Israel and Lebanon have signed a ceasefire. But this isn’t a tidy end to a war and attention moves on quickly

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Marika Sosnowski, Senior research fellow, The University of Melbourne

After weeks of bombardments in southern Lebanon that have killed more than 2,000 people and displaced more than one million residents, Israel has announced a ten-day ceasefire with Lebanon.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, however, vowed to keep Israeli troops in southern Lebanon to create a ten-kilometre “security zone”, raising immediate questions about whether the ceasefire would actually stop Israeli attacks against Hezbollah.

After a previous ceasefire in late 2024 ended 13 months of fighting between Israel and Hezbollah, Israeli troops continued to launch airstrikes and carry out targeted killings of Hezbollah fighters.

People like to bound events such as wars with tidy dates and years. It makes them easier to understand and entertains the fantasy that historic events are neat, with understandable beginnings, middles and eventual ends.

But in reality, the messiness and complexities of war rarely hold to these manmade boundaries.

Instead, even after a ceasefire or a peace agreement is in place, many dynamics of war continue. This is the paradox of such agreements: they might end one phase of a conflict, but they inevitably usher in another.

The good and bad of ceasefires

Take Israel’s war in Gaza as an example.

The war came to an end after Israel and Hamas signed the Gaza Peace Plan, a 20-point deal brokered by the Trump administration, in October 2025.

The terms are relatively broad, vague and aspirational. But the deal has had many benefits. The ceasefire decreased Israel’s bombardments of Gaza. The remaining Israeli hostages captured on October 7 2023 were swapped with Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails. Somewhat more aid now enters the strip than during the war.

However, the agreement also created other negative dynamics and enabled many problems caused by the war to continue.

For example, after the deal was signed, the public and media attention shifted away from the violence continuing to be committed by Israel to other events. This has meant that in the wake of the peace deal, near-daily Israeli attacks have continued, but with much less scrutiny. Israeli-supported violence against Palestinians in the West Bank has also escalated.

Humanitarian aid entry into the Gaza Strip also remains vastly below the levels delineated by the peace agreement. And serious discussions about the future governance or development of Gaza – mandated under the peace plan in multiple points – remain uncertain amid the noise of other wars and global events.

We can see similar dynamics in Iran, barely a week after another vaguely worded ceasefire agreement was signed between the US and the Iranian regime.

It appears the regime has taken the opportunity provided by a two-week “peace” to crack down on internal dissent. And in what appears to be an attempt to enhance its negotiating position for future peace talks, the Trump administration has launched a naval blockade of Iranian ports.

The short-term truce between Lebanon and Israel might offer Lebanese civilians some level of reprieve. However, it may also provide Israel with a quiet week away from the media spotlight to reinforce its military occupation of southern Lebanon.

To create Israel’s security zone, Defence Minister Israel Katz said the military would demolish buildings in Lebanese towns near the border and prevent displaced Lebanese from returning to their homes. Netanyahu made clear Israeli troops would remain.

This can all be more easily accomplished with a ceasefire deal in place.

Short attention spans

Globally, dozens of countries are currently experiencing armed conflict. Many people scan the news regularly as a way of keeping informed and bearing witness to the dynamics of these wars, casualty figures and how they might potentially end.

This glorified horror plays into our current “headline culture”, which tends to encourage clickbait, sensationalised content and virality. It also means public attention on a particular conflict is not necessarily driven by the scale of suffering, but by media coverage. Because of digital media, we have now a proximate and persistent view of human suffering and death that does not always translate into ongoing attention and action.

Whether parties to a conflict will reach a ceasefire or peace agreement is certainly worthwhile and important news. However, once a deal is signed, media and public attention often shifts to other more “active” (and also worthy) conflicts. There is currently no shortage of wars to choose from.

Because we believe a conflict has “ended” with a deal, what comes after the ceasefire or peace agreement tends to remain obfuscated or under-reported.

The peace agreement paradox

Ceasefires and peace agreements are certainly not always a harbinger of peace or a neat full-stop to a war story.

Arguably, the parties to these deals are increasingly aware of the “peace” agreement paradox and are making their political and military calculations accordingly.

If we truly want to grapple with what war and peace directly entails for millions of people in an increasingly complex and volatile world, we need to broaden our understanding about what we mean by ceasefires and peace agreements – and keep up a level of scrutiny long after the deals are signed.

The Conversation

Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Israel and Lebanon have signed a ceasefire. But this isn’t a tidy end to a war and attention moves on quickly – https://theconversation.com/israel-and-lebanon-have-signed-a-ceasefire-but-this-isnt-a-tidy-end-to-a-war-and-attention-moves-on-quickly-280816

Pope Leo’s resolute response to Trump attack reveals a man of God, not politics

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Professor of History, Australian Catholic University

When Pope Leo XIV condemned threats to destroy Iranian civilisation as “truly unacceptable” in April 2026, the backlash was immediate. US President Donald Trump unleashed a tirade against the pope on social media, accusing him of being “weak on crime”, “terrible for foreign policy”, and acting like a politician rather than a religious leader.

But the exchange that followed matters more than the accusation. Confronted with criticism from Trump, Leo did not retreat. He made his position explicit: he was not afraid to speak, because his task was to proclaim the gospel.

Leo said he had “no fear of the Trump administration”, and “I don’t think that the message of the Gospel is meant to be abused in the way that some people are doing”.

That response clarifies the logic of his pontificate. Leo XIV is not trying to enter politics. He is defining the limits within which politics can operate.

Trump’s attack was heightened when he posted an AI-generated image of himself as Jesus, which caused an outcry even among his supporters. He has since deleted the post.

God, not politics

Pope Leo’s opposition to the Iran war is not political in origin. It is moral and theological. It rests on a consistent claim: power must be judged, violence must be restrained, and invoking God to justify destruction is a distortion of both religion and public life.

From the beginning of his pontificate, Leo XIV has made this clear. Elected on May 8 2025, he used his first public address to call for dialogue, unity, and what he described as an “unarmed and disarming peace”. This was not positioning. It was a statement of purpose.

Since then, his interventions have followed a clear pattern. In 2025, as conflicts intensified in Ukraine, Gaza, and Sudan, he called repeatedly for ceasefires, humanitarian protection, and renewed diplomacy. He avoided strategic language. Instead, he focused on human dignity and the moral cost of war.

The pattern continued into 2026. On March 8, as the Iran conflict escalated, he called for an end to bombing and urged that “weapons may fall silent” to allow dialogue. On April 11, at a prayer vigil in St Peter’s Basilica, he sharpened his language. He warned of a “delusion of omnipotence” driving war and declared: “Enough of war”.

These are not policy prescriptions. They do not tell governments how to conduct war. They ask whether such wars can be justified at all.

This distinction lies at the centre of the current dispute. Political leaders operate within frameworks of interest, security, and power. Leo XIV operates within a framework of moral judgement. When those frameworks collide, his interventions are labelled political.

Yet his response to Trump shows he does not accept that framing. He has insisted his role is not to compete with political authority, but to speak from the gospel, even when that provokes criticism.

This is not new, but it is unusually explicit. Leo is drawing a line between two forms of authority: one grounded in power, the other in moral responsibility. He does not claim to direct political outcomes. He claims the right, and the duty, to judge them.

