War on Iran during nuclear negotiations undermines the US’s ability to talk peace around the world − and the effects won’t end when Trump leaves office

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Debak Das, Assistant Professor, University of Denver

On Feb. 7, 2026, Iranian newspapers featured headlines on the resumption of nuclear talks between Iran and the United States, following their suspension after Israeli and U.S. attacks on Iran in June 2025. Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu via Getty Images

Operation Epic Fury – the latest round of military strikes against Iran – began when Iran was engaged in negotiations with the United States to renew restrictions on its nuclear program.

This is not the first time the United States has bombed Iran during nuclear negotiations.

In June 2025, while its representatives were in talks with Iran over that country’s ability to produce nuclear weapons, Washington launched Operation Midnight Hammer, targeting three Iranian nuclear facilities in Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan.

Washington has been broader in its selection of targets in Iran this time around, even though one stated U.S. goal has been to ensure that Iran does not gain nuclear weapons capability.

Conducting military strikes against a country that is engaged in negotiations to reduce its nuclear capacity sets a dangerous precedent. As a scholar of the global nuclear order, I believe that the conflict has jeopardized all future diplomacy to limit the spread of nuclear weapons.

The U.S. military action during negotiations has also undermined Washington’s ability to conduct diplomacy to end the war. Iranian officials negotiating with mediators have expressed their concern that they “don’t want to be ‘fooled again,’” according to a report in Axios, and that any new set of negotiations might just be a ruse to conduct more attacks.

An American flag and an Iranian flag, separated by flames.
The conflict between the U.S. and Iran has jeopardized future negotiations to limit the spread of nuclear weapons.
wildpixel, iStock/Getty Images Plus

Breaking trust

The key components of any negotiations are trust and good faith.

Parties coming to a negotiating table to discuss their nuclear programs must trust that those across the table are acting in good faith. Past negotiations on nuclear arms control and risk-reduction measures between entrenched enemies, such as the U.S. and the Soviet Union or even India and Pakistan, have seen trust as a key component of coming to the table.

Trust has its own diplomatic cachet. It allows negotiating states to be a little more vulnerable, thus facilitating the possibility of softened positions leading to landmark agreements.

In the 1960s, negotiations were held to establish a global agreement – the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons – to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. Nations without nuclear weapons had to trust that countries with them would not use their atomic arsenals to gain military advantage over them as they committed to forswear the possession and development of these weapons. Today all but one of the nonnuclear countries of the world – South Sudan – are signatories to the treaty.

The consequences of Washington’s military strikes would be even more grave if a new nuclear deal between Iran and the United States was truly within reach in the negotiations in Geneva days before the conflict started. This is because the reported concessions from Iran were substantial enough to have warranted a pause in Washington’s military strategy.

A day before Operation Epic Fury began, Oman foreign minister Badr bin Hamad al Busaidi, the principal mediator in the talks, announced that Iran had agreed to zero stockpiling. That is, Tehran would give up its enriched uranium, would down-blend – nuclear-speak for diluting – all material that was previously highly enriched to a neutral level, and be subject to “full and comprehensive verification” by the International Atomic Energy Agency.

If true, these terms could have made any new agreement between the U.S. and Iran as consequential as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action negotiated between the United States and Iran under President Obama’s administration.

The violation of trust by the U.S. will be keenly observed by North Korea. In early March 2026, that country conducted tests of what it called “strategic cruise missiles” – missiles it suggests could have nuclear capability – stating that its ability to attack from under and above water was growing and that it was arming its navy with nuclear weapons.

Any possibility of bilateral negotiations between the United States and North Korea on its nuclear and missile programs will now be marked by the unreliability of the U.S. as a good faith negotiator.

President Lyndon B. Johnson looks on as the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty is signed on July 1, 1968.

Imperiled future

With its actions in Iran, the U.S. has lost credibility as a leading international interlocutor in service of global nonproliferation diplomacy.

Key to a nation’s credibility during negotiations is the reputation that it builds from its past actions. Both instances of the U.S. bombing Iran while negotiating with it will make it very unlikely that other countries will engage with Washington in future nuclear diplomacy.

Those countries that want to take part in nuclear diplomacy involving the U.S. will likely ask that other, trusted countries participate as well. They will also likely seek security guarantees before engaging in negotiations. This will mean that China and the European Union – countries, alliances or institutions that might help keep the United States accountable – will likely have to be a part of any such diplomacy.

Loss of trust in the United States’ good faith will likely continue across future U.S. administrations after the Trump presidency. This will be because of uncertainty over the credibility of international commitments made by the United States. An agreement made by one administration could be reneged on by the next.

Another area of concern is that in the future a country on the threshold of gaining nuclear weapons might not arrive at the negotiating table fully ready to give up all parts of its nuclear program. Even if a country does make concessions, it might choose to hold on to some part of its nuclear or missile program as a guarantee against a future American military strike.

The future of negotiations over nuclear proliferation may yet expand beyond that focus to ballistic missiles as well. Recall that Trump began the latest conflict saying that Iran’s ballistic missiles were an “imminent threat” to the U.S. and its bases abroad. Nuclear weapons programs and ballistic missile programs often go together. Countries with such missile programs that are not allied with the U.S. might also be future targets of bilateral diplomatic and military action.

The loss of trust and good faith has substantially reduced the ability of the U.S. to diplomatically address not only broader nuclear and missile nonproliferation concerns but also its own national security needs. Under these circumstances, military action might be the most tempting option for Washington to secure these goals – and that is dangerous.

The Conversation

Debak Das does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. War on Iran during nuclear negotiations undermines the US’s ability to talk peace around the world − and the effects won’t end when Trump leaves office – https://theconversation.com/war-on-iran-during-nuclear-negotiations-undermines-the-uss-ability-to-talk-peace-around-the-world-and-the-effects-wont-end-when-trump-leaves-office-279079

A flesh-eating fly is advancing towards the US border – can it be stopped?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Richard Wall, Emeritus Professor, School of Biological Sciences, University of Bristol

The New World screwworm (Cochliomyia hominivorax) has now reached a Mexican state that borders on Texas. Judy Gallagher, CC BY

A flesh eating parasitic fly has spread north through Mexico to within a few hundred miles of the US southern border.

The New World screwworm (Cochliomyia hominivorax) lays its eggs in open wounds and in the orifices of live, warm-blooded animals – including, occasionally, humans. The maggots then devour the animal’s flesh, causing devastating lesions that can quickly kill the infested host.

Before the 1950s, it was found in the southern states of the US, where cattle infestations caused heavy financial losses for beef producers. But, during the second half of the 20th century, eradication efforts pushed it out of North and Central America.

In the past few years, however, screwworm control has unravelled, with cases spiking across Central America. The fly has now spread north through Mexico, reaching two Mexican states – Tamaulipas and Nuevo Leon – that share a border with Texas.

The method that was used to eradicate the fly is known as the sterile insect technique (SIT). This involves breeding vast numbers of a target species, sterilising them, usually with radiation, and then releasing the males.

The sterile males mate with wild females, which then produce no offspring. By continuously swamping the wild population with sterile males, the wild groups go extinct.

To be effective, SIT has a number of critical requirements. One of the most important is that the immigration of fertile females into areas where outbreaks are already under control must be very limited (and ideally zero). If fertile females are allowed to reinvade, the population will reestablish.

