out.

A global experiment

To test Darwin’s idea properly, we needed two things: a large collection of animal sounds that had already been tested on animals, and a large number of human listeners willing to give their opinions.

For the sounds, we drew on decades of published research, including some of our own as well as studies from generous colleagues who let us use their recordings. We ended up with 110 pairs of sounds from 16 different species, including frogs, insects, birds and mammals. In each pair, the sounds are used to attract potential mates; scientists had already found which of the two versions that animals tended to prefer.

screenshot of a mobile phone with text 'which call do you like more?' and a 'left' and 'right' button to click
Human volunteers played a game that asked them which animal sound they preferred.
Logan S. James

For the human listeners, we built a gamified online experiment played by over 4,000 participants from around the world. The task was quite simple: We played each pair of sounds in random order, and then asked which one the human participant liked more.

What we found

The results were striking. Across our dataset, including animals separated from human beings by hundreds of millions of years of evolution, people tended to agree with the animals about which sound was more pleasant.

Amazingly, the stronger the animal’s preference, the more likely humans were to agree. We also found that people were measurably faster to click or tap on the sound that animals found more attractive, suggesting a subconscious aspect of these preferences.

Song sparrows and humans tend to prefer this song.
Stephen Nowicki and Susan Peters27 KB (download)

Song sparrows and humans tend not to prefer this song.
Stephen Nowicki and Susan Peters41.8 KB (download)

People particularly agreed with animals when it came to what researchers call “adornments”: the extra trills, chucks, clicks and flourishes that animals can add to their calls. These sounds were more appealing to both animal and human listeners alike.

Why do we share these preferences?

This is a key question, and it will take many more studies to piece together. Our current work suggests that the architecture of the nervous system may help drive shared preferences. Despite the enormous diversity of life on Earth, many basic structures of sensory systems are similar across species. Shared mechanisms of sound perception may lead to shared biases in sound preference.

We also found a lot of factors that didn’t predict agreement. Participants with expertise in animal sounds or highly trained musicians were no different than other human judges. Intriguingly, those who reported spending more time listening to music on a daily basis agreed with animals more, a surprising finding worth investigating.

Hourglass treefrogs and humans tend to prefer this call.
Martin J Fouquette Jr10.3 KB (download)

Hourglass treefrogs and humans tend not to prefer this call.
Martin J Fouquette Jr5.22 KB (download)

More to investigate

We focused on sound, while Darwin’s original observation was about color and visual beauty. Do humans share visual preferences with animals too? What about smell? And what’s happening in our brains when we make these snap aesthetic judgments? Are the same neural circuits at work when a human and a frog both choose the same call?

Preferences in animals are often subtle and variable across individuals and populations. I would love to ask birds what they think of different frog calls and vice versa, but it’s only humans that we can directly ask such questions.

We also found cases where humans disagreed with animals. Our results show a tendency, not a rule, and understanding where this variation comes from will be fascinating to discover.

blue, black and white butterfly alights on pink and yellow flower
What you may find beautiful about a butterfly or flower evolved to attract a nonhuman species.
Through the beauty of Kerala/Moment via Getty Images

My favorite takeaway from this research is a simple reminder.

People find so much beauty in nature, from the dazzling colors of butterflies to the melodious songs of birds and the aromas of flowers. Yet all of these evolved to attract other species, not us. Perhaps it’s because we humans share something fundamental with other animals that we too find these to be beautiful.

The Conversation

Logan S. James is affiliated with Earth Species Project.

ref. You probably agree with the animals on which bird calls, frog noises and cricket chirps are most attractive – new research – https://theconversation.com/you-probably-agree-with-the-animals-on-which-bird-calls-frog-noises-and-cricket-chirps-are-most-attractive-new-research-276958

Why endometriosis should be classified as a whole-body inflammatory disorder

Source: The Conversation – UK – By April Rees, Lecturer, Biochemistry & Immunology, Swansea University

Endometriosis can be extremely painful. Wasana Kunpol/ Shutterstock

Endometriosis is a painful, debilitating condition affecting 10% of women worldwide. It occurs when tissue similar to the lining of the uterus (known as lesions) grows elsewhere in the body – usually within the pelvis.