Beyond war

The same logic shapes his interventions beyond war. On migration, he has framed the issue in terms of human dignity, questioning whether harsh treatment of migrants can be reconciled with a consistent ethic of life. On social questions, he has resisted partisan categories, insisting moral coherence matters more than political alignment.

His engagement with artificial intelligence follows the same pattern. In December 2025, he warned that technological development must serve the common good, not concentrate power in the hands of a few. The question, again, was not technical but ethical: what does it mean to respect human dignity in a changing world?

Across these issues, the method is consistent. Leo XIV begins with principles, not interests. He does not align with factions. He applies moral reasoning to contemporary problems, even when doing so invites political backlash.

This approach reflects his formation. Born in Chicago in 1955 and shaped by decades of pastoral work in Peru, he encountered the realities of violence, inequality, and political instability firsthand. Those experiences did not draw him into politics. They reinforced a conviction that power must be accountable to moral limits.

His intellectual work supports this view. In his 1987 doctoral thesis, he argued authority is not domination but service, grounded in a moral order rather than human will. That understanding carries into his papacy. When Leo XIV speaks, he does not seek to exercise power. He seeks to define its boundaries.

This is why his interventions provoke strong reactions. They do not remain abstract. They challenge real decisions, real policies, and real uses of force. They question the assumptions that underpin them.

In a political culture that often treats moral claims as secondary, this is disruptive. It exposes a tension that cannot easily be resolved: whether decisions about war, migration, or technology can be separated from questions of right and wrong.

Leo XIV’s answer is clear. They cannot.

His exchange with Trump brings that tension into focus. Trump’s criticism reflects a familiar expectation: that religious leaders should avoid direct engagement with political decisions. His response rejects that expectation. He does not present himself as a political actor. He presents himself as a moral voice that cannot be silent.

There is also a longer perspective at work. Political leaders operate within electoral cycles. Their decisions are shaped by immediate pressures. The papacy operates across generations. Its interventions are rarely decisive in the moment, but they shape how events are judged over time.

Leo XIV’s stance on the Iran war belongs to that longer horizon. It is not an attempt to determine outcomes. It is an attempt to set limits: on power, on violence, and on the use of religious language to justify either.

The Conversation

Darius von Guttner Sporzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Pope Leo’s resolute response to Trump attack reveals a man of God, not politics – https://theconversation.com/pope-leos-resolute-response-to-trump-attack-reveals-a-man-of-god-not-politics-280469

Cannabis sales and use are high in Michigan – but federal law means research lags behind

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Omayma Alshaarawy, Associate Professor of Family Medicine, Michigan State University

Cannabis users have a variety of products to choose from Arturo Barajas/The Conversation, CC BY-ND

Have you been to a licensed cannabis dispensary lately?

My team and I often visit them in the Greater Lansing area to invite cannabis users to participate in our studies. As soon as we walk in, we are met with a dazzling array of products: high-potency vape cartridges, gourmet gummies, premium marijuana flowers and more.

This broad array of choice is common in Michigan, a state where per capita sales now rank among the nation’s highest. I confess I look at those shelves with some professional frustration. As a Michigan State University researcher who has spent nearly two decades studying cannabis use and human health, I face severe restrictions under federal law that mean I cannot study the products that so many of my neighbors are buying.

Under federal law, cannabis is a Schedule I drug. According to this designation, cannabis has “a high potential for abuse” and “no currently accepted medical use,” even though millions of Americans consume it every day. Other Schedule I drugs include heroin and LSD.

In my view, a proposal to reclassify cannabis from Schedule I to Schedule III represents a significant, though incomplete, step forward. The change was introduced during the Biden administration and supported by an executive order signed by President Donald Trump in late 2025, but it seems stalled in a regulatory morass.

For researchers like me, whose work is rooted in understanding how this widely available substance affects the health of Michiganders, the change opens some doors while leaving other critical barriers intact.

1 in 6 pregnant Michiganders use cannabis

Michigan’s robust legal market has recently seen a wave of dispensary closures due to oversaturation and falling prices. However, access is still widespread.

Cannabis is widely consumed in Michigan’s diverse communities, from Detroit to the Upper Peninsula. Data that my colleagues and I have collected confirm that use is not only high overall but notably prevalent among specific populations, including older adults and pregnant women.

As more women of reproductive age use cannabis, it becomes more important to research how prenatal exposure affects the health of mothers and babies. This will allow researchers to provide clear information to families across Michigan who are making decisions in a landscape where cannabis is legally accessible and socially normalized.

However, federal law limits researchers to cannabis samples provided by the National Institute on Drug Abuse, which often bears little resemblance to the products Michiganders are actually using. The institute supplies low-potency, standardized products, while the commercial market is flooded with high-potency concentrates, edibles and vapes. This limits the real-world applicability of our findings.

Heart disease, diabetes, cancer, nausea

Much of my research focuses on cannabis use by people with chronic disease. Michigan legalized the recreational use of cannabis in 2018 by popular referendum, and use is highly prevalent among middle-aged and older adults.

Chocolate bars and packages are on display
For those with a sweet tooth, Pure Options offers cannabis-infused chocolates, peanut butter cups and fudge.
Arturo Barajas/The Conversation, CC BY-ND

At the same time, Michigan grapples with a high burden of chronic diseases, such as heart disease, diabetes and cancer. The risk of these conditions increases with age. In southeast Michigan, this burden is even more acute. A Forbes analysis ranked Detroit as the least healthy city in the nation, with the highest rates of diabetes, high blood pressure and obesity. These conditions disproportionately affect Black residents, who make up nearly 80% of the city’s population.

A significant portion of my research seeks to clarify the effects of cannabis use on heart health. This work is particularly urgent in Michigan, where the rates of heart disease are persistently high. Moving cannabis to Schedule III would facilitate larger, more rigorous longitudinal studies, like my team’s Cannabis Legalization in Michigan, or CALM, cohort. For instance, if a Michigander has high blood pressure and uses high-THC vape products, we want to know how that affects their heart health compared to using other forms of the drug. We cannot design a rigorous study answering this question because we are barred from using the specific products consumers purchase in dispensaries.

My research team and others are also investigating cannabinoid hyperemesis syndrome, a condition characterized by cycles of severe nausea, vomiting and abdominal pain that can result from chronic cannabis use. As regular cannabis use grows among Michiganders, understanding who is at risk and how to treat this debilitating syndrome has become a critical clinical priority.

Hurdles will remain

Even when rescheduling happens, significant barriers to cannabis research will remain.

Schedule III was designed for prescription pharmaceuticals, such as steroids and testosterone, not for a substance available at a store down the street. Moving cannabis to Schedule III does not resolve the fundamental conflict between federal drug policy and real-world consumption in Michigan and around the U.S.

The mismatch between federal law and the patchwork of state cannabis policies will also mean that federally funded, multisite studies remain limited to states where cannabis is fully legal, narrowing the geographical scope and diversity of our research. It also does not eliminate the unique administrative burdens that apply only to cannabis research. Those burdens add years and drive up the cost of studies that are urgently needed. For example, researchers often face lengthy federal review delays before a study can begin.

