Whale strandings draw emotional responses. But repeated rescues can cause more harm

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Karen Stockin, Professor of Marine Ecology, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University

Rescuers placing wet towels on ‘Timmy’, the whale stranded near Wismar, Germany. Morris MacMatzen/Getty Images

A humpback whale repeatedly restranding in shallow waters in the Baltic Sea for more than three weeks has become the focus of a complex debate about reconciling compassion for animals with ethical, evidence-based decision making.

Affectionately known as Timmy, the whale restranded several times and has been growing weaker, failing to recover despite multiple rescue attempts.

Its struggle attracted global attention and triggered debates between experts and the public regarding intervention versus allowing a natural end.

Marine biologists and veterinarians observing the whale made a clear and evidence-based assessment earlier this month: further intervention was unlikely to succeed and would risk prolonging the animal’s suffering.

Yet public pressure – driven by empathy amplified by social media and sharpened into outrage – led German state authorities to permit renewed rescue efforts this week, framed as a “last ditch” effort.

At first glance, it seems an act of compassion. But beneath the surface lies a more difficult truth. As our research shows, when scientific advice is sidelined in favour of public sentiment, outcomes for the very animals we aim to protect can worsen.

The emotional pull of “doing something”

Large, charismatic animals like whales evoke powerful emotional responses. They are intelligent, expressive and visibly vulnerable when stranded.

For many people, choosing not to intervene feels morally unacceptable, with inaction often perceived as neglect.

Wildlife medicine, however, does not operate on instinct or optics. It relies on probabilities, welfare assessments and the recognition that intervention is not always beneficial.

In Timmy’s case, experts from the German Oceanographic Museum and the Institute for Terrestrial and Aquatic Wildlife Research, as well as international organisations, reached a consistent conclusion that the whale was unlikely to survive.

After repeated failed rescues, the environment minister for Germany’s state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania determined that continued intervention would likely worsen the whale’s condition. By then, Timmy was showing clear signs of trauma and exhaustion.

The decision was not made in isolation. In early April, the International Whaling Commission’s stranding expert panel publicly supported the German authorities. It outlined that further rescue attempts would likely increase suffering without improving survival chances.

Euthanasia, frequently suggested as an alternative, was deemed impractical, however. The whale’s partial buoyancy, combined with logistical, safety and personnel challenges meant this was not a viable option.

New Zealand’s experience

In 2021, New Zealand experienced a similar situation with Toa, a stranded orca calf.

The response was extraordinary, mobilising national and international expertise. Veterinarians, marine mammal scientists and stranding specialists contributed to an unprecedented rescue effort.

The scientific consensus, however, was sobering. Given Toa’s young age (unweaned), prolonged separation from his pod, and the challenges of reintegration, his chances of survival were extremely low.

Over time, his welfare declined during extended human care. Many experts ultimately supported euthanasia as the most humane option.

That path was not taken. Driven by public hope and attention, efforts continued. Toa died after weeks in care. In retrospect, the case raised a difficult but necessary question: when expert consensus and public sentiment diverge, which should guide decisions?

When perception overrides expertise

This tension is not anecdotal; it is well documented. Research shows that human perceptions and emotional investment can significantly shape responses to cetacean strandings, sometimes directly conflicting with recommendations based on the animal’s wefare.

In high-profile cases, decision making can shift from expert-led processes to outcomes shaped by public pressure. The patterns observed in Germany – repeated strandings, declining condition and cumulative stress – are strong predictors of poor outcomes, regardless of continued intervention.

The disconnect is clear. Experts assess welfare through measurable physiological, behavioural and environmental markers to infer the mental state of an animal. The public often evaluates it through effort, visibility and intent. The result is a compelling but flawed assumption: that doing more means doing better.

A common principle in veterinary ethics is that the ability to intervene does not justify doing so. Every rescue attempt carries risks: handling stress, injury, prolonged suffering and the diversion of limited resources.

While financial cost is often highlighted, the more critical issue is animal welfare. In repeated stranding cases, the ethical balance becomes increasingly stark.