The technique therefore works best on isolated or island populations. In other circumstances, barriers and continuous surveillance need to be maintained to prevent immigration and immediately stamp out any incursions.

SIT has been used many times on a vast number of pests over the past 80 years –
with mixed results. The eradication of screwworm from the US, Mexico and central America was its greatest success.

The natural range of the New World screwworm fly extends from the southern states
of the USA through Central America and the Caribbean Islands to northern Chile,
Argentina and Uruguay. In North America, the fly used to spread north and west each summer from its overwintering areas near the US-Mexican border.

Historically, its effects were devastating. In 1935, during a screwworm epidemic, there were approximately 230,000 cases in livestock and 55 in humans in the state of Texas. Female screwworm lay batches of 200-300 eggs in open wounds and orifices. The catastrophic lesions caused as the maggots feed are known as myiasis.

Large-scale SIT for New World screwworm started in Florida in 1957-59 and was
gradually rolled out to the west. Effective control by the US was achieved in 1966.

Subsequently, using rearing facilities in Mexico, the fly was pushed back through Central America and was held at a barrier at the Darien Gap in Panama using continuous release and surveillance.

Occasional incursions in the US have still occurred. In the summer of 2016, screwworm infestation was identified in deer in the Florida Keys. Such incursions clearly demonstrated that any relaxation of the control and surveillance effort could allow the return of this devastating parasite.

The recent breakdown of screwworm control has seen thousands of cases confirmed in animals and humans across Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras and Mexico.

The insect’s continuing northward spread now raises the risk of a costly US reinvasion. The US Department of Agriculture estimates that an outbreak in Texas could cost livestock producers more than US$700 million (£526 million) per year.

There are several probable reasons for the breakdown of screwworm control. Maintaining barriers, rearing facilities and surveillance operations are expensive. US federal budget cuts, along with reduced foreign aid, hit screwworm control programmes in Central America and weakened surveillance.

Screwworm larvae.
Since the 1990s, a facility in Panama has produced sterile flies in order to maintain a biological barrier at the Darien Gap, on the country’s border with Colombia.
Copeg

The UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization’s (FAO) global health security programme, with responsibility for transboundary animal disease management, reduced its screwworm surveillance as US funding was withdrawn in March 2025.

Loss of control over the illegal movement of cattle, lacking veterinary inspections, may also have been a contributing factor. Alongside this, in many countries there has been an ongoing loss of expertise as experienced veterinary entomologists have retired and not been replaced.

Traditional applied entomology has been viewed as dated in the face of, for example, modern molecular and genetic approaches to the identification of species. The retired entomologists have taken with them a generation of experience of screwworm control and insect pest management in general – the essential underlying knowledge on which other approaches often depend.

As a result, considerable efforts are now required to resume control of this pest and prepare for future outbreaks. Significant new US federal funding for screwworm control has just been announced. But given that the pest is now re-entrenched in Central America, it may be too late to quickly reestablish regional control using SIT. As such, a fall back on insecticides seems like the only fix for immediate problems.

The rearing facilities for sterile insects in Mexico were shut down after screwworm was pushed out of North and Central America in the latter half of the 20th century. However, refurbishment is currently underway to allow them to restart producing sterile flies by summer 2026.

A new facility at Moore Airbase in Edinburg, Texas, close to the southern border, is being built. However, the suggestion that it is Mexico’s responsibility to prevent flies entering the US seems fanciful.

There are several important lessons that emerge from this history. The first is that insects don’t respect borders. International cooperation is required for management at a geographically relevant scale. Unwillingness to support the efforts of less economically robust neighbours, or international organisations such as the FAO, may well come back to bite.

The cost of maintaining the barrier in Panama was almost certainly significantly less than the costs of what will now be needed to achieve preparedness, or what will be incurred by US livestock producers if there is a persistent outbreak.

Finally, new pests and parasites (even some of the ones that seem to be under control) are an ever-present threat, particularly given greater global travel and the effects of climate change. Ignoring them, deprioritising research and control, failing to train the next generation of veterinary entomologists and hoping for the best, is not a viable strategy.

The Conversation

I am grateful to Nancy Hinkle, University of Georgia, for reading an earlier version of this article.

ref. A flesh-eating fly is advancing towards the US border – can it be stopped? – https://theconversation.com/a-flesh-eating-fly-is-advancing-towards-the-us-border-can-it-be-stopped-279200

Airlines are facing yet more turbulence. An expert assesses what it will take to survive

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Loizos Heracleous, Professor of Strategy, Warwick Business School, University of Warwick

Russ Heinl/Shutterstock

The war in the Middle East swiftly led to the cancellation of thousands of flights across the Persian Gulf. The crisis in the industry is severe, but aviation is no stranger to existential shocks. Over the last four decades it has faced the COVID pandemic, the 2008 recession, the September 11 attacks, the Gulf war and Sars.

This time around, the conflict wiped US$53 billion (£40 billion) from the market value of the world’s 20 largest airlines in just its first three weeks.

Despite facing recurrent shocks, the industry provides a necessary service and often has state-level support – and so has survived. But it has not thrived. Aviation has been plagued by thin margins, frequent losses and a heavy and inflexible asset base in its fleets of aircraft (including long-term leasing arrangements). It also faces a long list of risks.

This war will be remembered as one of aviation’s greatest tests, delivering a pincer attack on the industry. On one side, fuel prices have doubled, with jet fuel surging from around US$87 to between US$150 and US$200 per barrel. On the other, revenue is in freefall due to closed hubs and suspended flights.

Fuel is typically the largest single component of airline operating costs, at around a quarter to a third of expenditure. It is also the most volatile. This is then followed by labour at around 25% and aircraft ownership costs at around 10–15%.

When fuel prices swing upwards they can wipe out an entire year’s profits, depending on the percentage that is unhedged (not acquired at a fixed price in advance). If at the same time revenue is collapsing, it is a perfect storm. At the end of 2025, the International Air Transport Association (IATA) forecast a profit of US$41 billion for the industry in 2026. But this now seems unattainable.

The race to survive

Only about one in seven airlines that have ever existed are still operating today. And while around 5,000 airlines have held international aviation codes over the years, only around 700 are now active. Bankruptcy is endemic in the industry, and the markets are already pricing in a higher risk of failure from the war.

The airlines most likely to fail are those with weak balance sheets, low operational efficiency, no state backing, and little or no fuel hedging (which leaves them fully exposed to sharp rises in costs).

Yet within this brutal landscape, a handful of airlines have not merely survived successive crises but have consistently outperformed. This includes budget carriers, such as Ryanair, and flag carriers, such as Singapore Airlines.

What these airlines have in common, regardless of market segment, is cost discipline, high levels of agility and close alignment between their operations and their strategy (that is, ensuring that what they offer is in line with what flyers expect from them). This drives higher customer satisfaction. These are the capabilities that produce resilience in a crisis – and a faster bounce-back when it ends.

Ryanair is not directly exposed to Gulf routes. In fact, the crisis is boosting its demand, with a surge in European short-haul bookings reported as travellers avoid the Middle East.