Treating endometriosis can be difficult. Usually, treatment involves either preventing the growth of these lesions in the first place or removing lesions surgically. But even when lesions have been surgically removed, symptoms often don’t go away.

Traditionally, endometriosis has been thought of as a gynaecological condition. But mounting evidence suggests this characterisation downplays the disease’s complexity. Endometriosis appears to affect far more than just the reproductive system. According to a growing body of research, it influences immune function throughout the whole body.

Recognising it as a whole-body, immune-driven disease could help explain why symptoms range far beyond pelvic pain. It would also explain why treatment is so challenging and often does little to reduce symptoms.

A disease of the whole immune system

Inflammation – the body’s natural response to injury or illness – is a normal part of immune response. It also plays a key role in the menstrual cycle.

But if inflammation becomes chronic or uncontrolled, it can cause problems. This is seen in autoimmune conditions such as rheumatoid arthritis, where the immune system overreacts even when there is no threat.

Chronic inflammation is also known to play a central role in endometriosis. But the effects of this uncontrolled immune response may be far more widespread than previously thought. According to recent research, the immune response appears to extend into the bloodstream and other body systems. This may explain why endometriosis causes such far-reaching, whole-body symptoms.




Read more:
Endometriosis: how the condition may be linked to the immune system


In people with endometriosis, immune cells appear to be less able to clear lesions. Yet, at the same time, people with endometriosis have higher levels of immune proteins such as IL-6 and IL-1β in their blood. These immune proteins, known as cytokines, are a type of messenger released by cells to promote inflammation.

Together, these dysfunctional cells make it possible for lesions to grow and persist. This immune dysregulation also has ripple effects across the body, contributing to the wide range of symptoms sufferers experience.

For instance, many people with endometriosis experience debilitating fatigue, cognitive difficulties (such as “brain fog”) and widespread pain. These symptoms are rarely emphasised in clinical guidelines, yet they’re often as disruptive as pelvic pain itself.

A woman sitting using her laptop holds her head in pain or confusion.
Brain fog can be a common but under-recognised symptom of endometriosis.
Smutgirl/ Shutterstock

Systemic inflammation offers a compelling explanation for these symptoms. Circulating cytokines, such as those mentioned earlier, are known to influence brain function and energy regulation. Higher levels of cytokines (including IL-6) have also been linked to poorer concentration, disrupted sleep and fatigue in some autoimmune and chronic pain disorders.

These same processes may be occurring in endometriosis. This suggests that invisible symptoms could be biological consequences of ongoing inflammation – not secondary effects of pain.

A dysfunctional immune system may also help to explain why emerging research hints at an overlap between endometriosis and autoimmune diseases.

In 2025, a large scale study looked at 330,000 patients with endometriosis and 1.2 million controls (people who didn’t have the condition). The study found that compared to the controls, people with endometriosis had roughly twice the odds of being diagnosed with an autoimmune condition – such as rheumatoid arthritis, lupus, multiple sclerosis or Hashimoto’s disease – within two years of their endometriosis diagnosis.

This doesn’t mean endometriosis is itself an autoimmune disease. But it does suggest shared mechanisms – including chronic inflammation, dysregulated immune cell activity, and problems with the immune system recognising the body’s own tissue properly.

These overlapping features strengthen the case for understanding endometriosis as a systemic immune disorder.

Reframing endometriosis

Viewing endometriosis in this way could transform how it’s diagnosed, treated and understood. It could also help us get closer to finding a solution for the condition.




Read more:
Endometriosis takes almost a decade to be diagnosed in the UK — our research has revealed some of the reasons why


Current treatments primarily target the reproductive system. But if endometriosis involves widespread immune dysfunction, then therapies that modulate immune pathways may offer more effective long-term relief.