Researchers could do more useful studies using the products that consumers buy in their own neighborhoods. This would be made possible by removing lengthy federal review requirements, a change that would require congressional action.

The Medical Marijuana and Cannabidiol Research Expansion Act of 2022 was a step in this direction. It aimed to streamline the application process for researchers and expand the supply of research-grade cannabis. However, it did not eliminate the fundamental Schedule I classification or the redundant federal reviews that continue to delay research.

For the people of Michigan, where cannabis is easy to buy and chronic disease is common, these policy restrictions leave families without the science they need to make informed decisions.

The Conversation

Omayma Alshaarawy receives funding from the US National Institute of Health and the Michigan Health Endowment Fund.

ref. Cannabis sales and use are high in Michigan – but federal law means research lags behind – https://theconversation.com/cannabis-sales-and-use-are-high-in-michigan-but-federal-law-means-research-lags-behind-276731

What Ontarians need to know about ‘student achievement’ reforms that will run school boards like businesses

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sachin Maharaj, Assistant Professor of Educational Leadership, Policy and Program Evaluation, Faculty of Education, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

The Ontario government has introduced legislation that will make its school boards run more like businesses. The recently announced Putting Student Achievement First Act reduces the power of elected trustees and creates a powerful new chief executive officer (CEO) position to head school boards.

Unlike previous directors of education who were required to have education backgrounds and shared power with elected boards, CEOs will be required to have business qualifications and will have ultimate authority over decision-making.

CEOs will lead the preparation of school board budgets with elected trustees relegated to an advisory role. Instead of elected trustees representing the public at the bargaining table, CEOs will negotiate and ratify collective agreements at both the local and provincial level.

The goal of all of these reforms is to bring a more business-like focus to schools. The CEO is expected to focus on “effective resource allocation” and “corporate services oversight.”

Over the past five years, we have been studying the challenges to implementing equity reforms in Ontario school districts.

Decades of educational research, including our own, confirms that attempts to force efficiency into schools serve to sacrifice student equity and the material needs of the most vulnerable for short-term cost savings.

‘Chief education officer’ under CEO

School boards will be required to have a chief education officer position, with required teaching qualifications. This role will focus on academic programming.

However, this “CEdO” will be hired by and be subservient to the CEO. What this means is that the traditional educational mission of schools is now going to take a backseat to financial considerations.




Read more:
Attacks on school boards threaten local democracy


For a preview of how this will impact students, we only need to look at the changes that have been made at the eight school boards that have been placed under provincial supervision.

Lowest per-pupil funding in 10 years

These boards were repeatedly accused by the minister of education of financial mismanagement.

While there were instances of questionable expenses, subsequent reporting found that two-thirds of Ontario school boards were either running budget deficits or close to it. This suggests the problem was really chronic underfunding.

According to the Financial Accountability Office of Ontario: “In 2024-25, real per-student provincial operating funding to school boards was $14,504, the lowest level over the last 10 years.” But instead of addressing this underfunding, the province installed supervisors that have been making cuts to staff.

Reductions, layoffs

In the Thames Valley District School Board, there have been staff reductions in its equity and human rights office.

The Peel District School Board is looking at possibly laying off hundreds of teachers.

In the Toronto District School Board, class sizes have increased and summer school programming has been cut by more than half.

The board will no longer provide additional staff for its highest-needs schools, and it will cut almost 300 teachers and 40 vice-principals next year.

LBGTQ+, racialized, Indigenous students

The province is also ending the requirements for boards to conduct school climate surveys, which examine the degree to which students from different backgrounds feel welcome and accepted or experience bullying and discrimination in schools.

As a result, many Ontario schools will no longer even know how their racialized and/or LGBTQ+ students are being treated.

Also concerning is its approach to increasing school attendance by making it part of students’ final grades.

The reality is that the causes of school absenteeism are complex. Taking a punitive approach may end up further marginalizing Indigenous and racialized students.




Read more:
Racism contributes to poor attendance of Indigenous students in Alberta schools: New study


Risk of exacerbating disparities

Taken together, it’s clear that, while all students and families will be impacted, those who are already disadvantaged will bear the brunt of the cuts and provincial reforms.

This will only exacerbate disparities in schools on the basis of race, social class, gender and sexuality, and disability that exist in our education system. This is especially true of Black students, whose continued marginalization was documented last year by the Ontario Human Rights Commission.




Read more:
‘Dreams delayed’ no longer: Report identifies key changes needed around Black students’ education


As put in a recent letter to Premier Doug Ford by the Black Trustees’ Caucus: “Ontario cannot address systemic anti-Black racism while weakening the governance and equity structures designed to confront it.”

Advocating for vulnerable students

In part of our study, already presented at academic conferences and now under peer review for publication, we interviewed around 100 people working in several different school boards across Ontario. Participants included trustees, directors of education, associate directors, superintendents, people working in equity departments, school principals and teachers.

What we heard is that in districts across the province, school board staff and trustees have consistently reported struggling to advocate for vulnerable students in the face of a provincial government that appears determined to undermine such efforts.

This includes public comments like Ford repeatedly accusing school boards of indoctrinating students.

Interviewees noted that over recent years, as the province has asserted greater control over school boards, senior school board staff have received ministry guidance to focus more on literacy and numeracy and less on equity and social justice initiatives.

As a result, educators engaged in equity work reported feeling like they were constantly under surveillance and that any real efforts made to help vulnerable students — including racialized and LGBTQ+ students — would put their careers at risk.

Improving outcomes: A better approach

Educators understand that best practices for improving outcomes for all students depend on strong connections between schools, families and communities; a focus on overall well-being (physical, social-emotional and mental); decision-making that reflects the larger contexts in which schools are situated and individual circumstances; and giving educators the respect, autonomy and resources they need to strengthen their teaching.

The Putting Student Achievement First Act promotes the opposite approach — another reason why those with classroom expertise, not CEOs, should be making the key decisions about schools.

An education system that is run like a business ultimately views students with the highest needs as a liability to cut rather than a collective moral responsibility.

It erodes the accountability of leadership under a democratic system, leadership that is responsible to communities it serves. It also erodes the autonomy of teachers who require professional respect and the ability to access resources to serve the specific needs of their students.

Some ‘too expensive’ to serve?

When public school is treated like a commodity to be optimized rather than a fundamental right, it’s a betrayal of the values of a system that should instead centre students and their learning.

Although there were significant challenges with school governance under the previous model, the solution is not to diminish local democratic control, but to strengthen it.

Once we view education through the lens of a balance sheet, we have already decided that some students are too expensive to serve.

The Conversation

Sachin Maharaj receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Beyhan Farhadi receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Vidya Shah consults in school boards. She receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

ref. What Ontarians need to know about ‘student achievement’ reforms that will run school boards like businesses – https://theconversation.com/what-ontarians-need-to-know-about-student-achievement-reforms-that-will-run-school-boards-like-businesses-280618

How nanomedicine gets inside your cells and treats you from the inside out

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Suiyang Liao, Postdoctoral researcher in Nanomedicine, University of British Columbia

Canadians swallow millions of pills every day to treat common health issues like high blood pressure, high cholesterol and Type II diabetes, but scientists are working at the molecular level to turn patients’ cells into pharmacies.