When recovery is highly unlikely, continued intervention can shift from care to harm. In repeated stranding cases, the ethical calculus becomes sharper. Yet this is precisely the moment when public pressure tends to intensify.

A more difficult kind of care

Compassion is not the problem; it is fundamental to conservation. But compassion without evidence can mislead.

What’s at stake is trust in scientific expertise, veterinary judgement and the difficult reality that the most humane decision is not always the most emotionally satisfying one.

If every high-profile stranding becomes a referendum driven by public pressure, we risk creating a system where decisions are shaped less by animal welfare and more by public visibility.

The instinct to rally around a stranded whale reflects the best of human empathy. But real care in wildlife conservation is not always about action. Sometimes, it requires restraint.

In Toa’s case, official documents later revealed most experts had recommended euthanasia to prevent prolonged suffering.

Timmy’s situation raises a similar question. Not whether people care enough, but whether we are willing to accept that caring also means listening to science, to experience and to the difficult truths they bring.

The Conversation

Karen Stockin is the ethics chair for the Society for Marine Mammalogy and a member of the IWC strandings expert panel.

ref. Whale strandings draw emotional responses. But repeated rescues can cause more harm – https://theconversation.com/whale-strandings-draw-emotional-responses-but-repeated-rescues-can-cause-more-harm-281137

The end of oil? As fuel shocks cascade, 53 nations gather to plan a fossil fuel phaseout

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Wesley Morgan, Research Associate, Institute for Climate Risk and Response, UNSW Sydney

Anton Petrus/Getty

US President Donald Trump is a longtime climate denier and oil industry ally, who sums up his own energy policy as “drill, baby, drill”. Yet he is doing more than almost anyone to speed up the global shift from fossil fuels to clean energy and electric vehicles (EVs).

After the US and Israel struck Iran in late February, Tehran closed the Strait of Hormuz and triggered the largest disruption of oil supply in history.

Ironically for Trump and his oil industry donors, this crisis may be an irreversible tipping point for clean energy. For years, fossil fuel advocates spruiked oil, gas and coal as “reliable” energy. That narrative has been reversed. Fossil fuels have become expensive and unreliable, while renewables are cheap, reliable and secure.

For the first time ever, more than 50 nations will gather next week in Colombia to hash out how to wind down and end their dependence on coal, oil and gas. The history-making conference was planned before the Iran war. But this year’s energy crisis has greatly raised the stakes.

The oil crisis is real

Iran’s closure of the narrow Strait of Hormuz stopped oil tankers reaching their destinations. But that wasn’t all. More than 60 gas and oil sites have been damaged in the conflict so far. Even if a durable ceasefire is reached, these impacts will reverberate for months and years to come.

Around 80% of the trapped crude oil was destined for the Asia-Pacific. Faced with dwindling supply, the region’s governments are implementing emergency measures such as sending workers home, banning government travel, rationing fuel and cutting school hours.

The problem is especially bad in the Pacific. Many island nations use diesel for power generation. In response, leaders declared a regional emergency.

Fuel import bills were already a major burden for Pacific nations, leading to efforts to switch to local renewables. Fuel bills could rise by A$933 million in Fiji (nearly three times the healthcare budget).

man standing next to banana boat in turquoise blue waters, mountains as backdrop.
Pacific nations are heavily dependent on imported diesel.
Mark Direen/Pexels, CC BY-NC-ND

Scrambling for energy

When energy supplies are disrupted, leaders have three options: find alternate supplies, reduce use or switch to alternatives. In the very short term, countries aim to shore up supply, just as Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese did last week in Malaysia.

Countries have also moved to reduce use. This can have lasting effects. During the Middle East oil shocks of the 1970s, oil prices tripled and then doubled again. Authorities responded by improving energy productivity to do more with less. The world’s final oil demand per capita peaked in 1979 and has never recovered.

But the real difference from half a century ago is that fossil fuel alternatives are ready for prime time. Since the 1970s, the price of solar panels has fallen 99.9%, while the cost of wind has fallen 91% since 1984. Battery prices have fallen 99% since 1991.

This means it’s now viable for many nations to switch to these alternatives.