But beyond this boost, Ryanair is one of the most efficient and profitable airlines in the world, with around 80% of its fuel hedged at around US$67 per barrel for the next year. Ryanair systematically locks in fuel prices 12 to 18 months ahead through forward contracts – a strategy that sacrifices potential savings if prices fall in exchange for certainty.

But this hedged figure is now a fraction of current spot prices. The airline is on track to become debt-free by May this year, with net cash exceeding €1.5 billion (£1.3 billion), a position that can only be dreamt about by most airlines.

And Ryanair is a textbook example of cost leadership – its efficiency delivers low fares for adequate quality, with 90% of its seats consistently occupied. Its cost base is so low that it can attract customers with fares that competitors cannot match.

singapore airlines jet on the apron at Changi airport, Singapore
Singapore Airlines is known for its highly efficient operations.
Jeang Herng/Shutterstock

Singapore Airlines, on the other hand, does have routes that transit the Gulf corridor. Yet on other measures, it has similar strengths. A majority of its fuel is hedged, it has a strong balance sheet and its operations are highly efficient.

Singapore Airlines is what strategists call an “ambidextrous” organisation; one that pursues seemingly contradictory objectives that most companies find impossible to reconcile, such as exceptional quality at low operational cost.

It positions itself on being consistently ranked among the world’s best airlines. On the one hand it accomplishes this through continuous innovation – things like its ultra-exclusive “suites” class or Starlink connectivity in-flight.

But this level of service is coupled with intense cost discipline. Singapore Airlines has for decades had one of the lowest cost figures in its segment. The focus on efficiency is constant. In 2025 the airline initiated a partnership with OpenAI to find more ways to streamline operations.

It’s also a dual-brand model, pairing the premium Singapore Airlines with the low-cost carrier Scoot. This allows the company to compete across segments without diluting either brand.

The lessons here are strategic and timeless, and they remain true to what aviation experts and strategists know about competitive advantage. Strive for operational efficiency. Build a strong balance sheet. Align your business model to your competitive positioning so that your customers keep returning (and will rush to return after a crisis).

But these principles are simple to state and difficult to execute. This is precisely why so few airlines manage it.

The Conversation

Loizos Heracleous does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Airlines are facing yet more turbulence. An expert assesses what it will take to survive – https://theconversation.com/airlines-are-facing-yet-more-turbulence-an-expert-assesses-what-it-will-take-to-survive-279362

Sex Pistols at 50: how punk’s most notorious band became part of the mainstream

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Behr, Reader in Music, Politics and Society, Newcastle University

“Ever get the feeling you’ve been cheated?” John Lydon’s closing words before stalking off stage at San Francisco’s Winterland Ballroom in January 1978, concluding the Sex Pistols’ US tour, have echoed ever since. They’re a bitter bookend to a fractious spell in the limelight. Barely three years had passed since the band’s first gig and less than two since they exploded into the national consciousness.

Lydon’s words marked an ending, but the start was almost as combustible. Fifty years ago, on March 30 1976, the Sex Pistols played a pivotal gig at London’s 100 Club. Photographer P.T. Madden recalled the small, but select, crowd and the sense of momentum:

My main memory is thinking, this is extremely important. It is not like any other gig I have ever been to. It has an atmosphere of expectation which is totally exciting. This means something and there is no one here.

A venue and a moment

The 100 Club, a basement venue on Oxford Street with a history stretching back to the 1940s, had already hosted generations of musical growth in jazz and rhythm and blues. In 1976 it became a focal point for a new, abrasive sensibility. Alongside key gigs at Manchester’s Lesser Free Trade Hall and Kensington’s Nashville Rooms, it helped crystallise what punk looked, sounded and felt like.

In September, the two-day 100 Club Punk Special brought together emerging acts like Siouxsie and the Banshees, The Clash and The Damned, consolidating a scene that was coalescing around an aesthetic of nihilistic confrontation and musical minimalism. The Pistols were not alone in this but became its most visible face.

Their rise was swift. The band was signed to EMI by October 1976, only to be dropped within months amid controversy stoked by the band and their manager Malcom McLaren. A key flash-point was the furore surrounding an expletive-laden chat show interview with Bill Grundy.

Their debut single, Anarchy in the UK, released the following month, was a blunt declaration of intent. A rapid sequence of label changes followed, culminating in the 1977 album Never Mind the Bollocks, anchored by the incendiary single God Save the Queen. It was banned by the BBC and independent radio stations during the Silver Jubilee.

The Pistols’ opening salvo flared brightly and briefly, its intensity bound up with the conditions that produced it.

A soundtrack for disaffection

The optimism of the 1960s had curdled. Economic decline, an oil price shock, rising inflation and industrial unrest led to the three-day week of 1974 (in which commercial electricity use was restricted to three consecutive days per week), presaging 1978-79’s “winter of discontent”.

The 1976 sterling crisis saw chancellor Denis Healey turn cap-in-hand to the International Monetary Fund for a loan to stabilise the UK economy. This underscored a sense of the post-war economic consensus running aground. Rising youth unemployment deepened a pervasive feeling of stagnation and exclusion.

The Sex Pistols became the most recognisable expression of this broader cultural mood: caustic, disillusioned and sceptical of authority. Their salience was amplified by media outrage, oscillating between fascination and moral panic. Contemporary reports of local authority venues banning punk acts reinforced the perception of a movement defined by exclusion and resistance.

The roots of this approach were not exclusively British. Across the Atlantic, bands like the Ramones had begun stripping rock music back to its raw essentials in the early 1970s. Clubs like New York’s CBGB saw a defiant, unpolished aesthetic take shape. The Pistols and their peers translated and intensified this within a distinctly British landscape.

Cultural theorist Dick Hebdige framed punk as “homology”: the different elements of a sub-culture – clothing, art, and music – resonating with one another. Torn clothing, safety pins and aggressive performance articulated a confrontational, knowingly chaotic stance. The Pistols did not just express disaffection, they gave it visible and audible form.

From rupture to routine

Revolutions often reproduce what they set out to overthrow. Pete Townshend – once a critic of the old order, later a “rock dinosaur” target of punk – described apparent change leaving underlying power structures intact: “meet the new boss, same as the old boss”. The Pistols’ implosion seemed to confirm this pattern of established practices reasserting themselves. But what followed was less disappearance than transformation into a different kind of cultural object – not a unified movement, but a musical style absorbed into mainstream culture.

After Winterland, the band’s remnants were repurposed through a mixture of opportunism and myth-making. Sid Vicious’s notoriety was a factor. The Virgin-produced, McLaren-narrated film The Great Rock’n’Roll Swindle also offered a fictionalised, satirical account of their rise and fall, blurring the line between history and performance.

Thereafter, the Sex Pistols’ trajectory resembled that of many rock acts they had ostensibly sought to disrupt. Lawsuits, reunions and reissues followed. Lydon’s legal battles with McLaren, and later with bandmates underscored the tensions between artistic expression and commercial control. Reunion tours, documentaries such as The Filth and the Fury, and ongoing commemorations (like this) have all contributed to their canonisation.

What began as a rupture in popular music culture became incorporated into its institutional frameworks. The Pistols’ career has been endlessly revisited and repackaged.

Even institutions that once recoiled from punk have, over time, folded it into their own symbolic repertoire. In 2016, the BBC’s flagship current affairs programme Newsnight closed with the God Save the Queen in deadpan response to a Conservative MP’s call for the national anthem to mark Britain’s departure from the EU. What was once treated as cultural contagion became pressed into service as establishment punctuation.