Nanotechnology, where atoms and molecules are manipulated on a tiny scale — a billion times smaller than a metre — is already incorporated into everyday products like sunscreen, waterproof clothing and smartphones.

In nanomedicine, it’s being used to prompt RNA to make protein-based drugs to treat diseases. Now we can fine-tune protein production by dialling it up or down, creating personalized medicine on an invisible scale.

Protein production and health

The human body is a precision instrument, and its smooth operation relies on the balance of proteins like keratin, which creates structure for your hair and nails, and collagen, which gives your skin its strength and elasticity.

Factor VIII is a clotting protein that acts like molecular glue at wound sites, and if your body doesn’t make enough of it — like people with Hemophilia A — a seemingly small injury can cause dangerous bleeding. Conversely, if you make too much of apolipoprotein C3 (ApoC3), it blocks the breakdown of fats in the blood called triglycerides, and these high lipid levels increase the risk of pancreatitis, heart disease and stroke.

The body maintains this delicate protein balance through an elegant molecular system, one that nanomedicine is now learning to control.


Immunity and Society is a new series from The Conversation Canada that presents new vaccine discoveries and immune-based innovations that are changing how we understand and protect human health. Through a partnership with the Bridge Research Consortium, these articles — written by experts in Canada at the forefront of immunology, biomanufacturing, social science and humanities — explore the latest developments and their impacts.


RNA’s balancing act

How does your body make proteins? Think of your cells as factories, with DNA as the operating manual.

In order to make the proteins it needs, your body’s cells act as factories, with DNA as the operating manual. The blueprints are safely locked away in the nucleus, and cells can’t make anything directly from the precious original.

Instead, when the cell needs a specific protein, it makes a temporary copy of the blueprint, called messenger RNA (mRNA). This single strand of nucleic acids carries the instructions to the cytoplasm, or the factory floor. There, molecular machines called ribosomes read the instructions and build amino acids into a protein.

This is the central dogma of molecular biology: DNA → RNA → protein.

When the body needs proteins, it makes mRNA copies and transfers them to the cytoplasm. The factory foreman is a mechanism called RNA interference, which ensures proteins are not over-produced or under-produced.

For example, small interfering RNA (siRNA) or Antisense oligonucleotides (ASO) molecules can stop the production of proteins by silencing genetic instructions from DNA and cutting target mRNA apart. In both cases, the mRNA degrades and protein production stops, like hitting the emergency button on a conveyor belt.

Turning RNA into drugs

What does this mean for future disease treatment? Unlike small-molecule drugs such as antibiotics or protein-based drugs like insulin, RNA drugs work upstream, at the instruction level itself.

As scientists in nanomedicine, we harness cellular machinery to treat diseases with RNA drugs by dialing up or dialing down protein production. Want more of a beneficial protein? Deliver more mRNA. Want less of a harmful one? Use siRNA or ASO to silence the gene.

Teaching cells to make what’s missing

When the human body lacks an essential protein, disease follows. In hemophilia A, the problem lies in the blueprint. A mutation in the DNA means the gene for factor VIII contains errors, like a typo in a recipe that calls for salt instead of sugar. The cell follows this flawed instruction, and makes messenger RNA that produces either a broken protein or none at all.

Without functional factor VIII, a simple nosebleed can last for hours, not minutes and a little bump can lead to a big bruise that takes a long time to heal. Even a minor cut can lead to prolonged bleeding.

Scientists can now synthesize mRNA in the lab — for example, by making a correct, error-free copy of the instructions for factor VIII — and package it in lipid nanoparticles, which are little protective bubbles of fat.

As a materials scientist at UBC working with researchers Anna Blakney and Pieter Cullis, I design formulations of lipid nanoparticles. When these particles are infused intravenously, they deliver the synthetic mRNA to liver cells, which then read the instructions and manufacture fresh factor VIII protein. The cell becomes its own pharmacy.

Silencing the trouble-makers

Over-expression of some proteins can also cause disease, for example, in familial chylomicronemia syndrome where the messenger RNA makes too much apolipoprotein C3.

ApoC3 helps regulate fat metabolism, but too much of it blocks the body’s ability to clear triglycerides from the bloodstream. The instructions from the DNA manual may be correct, but small interfering RNA molecules are not doing their job to keep production in check. Like an out-of-control assembly line, fat accumulates in the blood. If it reaches dangerous levels it can cause acute pancreatitis — a painful and potentially fatal inflammation of the pancreas.

The U.S. Food and Drug Administration and Health Canada recently approved Plozasiran, an injectable drug that treats familial chylomicronemia syndrome by delivering small interfering RNA to liver cells.

This siRNA molecule is a short double strand of nucleic acids to be unzipped as two single strands, one of which complements ApoC3 mRNA, like a key fitting a lock. The binding event will be recognized by the cellular machinery to cut the mRNA apart. No mRNA means no protein production.

The same technology offers different levers: mRNA amplifies production of beneficial proteins like factor VIII; siRNA silences production of harmful proteins like ApoC3. Together, they represent medicine’s new ability to program biology, turning genes up or down as precisely as adjusting the volume on a stereo.

The Conversation

Suiyang Liao is affiliated with the University of British Columbia.

ref. How nanomedicine gets inside your cells and treats you from the inside out – https://theconversation.com/how-nanomedicine-gets-inside-your-cells-and-treats-you-from-the-inside-out-270414

Is reading your favourite hobby? A new era of book clubs is reshaping how we read

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Joanna Pozzulo, Chancellor’s Professor, Psychology, Carleton University

Reading is experiencing a resurgence among Gen Z and millennials, many of whom are actively seeking alternatives to “doomscrolling” and the mental fatigue associated with constant social media use.

In North America, an estimated 57 to 61 per cent of Gen Z and millennials identify as readers, averaging 3.5 to 4.5 books per year, with a preference for physical books. Younger readers are also more likely to purchase books in a bookstore and be active library users, which is notable in an era dominated by digital media.

Although reading is often viewed as a solitary activity, it can also foster meaningful connections with others. Participation in a reading community can reduce social isolation, alleviate loneliness and increase a sense of belonging and connectedness — something younger generations report struggling with.

Book clubs can serve as a natural extension for those seeking the benefits of reading and community. Among younger adults, interest in book clubs is growing: about 21 per cent of Gen Z and 29 per cent of millennials report belonging to one, but they’re putting their own spin on them.


Hobbies can bring joy, well-being, and focus to our busy lives, but so many of us don’t have one. If you’re ready to replace scrolling with stitching, or hustle with horticulture, The Hobby Starter Kit (a new series from Quarter Life) will help you get going.


A brief history of book clubs

Book clubs aren’t new. They can be traced back at least to the 16th century, when groups — often women — gathered for education and debate, often about religious texts.

In later centuries, reading groups became important spaces for women’s intellectual lives at times when formal education was limited.

In more recent popular culture, however, book clubs have often been portrayed through the lens of the so-called “wine mom” stereotype. These clubs are typically depicted as gatherings of mothers using the meeting as a rare night off from parenting, where alcohol and socializing take precedence and discussion of the book itself becomes secondary.