Seeing endometriosis as a systemic condition can empower patients, as well. This reframing may help them understand that symptoms such as fatigue, joint pain, cognitive difficulties and immune sensitivity are not imagined or unrelated. Rather, they’re part of the condition’s broader biology.

Seeing it this way may support patients in advocating for themselves in healthcare settings, where systemic symptoms are often dismissed or deprioritised.

A systemic framing also opens space for patients to explore complementary management strategies aimed at reducing inflammation or improving overall wellbeing. While not curative, some people find gentle movement, stress regulation techniques and heat–cold contrast therapy helpful for managing pain or inflammatory flares.

A growing body of research shows that endometriosis is not solely a reproductive condition or a “bad period”. It’s a multi-system, inflammatory disorder with far-reaching health effects throughout the body.

Understanding endometriosis as a systemic immune disease is a crucial step toward better treatments, better support and, ultimately, better health outcomes.

The Conversation

April Rees receives funding from The Royal Society, Saint David’s Medical Foundation, and the Iraqi Government.

Laura Cowley receives funding from Health and Care Research Wales, Welsh Crucible, and the Learned Society of Wales.

ref. Why endometriosis should be classified as a whole-body inflammatory disorder – https://theconversation.com/why-endometriosis-should-be-classified-as-a-whole-body-inflammatory-disorder-277994

Winnie-the-Pooh at 100: this much-loved classic illustrates how books can boost our wellbeing

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lucy Stone, Assistant Professor of Children’s Literature, Dublin City University

When Winnie-the-Pooh gets stuck in Rabbit’s doorway after eating too much for elevenses, he is anxious and gloomy at the thought of having to forgo food for a whole week to get out. He asks Christopher Robin to read him “a Sustaining Book, such as would help and comfort a Wedged Bear in Great Tightness”.

A.A. Milne’s first children’s novel, Winnie-the-Pooh, does not exactly explain what a “Sustaining Book” is. But E.H. Shepard’s illustration provides some clue. Christopher Robin is shown reading an alphabet book with the word JAM for J visible on the page.

Jam is not Pooh’s favourite food, of course, but the word is more than apt. Pooh is in a jam, but being read to sustains him in his difficult situation by bringing him comfort. The book acts as “an aid in the crisis”, as former teacher Ethel Newell noted in a study of bibliotherapy for children in 1957.

Dating back to the early 19th century, bibliotherapy is a therapeutic approach that fosters reading books and other forms of literature to support mental wellbeing and healing.

This year marks the centenary of the first Winnie-the-Pooh book. Milne based the timeless tales on the nursery toys and games of his son, Christopher Robin – the boy who lives in the fictional world of the Hundred Acre Wood. His adventures with his bear, Winnie-the-Pooh, and friends (Piglet, Eeyore, Kanga and Roo, Rabbit and Owl), are equally gentle, clever and funny – and above all, comforting.

The book was an overnight success when it was first published (as was its sequel, The House at Pooh Corner, in 1928), and continues to cheer readers world over.

Although a Pooh story first appeared in the London Evening News on Christmas Eve 1925, the first book of his adventures was published in 1926.

Literary caregiving

When Winnie-the-Pooh was published, books had been used in hospital libraries to alleviate the suffering of ill and wounded soldiers from the first world war. This idea of books as a source of comfort was not new, but there had been an increasing need in this period for what authors Sara Halsam and Edmund G.C. King term “literary caregiving”.

It was at this time that American journalist Samuel McChord Crothers coined the term bibliotherapy, and reading for wellbeing began to be recognised in the medical sphere.

Milne had himself fought in the war and experienced the suffering and trauma firsthand. Winnie-the-Pooh has long been considered a response to war, particularly in terms of the book’s nostalgia and depiction of psychological damage. But as an example of bibliotherapy – and how this too is tied to the war – Winnie-the-Pooh has received scant critical attention.