But this should not obscure the force of the original moment. In 1976, the Sex Pistols did more than generate headlines. They captured a particular moment of social disaffection and cultural experimentation that remains emblematic of how music, style and social context aligned to produce something both fleeting and enduring.

If their later career followed familiar patterns, that raw, disruptive and unresolved moment continues to resonate – long after Lydon’s final, sardonic question at Winterland.

The Conversation

Adam Behr has received funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council and the British Academy.

ref. Sex Pistols at 50: how punk’s most notorious band became part of the mainstream – https://theconversation.com/sex-pistols-at-50-how-punks-most-notorious-band-became-part-of-the-mainstream-279421

Why so many victims don’t realise they have been raped until later

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andrea Hollomotz, Associate Professor in Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds

Farknot Architect/Shutterstock

MP Charlotte Nichols recently took the brave step to speak publicly about her rape trial experiences in parliament. Nichols endured a 1,088-day wait for her case to reach court. This experience led her to speak out, in a debate over the government’s plan to cut jury trials in England and Wales. Arguing that the proposals would only minimally reduce wait times, she called instead for the creation of special courts to hear rape cases.

Later, in an in-depth Guardian interview, Nichols disclosed that it took her 48 hours to mentally accept that what had happened to her was rape. This delay was used against her in court to undermine her credibility as a witness. Her case ended with a jury unanimously acquitting the man she accused of raping her. But this line of enquiry was based on outdated stereotypes of what “real” rape looks like.

Delayed realisation, when someone does not immediately name that what happened to them was rape, is extremely common. Most people imagine rape as an obvious crime: a stranger attack, force, threats or immediate fear. But the reality looks very different for many victims.

Back in 1988, Liz Kelly, a professor of sexualised violence, reported that around 60% of women she spoke to could not name assaults when they happened. More recent studies, including research led by criminologist Jennifer Brown, and my own research with disabled victims of sexual violence, continue to show this pattern.

Nichols disclosed that she had consensual “vanilla sex” during a one-night stand with a man: “We did have a really fun night actually where I was fully up for it.” This made what happened later that night harder to comprehend. She woke up to find him having sex with her again, biting her back, breasts and thighs.

Being betrayed in this way by someone you trusted and had positive feelings for can cause disassociation and shock. Nichols described feeling “outside my own body” and on “autopilot” in the hours after being raped. Many victims cope by rationalising or minimising what has happened. One of my respondents told herself: “No, it wasn’t that bad, it was all okay.”

Victims may use humour or detachment as coping strategies. Nichols did this when she sent her friend a joking text message the morning after the rape. Although the correspondence with this friend included later messages where she gradually began to acknowledge that what happened wasn’t right, this initial text message was used against her in the trial.

Many victims have internalised rape myths: widely-held attitudes about how rape happens that are generally false. These beliefs may hinder them from naming their experiences.

Although delayed realisation can happen to anyone, it is important to acknowledge that disabled women in our research faced additional barriers. Some had limited access to sex education. Some grew up being treated as childlike or passive, and others had been repeatedly disbelieved by professionals when they tried to report more mundane instances of maltreatment. These conditions make it even harder to understand or dare to name sexual violence.

How delayed realisation is used against victims

The criminal justice system often treats delayed realisation as suspicious. Nichols’ delayed realisation and outwardly calm behaviour in the immediate aftermath were presented as proof that the sex must have been consensual.

The emotional scars caused by rape led Nichols to developed post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Emily Hunt, a former government rape adviser, claimed that 50% of sexual violence victims develop PTSD. On this ground alone, a large proportion of rape victims could be considered disabled and entitled to additional protections under the Equality Act.

Instead, rape victims’ trauma survival strategies, such as the “fawn response” – disassociation and masking one’s distress, as Nichols described – are exposed in court as evidence to undermine their credibility.

In my research this was especially common among neurodivergent women, who are generally well-versed at masking (mimicking neurotypical traits to fit into social situations).

Some respondents felt discriminated against because they expressed trauma differently from how they were expected to, for example by laughing when recalling uncomfortable events. Others were told they were “over-emotional” or “not emotional enough”. Several women said that their criminal justice experience made them feel that they were not the “right kind of victim”.

The current legal definition of rape requires that the perpetrator did “not reasonably believe” that the victim consented. Consequently, when Nichols’ case went to court, she was made to feel that she was on trial. The focus was on dissecting her behaviour in the aftermath of the rape to establish whether she had consented.

For most victims I spoke to, their cases were discontinued before they even reached court. Delayed realisation was routinely used to argue that it was not possible to “reasonably believe” that the victim had not consented.

The UK government’s ambition to increase rape convictions as part of the violence against women and girls strategy is commendable. However, low conviction rates will continue unless the law and how it is implemented are changed to reflect the reality that delayed realisation is a common trauma response for many rape victims.

Nichols’ courage in speaking publicly could open a national conversation about normalising delayed realisation. Her frank account is powerful, because it directly challenges many common rape myths, while highlighting how the presence of these views in the courtroom led to her feeling – and ultimately being – disbelieved.

The Conversation

Andrea Hollomotz has previously received funding from the Ministry of Justice for research about the formal support needs of disabled adult victim-survivors of sexual violence. The views expressed are those of the author and are not necessarily shared by the Ministry of Justice.

ref. Why so many victims don’t realise they have been raped until later – https://theconversation.com/why-so-many-victims-dont-realise-they-have-been-raped-until-later-279057

Ethical non-monogamy? New comedy Splitsville is more about two flawed couples getting messy

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sarah Louise Smyth, Lecturer in Department of Literature Film and Theatre Studies, University of Essex

Is it by accident or design that Dakota Johnson has become the star for zeitgeisty sex and romance films? Johnson’s breakthrough role was as Anastasia Steele in the enormously popular Fifty Shades of Grey (2015). Adapted from the book series by E.L. James, it spawned a franchise that, for better or worse, has come to define BDSM in the mainstream cultural imagination.

In Celine Song’s recent film, The Materialists (2025), Johnson plays Lucy, a high-end matchmaker who enables wealthy individuals to bypass the random scrolling and swiping of dating apps and experience a hand-picked romantic match. Although in my review for The Conversation I suggest that the film is muddled in its message, The Materialists makes an effort to address the cynical business of marriage in our modern age – and the dangerous outcomes that can befall women when blind dating goes wrong.

Enter Splitsville, a new comedy film written by and starring Kyle Marvin and Michael Angelo Covino, with Covino also directing. This latest film is about open marriages.

While polyamory, ethical non-monogamy and private arrangements have existed for many years, these practises have recently come to the attention of the mainstream. This has happened alongside other identities, sexual orientations and practices that do not fit squarely into the rigid heterosexual monogamous norm.

Open relationships frequently attract everything from morbid curiosity to disbelief and ridicule in the media. Rarely, however, are they taken seriously. The time is ripe, then, for a film that explores open relationships as a legitimate lifestyle and practice.

How to be polyamorous (and flawed)

In Splitsville, Carey (Marvin) is married to Ashley (Adria Arjona). Ashley is unhappy in their marriage and is especially dissatisfied by their sex life. After Ashley announces that she wants a divorce, heartbroken Carey consoles himself in the company of his friends Julie (Johnson) and Paul (Covino).