While this portrayal can be reductive and overlooks the real emotional and intellectual value those clubs provide, it has nonetheless shaped perceptions of what book clubs are and who they are for.

A new generation rewrites the rules

Gen Z and millennials are moving away from, or at least expanding beyond, the “wine-and-gossip” model to better fit their lives, values and energy levels.

One of the fastest-growing formats is the silent book club, where members gather in public spaces such as libraries or cafés to read their own books quietly. After about an hour, readers may choose to socialize with the others or leave.

It gives members an opportunity to read as part of a community without the other demands associated with book clubs of the past. Silent book clubs now span 60 countries with over 2,000 chapters worldwide.

In addition to silent clubs, niche book clubs have grown among younger readers, including groups centred on specific identities such as queer, BIPOC, Indigenous and disability-focused clubs, or interests like genre-specific clubs.

Book clubs going digital

Social media has reshaped how readers find each other and decide what books to read. Hashtags like #BookTok and #Bookstagram are now influencing club selections more, favouring genres such as fantasy, romance and horror, rather than celebrity-endorsed bestsellers.

Unlike traditional local clubs, digital platforms can act as virtual hubs where readers join discussion groups, share recommendations and participate in other activities without geographic limits.

These clubs often place a greater emphasis on understanding the book with facilitated discussions, and sometimes include a question-and-answer format with the author.

For many young adults, this flexibility makes book clubs more accessible and better suited to busy and mobile lifestyles. If you’re struggling to find the time and energy to attend in-person clubs, a digital one might be just what you’re looking for.

Reading for mental health

This reading resurgence matters because Gen Z and millennials report higher rates of anxiety and depression than previous generations. Many are actively seeking low-cost, sustainable ways to support their mental health, and reading fits that bill.

The therapeutic use of books, known as bibliotherapy, is supported by clinical guidelines. The Canadian Network for Mood and Anxiety Treatments recommends books as a supportive, second-line treatment for certain mild to moderate emotional difficulties.

Book clubs amplify these positive effects. One survey found that 98 per cent of respondents said it improved their mental health and helped them cope during difficult periods.

Given this connection, I created and run the Reading for Well-Being Community Book Club at Carleton University, which focuses on evidence-based books about mental health and personal growth. The club operates digitally and is open beyond campus, and roughly half of participants are Gen Z or millennials.

Finding a book club that suits you

For those looking to engage more deeply with reading, book clubs offer a flexible way to connect with like-minded readers and build community. Here are some tips for how to start:

  1. Identify your reading interests and type of community connection desired. Consider the genres you enjoy, how often you’d like to meet and the type of social connection you’re seeking.

  2. Explore online communities such as Goodreads, Bookclubs and Book Club Hub, which host a wide range of virtual and in-person groups.

  3. Consider trying alternative formats, such as hybrid or silent book clubs, if a traditional book club doesn’t work for you.

  4. Check your local libraries and independent bookstores, many of which host free, community-focused book clubs.

  5. Start your own. If you can’t find a book club that suits your needs, resources from organizations like public libraries or tips from professionals can help you create your own.

Engaging with reading in these ways not only stimulates your mind but also help you build community, belonging and mental well-being.

The Conversation

Joanna Pozzulo receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

ref. Is reading your favourite hobby? A new era of book clubs is reshaping how we read – https://theconversation.com/is-reading-your-favourite-hobby-a-new-era-of-book-clubs-is-reshaping-how-we-read-274406

Y a-t-il des peines plus clémentes pour des non-citoyens au Québec ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Meritxell Abellan-Almenara, Candidate au doctorat, Université de Montréal

Un juge de la Cour du Québec a jeté un pavé dans la mare en suggérant que les personnes non citoyennes qui se retrouvent devant la justice bénéficient de peines plus clémentes, afin d’éviter leur déportation vers leur pays d’origine une fois cette peine purgée.


Le mercredi 8 avril 2026, dans l’affaire R. c. Bladimir-Castillo, le juge de la Cour du Québec Antoine Piché a en effet clamé que certaines pratiques de la Couronne seraient en train de créer un système pénal plus clément en faveur des personnes non citoyennes, contournant ainsi l’intention du législateur fédéral.

Le ministre de la Justice du Québec, Simon Jolin-Barrette, a aussitôt réagi en exhortant le Directeur des poursuites criminelles et pénales (DPCP) à réviser ses pratiques. Mais le DPCP nie l’existence de tout système parallèle.

Une dynamique similaire s’observe au niveau fédéral, où le Parti conservateur du Canada a présenté en septembre 2025 un projet de loi intitulé Une loi pour tous. Celle-ci vise à dénoncer un système de justice à deux vitesses contraire aux principes d’équité et d’égalité devant la loi.

Qu’y a-t-il de vrai dans ces allégations ? Sommes-nous face à un système de détermination de la peine qui pénalise les citoyens canadiens et favorise les non-citoyens ? Mes recherches doctorales permettent d’éclairer la question en mettant en lumière l’influence réelle du statut migratoire lors de la détermination de la peine par les cours québécoises.

Les mêmes principes pour tous, dit la Cour suprême

L’article 36 de la Loi sur l’immigration et la protection des réfugiés (LIPR) établit les règles de base : toute personne non-citoyenne (qu’elle soit détentrice d’un visa, réfugiée ou même résidente permanente) déclarée coupable d’une infraction criminelle punissable d’un maximum d’au moins dix ans de prison ou ayant écopée d’une peine prison de plus de six mois, sera déclarée interdite — et donc expulsée — du territoire canadien.

De plus, toute personne non citoyenne qui n’est pas résidente permanente sera aussi interdite si elle est trouvée coupable d’une infraction punissable par mise en accusation, ou bien de deux infractions distinctes.

Depuis 2013, la Cour suprême indique aux juges qu’ils peuvent prendre en compte ce risque d’interdiction et d’expulsion pour décider quelle peine ils imposent à une personne non citoyenne. La cour les astreint cependant à deux conditions. D’abord, la peine imposée doit être proportionnelle à la gravité de l’infraction et à la responsabilité de la personne accusée. Ensuite, la prise en compte des conséquences migratoires ne doit pas mener à une peine artificiellement réduite contournant la volonté du législateur.

Les instructions de la Cour suprême sont claires : la détermination de la peine d’une personne non citoyenne doit suivre exactement les mêmes principes que pour une personne canadienne. Les limites à la discrétion du juge imposées par le principe de proportionnalité demeurent identiques, que la personne soit citoyenne ou pas.

Les conséquences en matière d’immigration peuvent être prises en compte, mais au même titre que d’autres conséquences collatérales qui font partie de la situation globale de la personne accusée, comme la perte d’un emploi ou d’un permis de conduire. Si on généralise la logique du juge Piché, il faudrait alors conclure que la justice canadienne a créé un système parallèle pénalisant les personnes au chômage ou ne détenant pas le permis de conduire.

Ainsi, sur la base de la LIPR et des recommandations de la Cour suprême, les personnes non citoyennes font face à des conséquences beaucoup plus sérieuses que les Canadiens lorsqu’elles sont déclarées coupables d’un crime. Les statistiques de l’Agence des services frontaliers du Canada le confirment : chaque année, environ 1000 personnes non citoyennes sont expulsées du Canada à la suite de leur condamnation.