It is, of course, not just soldiers – nor bears in rabbit burrows – who need good books. Children stuck in hospital need them too. Undergoing medical treatment, especially for serious illness, can be one of the greatest challenges a child can face, as highlighted by the Read for Good initiative.

This hospital reading programme has run in 31 hospitals across the UK over the past 15 years, and has found that books and storytelling can “have a significant impact on children’s health, wellbeing and education” – at a time when children are facing illness or injury, missing out on schooling, and feeling isolated.

While Winnie-the-Pooh is not currently among the books in the Read for Good hospitals programme in the UK, the benefits of this children’s novel in hospitals have long been evident in initiatives in the US.

In 1999, the University of Florida launched a reading programme for the waiting room at the University’s Pediatric Continuity Care Clinic. One report describes a four-year-old girl who, nervously awaiting treatment, was calmed when Winnie-the-Pooh was read to her. And, just like Pooh being taught his ABCs, the child also learned new vocabulary from the story.

This programme is part of the Reach Out and Read campaign, endorsed by the American Academy of Pediatrics, which serves 4.8 million children across the US each year. Continued research efforts evaluate and maximise the impact of this initiative, and have found that there are positive results for children, families and clinicians.

More recently, in 2024 there was study of the parent-led Little Bookworms bedside reading programme in a neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) in Nashville.

Winnie-the-Pooh was selected as a book from childhood recommended by study participants to read with their infants, to “reduce anxiety and improve attachment for parents and caregivers who have infants in the NICU”. Supporting the wellbeing and engagement of carers in this way can help reduce some of the risks NICU infants face, including interruptions to language development which can affect subsequent literacy development.

Books to grow up with

More broadly, the potential of rereading a childhood book cannot be underestimated. Books read in childhood do not disappear, but “continue to unfold and inform the way in which we interpret the world” in our minds, as children’s literature expert Kimberley Reynolds of Newcastle University has established.

Paula Byrne, founder of the ReLit Foundation – which promotes reading as a way to combat stress and anxiety through “the slow reading of great literature” – has described the rereading of Winnie-the-Pooh in adulthood as therapeutic. Byrne believes the book has the capacity to grow with the reader from childhood to adulthood, offering new insights that can be appreciated in later life.

It is this ability of a book to grow with the reader that is of most help to children in distress, Newell suggested, providing “real armour” to children over a sustained period, and not just “a shot of penicillin for a particular infection”.

Over the past 100 years, Winnie-the-Pooh has grown from a book containing an example of bibliotherapy to a book for bibliotherapy in hospitals. As we celebrate the centenary of its publication, these ties to books as therapy for children and adults are well worth remembering.

The Conversation

Lucy Stone does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Winnie-the-Pooh at 100: this much-loved classic illustrates how books can boost our wellbeing – https://theconversation.com/winnie-the-pooh-at-100-this-much-loved-classic-illustrates-how-books-can-boost-our-wellbeing-277528

Could a gut microbe influence muscle strength?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rachel Woods, Associate Professor, University of Nottingham; University of Lincoln

The millions of microbes living in your gut have far-reaching effects on health. New Africa/ Shutterstock

The trillions of microbes living in the human gut are increasingly recognised as important partners in human health. Scientists have linked the gut microbiome to several aspects of health, from metabolism and immunity to mental health.

A recent study suggests that these microbes may also influence an important aspect of fitness – muscle strength.

Muscle strength is a crucial feature of health for many reasons. It supports our joints and keeps our bones healthy, boosts athletic performance and even plays a role in metabolic health.

Muscle strength also helps us maintain independence later in life. As muscles gradually weaken as we get older, everyday tasks become harder and the risk of falls increases. Understanding what influences muscle strength is therefore an important part of healthy ageing research.




Read more:
Muscle is important for good health – here’s how to maintain it after middle age


A recent study explored whether specific gut bacteria might be linked to muscle strength. Researchers analysed the gut microbiomes of two groups of adults: 90 young adults aged 18 to 25 and 33 older adults aged 65 to 75.