Julie and Paul reveal to Carey that they are in an open marriage. Carey, while shocked, is also curious and asks about the rules of their arrangements: can they sleep with anybody, even someone they both know? “Yes,” Julie says, “there are no rules.”

Carey takes this proposition back to Ashley. Why go through the complications of a divorce when they could open up their relationship instead? The rest of the film follows the comedic fall-out of their sexual dalliances. But opening up their relationship doesn’t provide an easy solution to their problems.

Let’s return to our question. Does Splitsville take open relationships seriously? Well, no. The answer is easily found in Julie’s response to Carey’s question: there are no rules. Look at any guidance on open relationships and the best practice is clear: there must be agreed upon rules (or at least expectations), boundaries and communication between all parties.

The couples in Splitsville adhere to none of these things. Yes, this is not a didactic manual for how to be an ethnically non-monogamous couple. This is a fictionalised work about flawed couples whose bad practising of open relationships leads to trouble. But this is also another example of a film using a non-normative sexual practice as a metaphor for something else.

The aforementioned Fifty Shades of Grey isn’t really interested in BDSM. It uses BDSM (bondage, discipline, sadism, masochism) to symbolise Christian Grey’s childhood abuse and his warped sense of power – something practitioners of BDSM take issue with as it reinforces the idea that BDSM is a form of abuse. Similarly, Splitsville isn’t really about open marriages as it uses this as a plot device to allow the couples simply to get messy.

So what is the film interested in? Men getting into scrapes, maybe? After Carey sleeps with Julie (yes, of course this happens), Paul rages (even though technically this hasn’t broken any of his and Julie’s non-rules). Carey and Paul start fighting, which turns into an extended set piece.

Although this got laughs in my screening, I found it indulgent. The men destroy Paul and Julie’s house, kill the pet goldfish and singe off Carey’s eyebrows. Later, Paul becomes involved in some dodgy dealings, including taking out loans in the name of his son, Russ (Simon Webster). This ends badly for Paul and his family. Even Russ gets in on the bad behaviour, stealing a jet ski and breaking another kid’s arm.

And what about the beleaguered wives? They have some fun. Ashley has a string of partners who provide some laughs. But the women certainly don’t behave as badly as the men. I doubt they’d get away with a destroying a home, stripping their marriage of assets, or committing fraud. Although perhaps the real loser in all this is ethical non-monogamy.

The Conversation

Sarah Louise Smyth does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Ethical non-monogamy? New comedy Splitsville is more about two flawed couples getting messy – https://theconversation.com/ethical-non-monogamy-new-comedy-splitsville-is-more-about-two-flawed-couples-getting-messy-279414

Comment réformer la nomination du président de la Cour des comptes ?

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Éric Pichet, Professeur et directeur du Mastère Spécialisé Patrimoine et Immobilier, Kedge Business School

Après une nomination contestée à la présidence de la Cour des comptes, Amélie de Montchalin a indiqué qu’elle n’interviendrait pas sur les budgets à l’élaboration desquels elle a participé comme membre du Gouvernement. Au-delà de cet épisode, la question de la nomination du président et de la gouvernance de cette institution, créée au Moyen-Âge, est posée.


Mercredi 25 mars, Amélie de Montchalin, nommée première présidente de la Cour des comptes par le président de la République le 23 février dernier, annonce qu’elle ne participera pas aux débats de la Cour sur les budgets publics 2025 et 2026 dont elle fut partie prenante.

De fait, sa nomination à la tête d’une institution chargée d’évaluer la bonne gestion des finances publiques soulève d’importantes questions de gouvernance publique au moment où l’État de droit est attaqué de toutes parts dans les pays démocratiques.

Une des plus anciennes institutions françaises

L’origine de la Cour des comptes remonte à l’ordonnance royale de Vivier en Brie promulguée en 1320 Philippe V Le Long. Le principe cardinal de l’inamovibilité des magistrats qui la composent remonte également à l’Ancien Régime, et, plus précisément, à une autre ordonnance de Louis XI prise en 1467. Après les bouleversements de la Révolution, Napoléon lui donne sa forme actuelle par la loi du 16 septembre 1807. La cour devient un organe indépendant du pouvoir exécutif avec pour mission principale de contrôler rigoureusement et de sanctionner si nécessaire les agents qui manipulent des fonds publics. Depuis, elle assure l’effectivité de l’article 15 de la Déclaration des droits de l’homme du 26 août 1789 :

« La société a le droit de demander compte à tout agent public de son administration. »

Un outil de contrôle démocratique

Le périmètre de ses missions s’est progressivement élargi au fil du temps avec

l’accroissement, la diversité et la complexité de la sphère publique. Aujourd’hui, elle est la tête de pont d’un réseau comprenant les vingt-six Cours des comptes régionales (dont quinze en métropole) qui continuent de contrôler et de sanctionner si nécessaire les irrégularités des agents publics et, plus globalement, tous les organismes qui perçoivent des fonds publics.




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Niches socio-fiscales : comment faire le tri ?


La Cour est surtout connue du grand public pour son rapport annuel qui dénonce avec constance les gaspillages publics comme le fiasco du projet informatique obligeant les propriétaires immobiliers à déclarer leurs biens dans la précipitation pour un coût de 1,3 milliard soit… cent fois plus que le coût estimé. Mais ce sont surtout ses attributions de certification des comptes de l’État depuis 2001 et d’assistance du Parlement gravée dans le marbre de l’article 47-2 de la Constitution depuis 2008 qui en font un pilier essentiel du contrôle démocratique.

200 magistrats inamovibles

La principale voie de recrutement des quelque 200 magistrats inamovibles de la Cour se fait sur concours selon le classement de sortie de l’Institut national du service public (ex ENA) comme pour les magistrats du Conseil d’État. Cela garantit un haut niveau intellectuel. Elle sert d’ailleurs de douillet camp de base aux ambitieux qui délaissent rapidement la maison de la rue Cambon pour entamer une carrière politique à l’instar de François Hollande qui avait benoîtement avoué ce privilège exorbitant alors qu’il était président.

Pour diversifier un corps qui risque de devenir trop monolithique, deux autres voies d’accès existent. La première, marginale, dite au tour extérieur et prévue par les textes, concerne des profils expérimentés et suit une procédure formalisée. La seconde, exceptionnelle, dite nomination hors tour, est à la discrétion du président de la République. C’est cette procédure qui a été mise en œuvre pour la nomination d’Amélie de Montchalin, comme cela avait déjà été le cas par exemple pour Najad Vallaud Belkacem, une ex-ministre de l’Éducation.

Un président Primus inter pares

Si le premier président n’a pas de pouvoir juridictionnel supérieur aux autres magistrats car les décisions sont toujours collégiales, il organise le travail de la Cour, en fixe les priorités de contrôle et en supervise les activités administratives.

Son pouvoir d’influence s’étend en interne à la validation des rapports et surtout dans les relations qu’il entretient avec le Gouvernement et le Parlement et plus généralement par ses interventions (récurrentes sous le dernier mandat) dans les médias.