Les conséquences mentionnées, mais sans effet sur la peine imposée

Sur la base d’une analyse qualitative de la jurisprudence de la Cour du Québec depuis 2001 (année d’adoption de la LIPR) et de 16 entrevues semi-structurées menées en 2025 avec des juges de la Chambre criminelle et pénale de la Cour du Québec, mes travaux montrent que les personnes non citoyennes ne bénéficient pas d’un traitement plus clément que celles ayant la nationalité canadienne. De plus, l’intention du législateur de ne pas créer un système parallèle constitue un facteur central qui encadre et limite l’action de la Couronne et des juges québécois.

L’analyse de la jurisprudence montre que la quasi-totalité des décisions concernant des personnes non citoyennes mentionne les conséquences en matière d’immigration. Mais cette mention n’a, dans la plupart des cas, aucun effet réel sur la peine imposée : malgré la prise en compte du statut migratoire, la personne se voit généralement imposer une peine entraînant son interdiction de territoire.

Un juge du district de Longueuil l’explique ainsi :

Moi, j’applique la loi ; si d’autres sont chargés de décider si quelqu’un doit rester au pays, qui suis-je pour en décider autrement ?

Le nombre d’affaires où la réduction d’une peine permet à une personne non citoyenne d’éviter une déclaration d’interdiction demeure ainsi très restreint, ce qui contredit la thèse d’un système parallèle. Et, même dans les rares cas où la peine est réduite, les juges confirment que le risque d’expulsion ne constitue jamais le facteur décisif.

Comme le dit ce juge montréalais avec presque 20 ans d’expérience :

la loi est la même pour tous, que l’on soit canadien où que l’on soit immigrant […] c’est le même traitement qui doit être imposé. […] Ça ne signifie pas que ce critère là ou cette conséquence indirecte ne soit pas prise en compte, mais elle ne doit pas effacer tous les autres critères qui doivent être pesés, qui doivent être mis dans la balance.

Les entretiens révèlent ainsi que les juges respectent scrupuleusement les limites imposées par le législateur et s’inscrivent dans une logique de stricte application du droit.

Comme l’exprime un autre juge siégeant à Montréal :

c’est le choix des personnes élues par la population ; je m’incline et j’applique la loi.

Contrairement à ce qu’avance le Parti conservateur du Canada, les données probantes montrent que le respect de la volonté du législateur demeure le principal critère guidant la prise de décision judiciaire, quelle que soit la nationalité de la personne accusée.

Une réflexion s’impose sur le pouvoir disproportionné de la Couronne

Ces constats doivent cependant être nuancés : mes travaux concernent des décisions où le juge détermine lui-même la peine, sans suggestion commune des parties. Or, au Canada, environ 90 % des affaires criminelles se règlent par des plaidoyers de culpabilité, dans le cadre duquel la poursuite et la défense négocient la peine et la proposent au juge, qui doit l’accepter sauf dans des cas exceptionnels.


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Les procès où le juge détermine la peine sans être lié par une proposition conjointe, et peut donc exercer pleinement son pouvoir discrétionnaire, ne représentent ainsi qu’une proportion marginale des dossiers qu’ils traitent. La Cour suprême l’a d’ailleurs reconnu : les accords entre parties en échange d’un plaidoyer de culpabilité sont non seulement acceptés au Canada, ils sont « tout à fait souhaitables » et même « essentiels au bon fonctionnement de notre système de justice pénale ».

Ainsi, plutôt que de débattre d’une éventuelle différence de traitement entre personnes citoyennes et non-citoyennes, ne serait-il pas plus pertinent de s’interroger sur les fondements d’un système qui nécessite les plaidoyers de culpabilité pour fonctionner, et sur l’énorme pouvoir que cela confère à la Couronne ? À cet égard, et pour reprendre les mots du juge Piché dans son jugement, « une réflexion s’impose ».

La Conversation Canada

Meritxell Abellan-Almenara a reçu des financements du Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada (CRSH) à travers le Programme de bourses d’études supérieures du Canada Vanier (BESC Vanier) et de la Maison des Affaires Publiques et Internationales de l’Université de Montréal.

ref. Y a-t-il des peines plus clémentes pour des non-citoyens au Québec ? – https://theconversation.com/y-a-t-il-des-peines-plus-clementes-pour-des-non-citoyens-au-quebec-280646

Electric vehicles pass tipping point, breaking the link with oil prices

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Viet Nguyen-Tien, Research Economist, London School of Economics and Political Science

When the Strait of Hormuz first closed in March and oil hit US$120 a barrel, a very old question came back: is this finally the moment electric vehicles take off for good – or just another false start?

EVs have been here before. They surged after the 1973 oil embargo, collapsed when oil fell, and surged again. Each wave died when the external pressure eased.

We think this time is different. In a new discussion paper, we argue that the economic case for electric vehicles is now improving on its own terms. This is because of what has happened to batteries, not because of the oil price. The same evidence, though, shows the transition creates new problems as serious as the ones it solves.

Why this time is different

Battery costs have fallen 93% since 2010. That is the number that changes everything. A pack that cost more than US$1,000 per kilowatt-hour in 2010 cost US$108 by late 2025, driven down by a decade of learning, investment and policy support.

Research on the global battery industry finds that every time cumulative production doubles, costs fall by around 9%. More buyers, more production, lower costs, more buyers.

Unlike the 1970s, this loop does not need an oil crisis to keep spinning. Electric cars have crossed lifetime cost parity with petrol vehicles across much of Europe; in the used-car market they now have the lowest total cost of ownership. Newer models even match petrol cars in estimated lifespan – something early EVs could not claim.

Global sales surpassed 17 million in 2024, one of the fastest technology diffusion processes in the history of transport. Norway is near-fully electrified. And Ethiopia reached around 60% EV sales share in 2024, powered by cheap hydroelectricity – some way ahead of the US, for instance, which sits at around 8%.

An economic platform, not just a better engine

The deeper reason this wave will not fade is not technical – it is economic. An EV is a platform. Its value grows as the network around it grows, just as smartphones became indispensable not because of the hardware but because of everything connected to it.

Every charger built makes the next EV more attractive. Every software update raises the value of every car already on the road. Every recycled battery feeds back into the supply chain that makes the next one cheaper. It’s part of the reason some other technologies like hydrogen fuel cell vehicles have struggled to get off the ground in numbers – the tech exists, but all the other elements aren’t quite there.

One study of 8,000 drivers in Shanghai found that range anxiety – the fear of running out of charge – has a real economic cost due to unnecessarily avoided trips. But that cost is falling sharply, not because batteries improved, but because charging networks expanded.

Making real-time charger availability visible could add 6–8 percentage points to market share by 2030. And because EV charging is far more flexible than other household electricity demand, drivers can shift away from peak hours remarkably easily when the price is right – turning the car into a grid asset, able to store and release electricity when needed. These are economic network effects, not engineering features.

Swapping one dependency for another

Ending oil dependence does not end geopolitical exposure. It relocates it.