Participants provided stool samples so researchers could identify the microbes living in their gut. The researchers used DNA sequencing to read genetic material from the microbes in each sample. By comparing these sequences with large reference databases, they could determine which bacterial species were present and how abundant they were.

Participants also completed several tests designed to measure muscle strength, including a handgrip test. This involves squeezing a handheld device as hard as possible. Grip strength is widely used in health research because it provides a snapshot of overall muscle strength. Lower grip strength has also been linked to a higher risk of premature death.

When the researchers compared participants’ muscle strength with the microbes in their gut, one species stood out. Higher levels of a bacterium called Roseburia inulinivorans were linked to stronger performance across muscle strength measures.

Finding a link like this is interesting, but it does not necessarily mean the microbe is responsible. Many things can be associated without one directly causing the other. Ice-cream sales and shark attacks both increase during summer, for example – but eating ice cream does not cause shark attacks.

So to investigate whether the bacterium might actually influence muscle strength, the researchers carried out additional experiments in mice. After reducing the animals’ existing gut microbes, they introduced Roseburia inulinivorans into the mice’s digestive systems.

Mice that received the bacterium developed noticeably stronger grip strength in their arms than those that did not. Their muscle fibres also became larger and shifted toward a type of fibre associated with more powerful movements (called type II muscle fibres).

Further analysis suggested Roseburia inulinivorans may influence how muscles use energy. In mice given R inulinivorans, several energy‑related pathways inside muscle cells became more active. At the same time, levels of certain amino acids (molecules used by all living things to make proteins) decreased in the gut and bloodstream.

An older many sitting on a couch flexes his biceps.
Older participants had lower levels of R inulinivorans.
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The human data revealed another interesting pattern. Older adults in the study tended to have lower levels of Roseburia inulinivorans in their gut microbiome than the younger participants. This fits with the broader pattern of declining muscle strength that commonly occurs with age.

In humans, it’s still unclear whether gut bacteria influence muscle strength or whether stronger, more active people simply have different microbes in their gut. But the mouse experiments hint that this microbe can directly enhance muscle strength, so larger human studies will be needed to work out the direction of the relationship.

Muscle microbes

One possibility raised by this research is the future use of probiotics. These products contain live microbes intended to benefit health. If further studies confirm that Roseburia inulinivorans supports muscle strength in humans, it could be developed into a probiotic designed to help maintain muscle function as people age.

However, supplements are not the only way to encourage beneficial microbes in the gut. Diet plays a major role in shaping the microbiome.

Prebiotic fibres, which serve as food for gut bacteria, can also support their growth. This is because feeding these microbes allows them to become more established and active in the gut.

The name inulinivorans provides a clue about this bacterium’s preferred food source. It refers to inulin, a type of dietary fibre found naturally in foods such as onions, garlic, leeks, asparagus and chicory root. These fibres are known to support the growth of other beneficial gut bacteria, including members of the Roseburia group.

High‑fibre diets have long been associated with a range of health benefits. A large amount of research has linked higher fibre intake with lower risks of heart disease, type 2 diabetes and some cancers. These effects are probably driven by the complex activity of many different microbes rather than a single species. So at the moment, supplementation of any one individual bacterium is not a replacement for a diet high in fibre.

The study does have some limitations to note, however. The human groups were relatively small, and the experiments demonstrating cause and effect were conducted in mice rather than people. The older adults included in the study were also all male. Even so, the findings add to growing evidence that the gut microbiome may influence far more aspects of health than previously thought.

For now, the advice for supporting both muscle strength and a healthy microbiome remains reassuringly familiar: regular strength‑building exercise and a diet rich in fibre.

The Conversation

Rachel Woods does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Could a gut microbe influence muscle strength? – https://theconversation.com/could-a-gut-microbe-influence-muscle-strength-278346