Des nominations de plus en plus politiques

Historiquement, le premier président de la Cour de comptes était issu du sérail mais depuis une quarantaine d’années les nominations sont devenuEs exclusivement politiques. En effet, après Jean Rosenwald (1982-1983) qui avait fait toute sa carrière à la Cour, les nominations d’hommes politiques aux compétences budgétaires très disparates se sont succédé à l’exception de François Logerot (2001 à 2004).

Si le père de la loi organique relative aux lois de finances de 2001 Didier Migaud (2010-2020) est un expert reconnu des finances publiques, les compétences de Pierre Joxe (1993-2001) et de Philippe Seguin (2004-2010) sont bien modestes. Le dernier président, Pierre Moscovici (2020-2025) s’est surtout illustré par une responsabilité directe dans la dérive des comptes publics comme ministre de l’Économie et des finances (2012-2014) puis indirecte, mais réelle, en refusant de sanctionner le non respect du pacte de stabilité et de la croissance par la France comme commissaire européen aux affaires économiques et monétaires (2014-2019). Dans ce contexte, la nomination d’Amélie de Montchalin loin d’être une rupture, ne fait qu’exacerber une tendance de fond.

Politisation et conflits d’intérêts

La politisation de l’institution, dénoncée avec force par les oppositions (RN et LFI) au moment de sa nomination, est paradoxalement un risque marginal car l’histoire nous rappelle sans cesse la pérennité du mot de Louis XIV :

« Toutes les fois que je donne une place vacante, je fais cent mécontents et un ingrat ».

On l’a encore vu avec Pierre Moscovici qui s’est mué dès sa nomination en féroce contempteur de la dérive des comptes pour marquer son indépendance vis-à-vis du pouvoir exécutif.

LCP Mai 2024.

Plus problématique est bien sûr le conflit d’intérêts patent d’Amélie de Montchalin ou de son prédécesseur qui ont chacun participé directement à l’élaboration des politiques budgétaires peu efficaces qu’ils devaient et doivent encore évaluer. En l’espèce, le simple soupçon d’un manque d’impartialité suffit à fragiliser la crédibilité de l’institution. Or, la légitimité de la Cour des comptes repose précisément sur la confiance démocratique qu’elle inspire.

Deux types de solutions

Deux types de propositions simples pourraient être appliquées pour améliorer la gouvernance de la vieille dame de la rue Cambon :

  • un recrutement uniquement interne,

  • un recrutement externe mieux contrôlé.

Dans tous les cas, il serait sage d’aligner la durée du mandat de Premier président sur celle des membres du Conseil constitutionnel, soit 9 ans. Aujourd’hui, Amélie de Monchalin, âgée de 40 ans, pourrait se maintenir en poste pendant… 27 ans.

Au nom de la compétence, une procédure de recrutement interne pourrait aisément s’inspirer des deux autres hautes juridictions. Ainsi le Vice-président du Conseil d’État (le président en est officiellement le président de la République à titre symbolique) est nécessairement choisi parmi les membres les plus expérimentés du corps. Quant au premier président de la Cour de cassation, il est nommé par le président de la République française, sur proposition du Conseil supérieur de la magistrature. Ce processus garantit l’indépendance et la légitimité de la nomination, conformément à l’organisation judiciaire française.

Une période de vacuité

Au nom de la visibilité de l’institution, une procédure de recrutement externe serait fondée sur deux principes. Le premier imposerait une période de vacuité de quelques années entre des fonctions politiques et des fonctions de contrôle, évitant ainsi les conflits d’intérêts sans s’interdire de nommer des personnalités compétentes en finances publiques.

Le second renforcerait le rôle du Parlement dans les nominations sur le modèle existant pour les membres du Conseil constitutionnel et des autorités administratives indépendantes. Ainsi depuis la réforme constitutionnelle de 2008 l’article 13 de la Constitution restreint le pouvoir de nomination du président de la République qui ne peut procéder à ces nominations lorsque l’addition des votes négatifs dans chaque commission permanente de l’Assemblée et du Sénat représente au moins trois cinquièmes des suffrages exprimés. C’est ainsi que la nomination de Richard Ferrand s’est jouée à une voix en commission des finances de l’Assemblée nationale le 19 février 2005.

The Conversation

Éric Pichet ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Comment réformer la nomination du président de la Cour des comptes ? – https://theconversation.com/comment-reformer-la-nomination-du-president-de-la-cour-des-comptes-279412

From ‘Project Hail Mary’ to Artemis II, spaceflight captures audiences when it centers on people because human space travel is hazardous

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Scott Solomon, Teaching Professor of BioSciences, Rice University

The Artemis II crew poses during a ground systems test ahead of launch. NASA/Frank Michaux

The central premise of the blockbuster film “Project Hail Mary” is a long-shot mission with a familiar goal: Save humanity from extinction. While the details of the threat facing humanity are new to this story, moviegoers are used to bingeing on popcorn while watching a heroic quest to save the Earth from certain doom. And like so many popular movies of this genre, from “Armageddon” to “Interstellar,” the hero’s journey involves a seemingly impossible mission into space.

The film’s release is well timed for the new era of space exploration. NASA’s Artemis II mission, scheduled to launch in early April, will send four astronauts around the Moon on a path that will take them deeper into space than any humans have ever traveled.

A rocket on a launchpad with a rising sun in the background
NASA’s Space Launch System rocket stands ready at the launchpad ahead of the Artemis II launch, planned for early April.
Gregg Newton/AFP via Getty Images

The flyby mission is primarily about testing equipment for a lunar landing in 2028. But the broader plan was outlined in detail in March 2026 by NASA officials: to establish a permanent base on the Moon.

NASA is not alone in its lunar ambitions. Private space companies SpaceX and Blue Origin are developing next-generation spacecraft, rovers and drones to facilitate the American Moon base. And other nations, notably China, are working toward their own lunar outposts.

These nations and corporations see the Moon as a stepping stone toward more ambitious goals: a major human migration into deep space, including Mars.

Given the moment, it’s worth reflecting on what those investing billions in human space exploration, whether tax dollars or private funds, are trying to accomplish. As a biologist, I recognize the limitations of humans as space explorers. As I explain in my book, “Becoming Martian: How Living in Space Will Change Our Bodies and Minds,” while biologists have learned a lot about how the conditions of space affect the human body and mind, sending people on longer missions deeper into space will expose people to unknown health risks.

Boldly going

Plans to send people to the Moon and beyond are accelerating. NASA’s new administrator, Jared Isaacman, has argued that beating China to the Moon is a matter of national security, calling the Moon “the ultimate high ground.” He has also promoted the economic benefits of establishing a space economy that includes mining and manufacturing on the Moon.

A diagram showing the three phases on NASA's lunar base plan, with phase 1 securing access, phase 2 establishing a base and phase 3 a semi-permanent crew presence
NASA’s Artemis program seeks to establish a long-term human presence on the lunar surface.
NASA TV

Subcommittees in both the House and Senate have passed bills to codify these initiatives into law – making the goal of creating a permanent base on the Moon official U.S. policy. They appear to have bipartisan support, and votes in both houses of Congress are expected soon.

The United States and China are targeting landing humans on Mars in the 2030s, with the intention of building infrastructure that enables long-term habitation.