In late 2025, China introduced rules requiring government approval for exports containing more than 0.1% rare earths. The leverage that once came from control of oil flows now comes from control of processing capacity and component supply chains.

The minerals at stake – lithium, cobalt, nickel, graphite and neodymium to name but a handful – carry their own geopolitical risks and, as we have written elsewhere, serious human costs in the communities that mine them. This creates a predictable cycle of social contestation that threatens to stall the transition unless the industry commits to responsible, sustainable innovation.

The metal cobalt traditionally helped EVs travel further on the same charge. And when prices spiked, so did research into making batteries with less or even no cobalt. Today, more than half of all EV batteries sold globally are cobalt free.

Four decades of patent data show the same pattern: higher mineral prices consistently redirect research and development toward mineral-saving technologies.

Recovering lithium and cobalt from used batteries is becoming economically viable too, shifting part of the supply chain away from geopolitically exposed extraction sites. In addition, Norway and other countries are looking to exploit new critical mineral resources to diversify supplies.

The transition is real – but not risk-free

The Hormuz crisis is a reminder of what concentrated energy dependence costs. The EV transition does not need it. The learning curve keeps falling, the platform keeps compounding, the economics keep improving. That is what makes this wave different.

What it does not do is eliminate geopolitical risk. Unlike oil, where leverage comes from energy flows, EV supply chains concentrate power at materials, processing capacity, and technological bottlenecks – supply chains that are highly concentrated and carry their own serious risks. Fuel dependence becomes mineral dependence. That dependence is highly concentrated.

Traditional carmaking regions are already absorbing concentrated job losses, and history shows such disruptions leave persistent scars even if the long-term aggregate effects are positive. Yet electric vehicle assembly is proving more labour-intensive in western countries than expected – requiring more workers on the shopfloor, not fewer, at least in the ramp-up phase. Contrast this with China, where massive automation has led to the creation of “dark factories” where there are so few humans, internal lighting isn’t required.

The same regions facing losses could benefit. But the gains and losses do not fall on the same people. That is where the work remains.

The Conversation

Viet Nguyen-Tien receives funding from the ESRC through the Centre for Economic Performance (ES/T014431/1) and the Programme on Innovation and Diffusion (ES/V009478/1), and previously from the Faraday Institution through the ReLiB Project (grant numbers FIRG005 and FIRG006).

Gavin D. J. Harper receives funding from the Faraday Institution (award numbers FIRG027, FIRG057 & FIRG085) ReLiB project website: https://relib.org.uk/

Robert Elliott does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Electric vehicles pass tipping point, breaking the link with oil prices – https://theconversation.com/electric-vehicles-pass-tipping-point-breaking-the-link-with-oil-prices-280655

Eight wonders of the world

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anna Turns, Senior Environment Editor, The Conversation

This roundup of The Conversation’s environment coverage was first published in our award-winning weekly climate action newsletter, Imagine.

Every scalable solution has to start somewhere small. With a spark of an idea, an anomaly during an experiment or, perhaps, an empty seashell on an Irish beach.

Juan Diego Rodriguez-Blanco at Trinity College Dublin has found a clever use for discarded oyster shells – a byproduct of the shellfish industry. Remarkably, these shells can capture rare earth elements from water and lock them into new minerals. Rare earth elements are an essential ingredient for the green transition – they are used to make high-performance magnets used in wind turbines and electric cars, for example. So capturing these “vitamins of modern industry” by crystallising them into the calcium carbonate of the shell (rather than just sticking or adsorbing to it) is a reliable way to recover these valuable resources for future use.

Of course, this tech is in its infancy but it just goes to show, there are so many hidden surprises within nature that might, on the surface, look like worthless waste.

The Conversation is made up of a dozen English-speaking editions plus various non-English ones, including French, Spanish and Indonesian. One of the most joyful parts of my job is coordinating regular meetings for the environment editors at each edition to share ideas, develop collaborations and support each other.

Together, we cover the planet’s biggest story – the climate crisis. This beat can sometimes feel relentless. But uncovering scientific discoveries, breakthroughs and insights from academics all over the world gives me hope. Here, my global colleagues share some of their favourite – and most promising – stories from recent weeks.

Knowing what actually works

Some climate policies really do make a difference. Now, we know which ones says Lucía Caballero, Environment and Energy Editor at The Conversation Spain.

Governments deploy dozens of different policies simultaneously, such as carbon taxes, renewable energy subsidies and emissions standards, but which ones are the most effective? Evaluating and comparing the results of climate strategies actually presents a major challenge for researchers and policymakers.

After analysing 1,737 climate policies across 40 countries over 32 years, scientists at the universities of Barcelona, Ludwig Maximilian of Munich, Lausanne and Oslo, have identified 28 measures that consistently reduce emissions. Their discovery will enable governments to focus on really effective strategies and avoid wasting resources, making climate action more successful.




Read more:
Which climate policies actually make a difference? Our new analysis has the answer


Securing water supplies

In the western US, seven states rely on water from the mighty Colorado River, but a long-running drought and rising water demand have left reservoirs near record lows and cities’ water supplies at risk. Cities have been scrambling to lower their water use and finding creative solutions to encourage residents to make cuts, from low-flow shower heads to tearing out lawns and replacing them with xeriscaping (an approach to gardening and landscaping that reduces the need for irrigation). Las Vegas, a fast-growing city in the desert, has cut its per-capita water use by nearly 60% in the past two decades with steps like those. But as temperatures rise and the snowpack that feeds the river diminishes, we’ve wondered, can conservation alone be enough?

Environmental scientists Renee Obringer of Penn State and Dave White of Arizona State University recently ran computer models to understand what three cities – Las Vegas, Phoenix and Denver – will face in the future and how each city’s climate solutions for a dwindling water supply will hold up.

Stacy Morford, Senior Environment, Climate and Energy Editor at The Conversation US, says these results are eye-opening. This research suggests the region needs to start thinking beyond just conservation to much bigger solutions, the kind that Obringer and White describe that take years to build.

Anna Weekes, Environment and Energy Editor at The Conversation Africa, particularly loved a story highlighting another innovative way to tackle drying up water supplies. This time in South Africa’s dry Karoo desert.

Groundwater pumped from boreholes is the only water supply for many small towns. But as the climate warms and rain falls later in the year, aquifers aren’t replenishing enough to meet the demand for water. Surina Esterhuyse, Fanus Fourie and Danita Hohne are hydrologists and groundwater scientists who’ve designed and built low-cost aquifer recharge systems, drilling infiltration boreholes through hardened clay in dry river beds so that when it finally rains, the war goes straight into the aquifer instead of flowing away across the surface.

In the rural Karoo towns of Carnarvon, Vanwyksvlei, Williston, Sutherland and Calvinia, these recharge systems have been a huge success. They’re affordable and easy to implement at a small scale and offer a practical, scalable way to strengthen drought resilience and secure water supplies for vulnerable communities.

Buds, butterflies and bees

Gabrielle Maréchaux, Environment and Energy Journalist at The Conversation France loves a story about a free smartphone app called PlantNet. This “shazam” for plants, which is available on both iOS and Android, covers 85,000 species out of an estimated 400,000.