In March 2026, NASA also announced that the agency intends to test nuclear propulsion during an uncrewed flight to Mars in 2028. Nuclear-powered rockets have the potential to substantially reduce the time it takes to reach Mars, which would make crewed flight to the red planet more feasible.

Humans or robots?

But why do people need to go to Mars? As with the Moon, the purported motivations for both the U.S. and China establishing a human presence on Mars are scientific, economic and geopolitical. Yet these are distinct objectives that are often conflated.

In terms of science, NASA has had dramatic success with its Mars rovers, including the discovery last year of a potential biosignature that could be the best evidence yet that the planet was once home to microbial life.

Robotic missions also have a lower price tag and a higher acceptable risk margin than human missions. While Isaacman remains publicly committed to the Artemis program and its human spaceflight goals, the agency’s plan also includes a suite of robotic missions to the Moon’s surface it hopes to develop in partnership with companies, universities and international partners.

Likewise, some economic objectives, such as establishing mining and manufacturing facilities, could be accomplished using AI-equipped robots, such as those Tesla is developing. Robots are a long way from being able to accomplish the full range of tasks that a human can do, but prioritizing robotic activities could lower the exposure that people have to the hazards of space.

If having people on the Moon and Mars is indeed necessary to achieve these objectives, let’s be clear about the risks that the people undertaking these missions will be assuming.

Space and the human body

While scientists have learned a lot about how space affects the body during the six decades of human spaceflight, there are still significant blind spots. Among them are the effects of deep-space radiation.

Astronauts need to exercise every day on the International Space Station to keep their muscles and bones strong, yet their bodies are still affected in various ways by the conditions of space.

The 24 Apollo astronauts who traveled to the Moon are the only people who have ever been past the Van Allen radiation belts, an area of space surrounding our planet formed by Earth’s magnetic field.

By trapping radiation from the Sun and from deep space, our planet’s magnetic field is part of what makes Earth habitable for us and other life forms. The Moon and Mars lack magnetic fields, so radiation levels on their surfaces are substantial. NASA researchers are now conducting experiments on rodents using simulated galactic cosmic rays, which are largely blocked by Earth’s magnetic fields. Preliminary results suggest that this type of radiation may impair cognitive abilities, but the actual effects on people are unknown.

Similarly, while medical researchers know that floating in a zero-g environment causes muscle atrophy and bone density loss during long stays on the International Space Station, they know relatively little about how partial gravity affects muscles and bones. The Moon has one-sixth the gravity of Earth, and Mars has a little over one-third.

Pilots on Earth can simulate partial gravity for up to 30 seconds at a time during parabolic flights, but only the 12 Apollo astronauts who walked on the Moon have ever experienced it for longer than that. The longest they stayed was about three days. Scientists can only speculate about whether prolonged exposure to the partial gravity of the Moon or Mars would have consequential health effects.

Human interest

Sending robots to space avoids having to deal with risks to human health. But there are downsides. Not only do robotic space missions have fewer capabilities than crewed missions, they often fail to capture interest and imagination and demonstrate national prestige in the same way that human missions can.

The four members of the Artemis crew will captivate people worldwide watching their daring mission around the Moon, much like moviegoers root for Ryan Gosling’s character in “Project Hail Mary” as he boldly seeks to save humanity from certain doom on the big screen.

That human interest is the common link that ties together public and private space ambitions worldwide. While robotic missions are more practical and cost effective, they simply don’t inspire the masses the way a human crew can. Beyond achieving any economic, political or scientific goals, space exploration is ultimately about people doing difficult things.

The Conversation

I am the author of the book Becoming Martian published by MIT Press

ref. From ‘Project Hail Mary’ to Artemis II, spaceflight captures audiences when it centers on people because human space travel is hazardous – https://theconversation.com/from-project-hail-mary-to-artemis-ii-spaceflight-captures-audiences-when-it-centers-on-people-because-human-space-travel-is-hazardous-279147

New study measures titanium in Apollo rock to uncover Moon’s early chemistry

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Advik D. Vira, Graduate Student in Physics, Georgia Institute of Technology

The Camelot crater in the Moon’s Taurus-Littrow Valley is where the sample containing trivalent titanium was found. NASA/Apollo 17: AS17-145-22159

The Earth and the Moon may look very different today, but they formed under similar conditions in space. In fact, a dominant hypothesis says that the early Earth was hit by a Mars-sized object, and it was this giant impact that spun off material to form the Moon. But unlike Earth, the Moon lacks plate tectonics and an atmosphere capable of reshaping its surface and recycling elements such as oxygen over billions of years.

As a result, the Moon preserves a record of the geological conditions that helped shape it and can give scientists insight into the world we live in today. Rocks that were formed during early volcanic activity on the Moon offer a window into events that occurred nearly 4 billion years ago. By uncovering the conditions under which the Moon’s rocks formed, scientists move closer to understanding the origins of our own planet.

In a study published March 2026 in the journal Nature Communications, our team of physicists and geoscientists investigated ilmenite, a mineral composed of iron, titanium and oxygen, in a Moon rock crystallized from an ancient lunar magma. We used cutting-edge electron microscopy to probe the chemical signature of titanium in this ilmenite, finding that about 15% of the titanium carries less of an electrical charge than expected.

An illustration of the rock on the Moon, an atomic image of the sample, and of trivalent titanium chemical signature.
This illustration shows the rock on the Moon, as well as an atomic image of the sample’s crystal structure and a representation of the chemical signature of trivalent titanium.
August Davis

Implications of trivalent titanium

In ilmenite, an atom of titanium typically loses four electrons when bonding with oxygen, resulting in a positive charge of 4+, known as the atom’s oxidation number. From the sample we studied, a rock collected during the Apollo 17 mission, we found that some of the titanium in ilmenite actually has a charge of only 3+, referred to as trivalent titanium. Our measurement of trivalent titanium confirms what geologists had long suspected: that some titanium in lunar ilmenite exists in a lower charge state.

Trivalent titanium occurs only when the amount of oxygen available for chemical reactions is low. Thus, the abundance of trivalent titanium in ilmenite could tell us about the relative availability of oxygen in the Moon’s interior when the rock formed, around 3.8 billion years ago.

A link to the Moon’s early chemistry

Since it is the ilmenite, not the study, that contained trivalent titanium, I would recast the previous sentence as follows: “Our team has closely studied only one Moon rock so far, but from published studies we have identified more than 500 analyses of lunar ilmenite that could contain trivalent titanium. Studying these samples could reveal new details about how the Moon’s chemistry varies across different locations and time periods.

While our work highlights a link based on prior studies, the relationship between trivalent titanium in ilmenite and oxygen availability has not yet been quantified with targeted experimental data.

By conducting experiments that explore that link, ilmenite could reveal more details about the Moon’s interior. We also expect this relationship to apply to other planets and asteroids that don’t contain much chemically available oxygen, relative to Earth.

What’s next?

These methods can be used to study many Moon rocks collected during the Apollo missions over 50 years ago, as well as future samples from upcoming Artemis missions, or rocks collected from the far side of the Moon, returned in 2024 by China’s Chang’e-6 mission.

One of our team members plans to use their new experimental lab to explore how oxygen availability in magma affects the abundance of trivalent titanium in ilmenite. With experiments like this that build off our findings, we could potentially use ilmenite to reconstruct the history of ancient magmas from the Moon.