It’s popular among hikers and botanical enthusiasts. But what’s less well known is that it was developed by scientists and also helps with research by tracking abundance and locations of particular flowers, fruit, twigs and bark. It’s also a vital tool for monitoring the spread of invasive or “alien” non-native species that can disrupt ecosystems.

Meanwhile, butterflies, with their captivating patterns and colours, don’t always receive the attention they deserve, according to Ibrahim Daair, Environment and Energy Editor at The Conversation Canada. They are a fundamental part of global ecosystems, but insects have been declining at alarming rates in many places. Now, a group of researchers is working on developing a global butterfly index to track how environmental changes are affecting butterflies worldwide. They assembled a dataset of 45,000 population trends for over 1,000 butterfly species to help guide conservation and better understand the scale of the biodiversity crisis.


Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 47,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.


In 2015, a mining dam in Mariana, in Minas Gerais state, collapsed and released about 55 million cubic meters of toxic waste – crushed rock, water and chemicals left after extracting iron – sending a massive, polluted mudflow downstream. At the time, it was the largest human-made environmental disaster in Brazil. After observing the devastated landscape, Sandra Moura, a professor at the Federal University of Ouro Preto, discovered a plant capable of accelerating the recovery process in the areas affected by the disaster.

But simply recovering the landscapes was not enough, and the professor decided to create a project to assist the affected communities by using beekeeping as a reforestation and income-generating strategy.

This story is featured in one of the episodes of the podcast Voices from the South produced by The Conversation Brazil, about solutions to the environmental problems facing Brazil and Australia.

While visiting the project’s apiary, Luciana Julião, Journalist and Audiovisual Producer at The Conversation Brazil, met incredible people, all with very diverse specialisms, who are working together in the search for possible ways to save the planet.

The coolest library on Earth

And finally, Sarah Sermondadaz, Head of Environment and Energy at The Conversation France, loved learning about first ice core library in Antarctica, designed to preserve humanity’s “climate memory”. With an average temperature of -50°C, Antarctica’s first-ever 100% natural sanctuary protects endangered ice cores from global warming. On January 14 2026, the coolest library on Earth was inaugurated at the Concordia station, Antarctica. Samples from glaciers rescued worldwide are now beginning to be stored there for safekeeping.

The Conversation

ref. Eight wonders of the world – https://theconversation.com/eight-wonders-of-the-world-279159

Limited scrutiny of party claims in early Welsh election coverage – new analysis

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephen Cushion, Professor, Cardiff School of Journalism, Media and Culture, Cardiff University

With the Senedd (Welsh parliament) election campaign now under way, voters in Wales are beginning to see more political coverage across television, online and social media. Broadcasters have reported on manifesto launches and party messaging.

But how far is this coverage helping voters understand what the parties are actually proposing? And how much of it is being properly scrutinised?

After the first official week of the campaign, our new analysis suggests that while broadcasters are reporting party activity, they are offering limited scrutiny of the pledges and promises being made. That matters because news media play a central role in holding politicians to account and helping voters judge the credibility of competing claims.

We analysed all election news items across major broadcasters’ TV, online and social media output between April 8 and 14. This included Welsh coverage from the BBC and ITV, alongside their UK-wide output, as well as Channel 4 and Sky News.

Broadcasters have also produced special election programming in English and Welsh, from the public asking politicians questions in live TV debates, to exploring issues in depth through podcasts, or party leaders being interrogated at length.

Our focus, however, was on day-to-day news reporting, including UK-wide media, which most people rely on in Wales to understand what is happening in the world.

Covering policies not scrutinising them

Of the 60 news items examined across TV, online and social media posts so far, just over three-quarters covered party policy or claims. Of these policy items, nearly half featured no scrutiny. A quarter featured substantial scrutiny. And a further third featured brief scrutiny.

Broadcasters are committed to holding parties to account. As the BBC stated at the start of the elections across the UK: “It is an important part of our role during elections to check and challenge where the parties are making claims that don’t stand up to scrutiny.”

The BBC’s fact-checking service, Verify, could play a greater role in testing party claims, but it has yet to feature prominently in coverage of the Senedd campaign. Channel 4, by contrast, has stood out for going beyond reporting campaign activity to interrogate the credibility of what parties are saying.

More commonly, news items present parties arguing with one another, without independent assessment of their competing claims. In some cases, broadcasters simply set out multiple positions side by side, leaving viewers to make sense of them without any journalistic scrutiny.

This might be explained by rules on impartiality. These require broadcasters to reflect up to six parties vying for power at the Senedd and perhaps limit space for further questioning. But in covering so many parties within a single news item, the breadth of perspectives can undermine the depth of analysis.

Informing voters or amplifying noise?

Broadcasters have also sought to engage voters through vox pops, which are brief interviews with members of the public. So far, members of the public (25) have appeared two and a half times more often than politicians (10) in election coverage.

Vox pops can provide more colour and human-interest than just listening to party politicians. They can also offer revealing insights into people’s real life concerns and anxieties. But the focus of people’s opinions have largely centred on the campaign, the personalities involved, or about apathy and cynicism towards the Senedd and politics more generally.

At times, vox pops have also reinforced a “horse race” narrative, asking people how they intend to vote rather than what they think about specific issues. While this may appear engaging, it offers limited insight and risks misrepresenting wider public opinion.

As Welsh politics expert, Laura McAllister, argued: “At best, [vox pops are] pointlessly reductionist and a waste of limited political air time; at worst… misleading and potentially distorting”.




Read more:
Voters in Wales face Senedd election amid confusion over who holds power over what


Although such interviews with the public often suggest disengagement, they should not be taken as representative. With the possibility of political change, turnout in this election could in fact be higher than at any point since devolution began 27 years ago.

Rather than emphasising perceived disengagement, news coverage could do more to focus on the issues facing the next Welsh government and to scrutinise party policy positions. This would help improve public understanding of what is at stake.

Our pre-election survey of people in Wales found widespread confusion about the responsibilities of the Welsh and Westminster governments, alongside low awareness of party leaders. Recent focus groups conducted in south Wales by More in Common, a thinktank focused on public opinion and social divisions, found that many voters lacked detailed knowledge of party policies. They often expressed only a general sense that Wales needs political change.

Our own focus groups, conducted in February with people in Wales, showed a clear appetite for more policy-focused reporting over campaign coverage.

The lack of policy scrutiny in the first week of the campaign is perhaps understandable. After all, manifestos have just been published leaving journalists limited time to analyse them. But as clearer campaign narratives emerge and more political promises are made, journalists will have time to question parties and, where necessary, challenge any false, misleading or dubious claims.

With several weeks left of the campaign, broadcasters still have plenty of opportunities to hold parties to account and help people make an informed decision at the ballot box.

The Conversation

Stephen Cushion has received funding from the BBC Trust, Ofcom, AHRC, BA, ESRC and Welsh Government.

Keighley Perkins receives funding from the AHRC for research into broadcasters’ impartiality.

Maxwell Modell receives funding from the AHRC for research into broadcasters’ impartiality.

ref. Limited scrutiny of party claims in early Welsh election coverage – new analysis – https://theconversation.com/limited-scrutiny-of-party-claims-in-early-welsh-election-coverage-new-analysis-280650