We believe future studies of lunar rocks using advanced scientific methods are essential for revealing the chemical conditions present on the ancient Moon. They could offer clues not only to its own history but also to the earliest chapters of Earth’s past – records that have since been erased from Earth.

The Conversation

Advik D. Vira receives funding from the NASA Solar System Exploration Research Virtual Institute (SSERVI) under cooperative agreement number NNH22ZDA020C (CLEVER, Grant number: 80NSSC23M022).

Emily First receives funding from the Heising-Simons Foundation (grant # 2023-4485) and from a Macalester College faculty start-up fund.

ref. New study measures titanium in Apollo rock to uncover Moon’s early chemistry – https://theconversation.com/new-study-measures-titanium-in-apollo-rock-to-uncover-moons-early-chemistry-278721

War in the Middle East made the case for renewables – what’s happening in each country tells a harder story

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Ezgi Canpolat, Visiting Postdoctoral Scholar, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University

Saudi Arabia has built large solar power plants while continuing to invest heavily in fossil fuels. Giuseppe Cacace/AFP via Getty Images

The oil-dependent world is in crisis. Ship traffic in the Strait of Hormuz – through which more than a quarter of global seaborne oil trade and a fifth of the world’s liquefied natural gas flow – is at a virtual standstill. Oil prices have climbed, briefly topping US$119 a barrel.

The largest release of oil from countries’ strategic reserves in history is under way, in an effort to ease prices. But even so, billions of people are dealing with surging energy prices and spiking food and fertilizer costs. Governments are scrambling for alternatives, too. To reduce energy demand, Sri Lanka has declared every Wednesday a holiday for public officials, Myanmar is limiting private vehicle use to every other day, and Bangladeshi colleges have canceled classes.

Leaders of South Korea and the European Commission have used the current energy crisis to call for accelerating the shift away from fossil fuels and toward homegrown renewable sources. U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres put it plainly in a March 10, 2026, social media post: “There are no price spikes for sunlight and no embargoes on the wind.”

I grew up in a coal-mining town in Turkey. I now study energy transitions across the Middle East and North Africa in a research project I co-lead at Harvard University. I have seen that a country’s desire to increase renewable energy is not the same as a plan to do so.

The very region embroiled in this war reveals that there is not a linear shift from fossil fuels to renewable sources. Rather, there are distinct trajectories, driven by energy dependence, fiscal pressures, governance and stability. Disruption at the Strait of Hormuz does not mean the same thing in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, as it does in Ankara, Turkey, or Baghdad, Iraq.

The petrostates hedging both sides

For Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar, this crisis is a warning dressed as a windfall.

Oil prices have surged, which in theory means higher revenues. But the very infrastructure that produces and delivers that wealth is under direct attack. Iran has targeted oil refineries and shipment centers across the Gulf. The Strait of Hormuz closure is simultaneously choking off their ability to get product to market, exposing how vulnerable the infrastructure of fossil fuel wealth can be.

All three countries have also committed to boosting renewable energy production. In Saudi Arabia, for example, the government aims for renewable energy sources to account for 50% of electricity generation by 2030, up from just 3% at the end of 2023.

Saudi Arabia’s biggest group of clean energy companies has pledged to spend $17 billion on solar and wind – across all their projects, spread out over several years.

But those efforts sit alongside vastly larger investments in fossil fuel production. In 2025 alone, the country’s nationally owned oil company, Saudi Aramco, spent $52.2 billion building new oil and gas infrastructure.

This is not a contradiction. It is a strategy built on the assumption that the world will keep buying fossil fuels for decades to come. The current crisis reinforces that assumption, but it also exposes its vulnerability: As war drives up oil prices, every oil-importing country is feeling the cost of continuing oil dependence. And every stranded export proves the energy transition can’t wait.

A large farm seen from the air, including a group of buildings with solar panels on their roofs.
Renewable energy helps drive this farm in Turkey.
Muhammed Enes Yildirim/Anadolu via Getty Images

Price shock and necessity

Energy-importing countries such as Jordan, Morocco and Turkey are investing in renewable energy for a different reason: Fossil fuel dependence is bankrupting them.

Turkey imports over 70% of its fossil fuels, including virtually all of its natural gas, 17% of which comes from Iran. Natural gas accounts for less than a fifth of electricity generation, but it is the backbone of the country’s heating and industrial sectors and a major concern if supply falters. Turkey’s energy import bill is climbing at a time when the economy is already under strain from rising borrowing costs and weakening currency value.

Jordan, which historically has imported over 90% of its energy, faces similar pressure.

But these countries would be in far worse positions had they not already been investing in alternatives.

More than half of Turkey’s installed electricity capacity now comes from renewable energy sources. Morocco built one of the world’s largest concentrated solar facilities, and renewable sources now supply 25% of the country’s electricity. Similarly, Jordan has gone from virtually no renewable electricity to renewable sources providing more than a quarter of its power in roughly a decade.

The current war has vindicated their investments in renewable energy – though the vindication has limits. The same crisis that proves the value of renewable energy investment also raises inflation, tightens credit and strains the very public finances these countries need to keep building.

Every kilowatt-hour generated by a Turkish wind turbine or a Moroccan solar panel is one that does not depend on a tanker passing through the Strait of Hormuz. But the financial pressure means building the next renewable generating project just got harder.

Crisis upon crisis

Then there are countries where this war lands on top of existing emergencies.

Iraq, the second-largest oil producer in the region and in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, depends on Iranian gas imports to generate much of its electricity – a supply line now directly threatened by the war. Oil exports through the southern port of Basra, on the Persian Gulf, fund roughly 90% of Iraq’s government revenue. If those revenues are disrupted, the government may be unable to function. Iraq already suffers chronic electricity shortages and has virtually no renewable energy capacity to fall back on.

In Yemen, Libya and Syria, energy infrastructure has been damaged or destroyed by years of conflict. These countries import fuel at global prices to run generators and keep hospitals lit. Every dollar added to the price of oil makes that harder. For them, this war is not pointing out reasons to shift to renewable sources: It is threatening energy access itself.

A view down a dusty road, with wind turbines in the distance.
In war-torn Syria, renewable energy is a lifeline.
Ed Ram/Getty Images

An international challenge

In November 2026, the U.N.’s annual climate summit comes to the region at the center of this crisis, with Turkey as host.

The war in the Middle East has made a powerful case for the economic, political and humanitarian benefits of transitioning from fossil fuels to renewable energy sources. But it has also exposed something the global conversation consistently misses: Different countries are heading in different directions, based on their own circumstances, many of which predate this war.

Understanding those paths matters because it reveals what countries’ promises cannot: where the real barriers are, where the incentives already exist, and where support would make a difference – before the next disruption hits. In my view, this war has helped win the argument about whether to shift to renewable energy, but it has also highlighted a harder question: What does it actually take to build those sources, country by country?

The Conversation

Ezgi Canpolat received funding from The Salata Institute for Climate and Sustainability at Harvard University for the research referenced in this article. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein are entirely those of the author and should not be attributed to any institution with which the author is or has been affiliated.

ref. War in the Middle East made the case for renewables – what’s happening in each country tells a harder story – https://theconversation.com/war-in-the-middle-east-made-the-case-for-renewables-whats-happening-in-each-country-tells-a-harder-story-278759