The European Union will accelerate electrification, after its fossil fuel bill increased more than $36 billion since February. France has doubled state aid to help households switch to EVs and electrify home heating. Import-dependent South Korea gets 70% of its crude oil through the Strait of Hormuz. It now plans to double renewables capacity within four years.

Electric vehicles at the tipping point?

This year’s oil shock shows signs of creating an unplanned social tipping point – a threshold for self-propelling change beyond which systems shift from one state to another. Climate scientists warn of climate tipping points which amplify feedback and accelerate warming. But social scientists also point to positive tipping points – collective action that rapidly accelerates climate action.

The rush to EVs is a case in point. In Australia, petrol prices surged almost 50% in March, and diesel more than 70%. It’s no surprise new EV sales are at an all-time high, while secondhand EV sales more than doubled last month.

Australia’s 1.3 million hybrid and battery electric vehicles avoid almost 15 million litres of petrol and diesel use every week.

The rush to electric transport is global. Most new Chinese cars are powered by batteries, not oil. Battery electric vehicles outsold petrol cars for the first time in Europe in January.

A conference to quit fossil fuels

The routine burning of coal, oil and gas is the primary driver of the climate crisis. The world’s highest court last year made clear nations have obligations to stop burning fossil fuels.

But fossil fuels have barely been mentioned in 30 years of global climate negotiations, due in part to blocking efforts by big fossil fuel exporters and lobbyists.

Frustrated by slow progress, a coalition of nations has bypassed global climate talks to discuss how to actually phase out fossil fuels.

The first of these summits will take place next week. More than 50 nations will gather in Santa Marta, Colombia, to discuss a potential standalone treaty to manage fossil-fuel phaseout while protecting workers and financial systems.

Colombian Environment Minister Irene Vélez Torres says it comes at the “best possible moment”, as the oil crisis focuses global attention on fossil fuel dependency.

If next week’s summit produces real momentum to wean off fossil fuels amid the energy crisis, we might look back at it as a social tipping point where early adopters move in earnest – and make it easier for the rest of the world to follow.

The Conversation

Wesley Morgan is a fellow with the Climate Council of Australia

Ben Newell receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

ref. The end of oil? As fuel shocks cascade, 53 nations gather to plan a fossil fuel phaseout – https://theconversation.com/the-end-of-oil-as-fuel-shocks-cascade-53-nations-gather-to-plan-a-fossil-fuel-phaseout-280263

From Fleabag to Vladimir: why has breaking the fourth wall become so common?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Alex Munt, Associate Professor, Media Arts & Production, University of Technology Sydney

Netflix

In the opening moments of Vladimir, Netflix’s new erotic drama series, the protagonist M (Rachel Weisz) is sprawled on a couch in her negligee, writing in her notepad. She leans towards the camera, then stares into the lens to address you, the viewer, on your couch.

In film and television, this is called “breaking the fourth wall”. It is a ploy of metafiction: a kind of self-aware mode of storytelling.

The fourth wall is the invisible plane through which the camera observes the action. To break the fourth wall is to play with – or sever – audiences’ suspension of disbelief, and abandon the norms of screen narration.

The history of breaking the fourth wall is almost as long as the history of cinema itself. Edwin S. Porter’s film The Great Train Robbery ends with an outlaw firing his gun directly towards the camera. Back in 1903, audiences ducked for cover.

Nearly a century later, director Martin Scorsese paid homage to Porter in Goodfellas (1990) in a scene where Mobster Tommy DeVito (Jo Pesci) fires his gun directly at the screen. Here, the fourth wall break is used in an existential moment for Henry Hill (Ray Liotta) – rather than for pure shock.

In fact, the shock value of the technique has depleted over time, as audiences have become more media literate.

Making the invisible visible

The fourth wall breaks from early cinema fast disappeared with the industrialisation of the medium. The rise of the American studio system privileged some film techniques over others.

The “Classical Hollywood” style – think Casablanca (1942) – was built on a premise of invisibility, from the carefully directed eye-lines of actors, to “continuity” editing that stitched together different camera angles.

In Breathless (À bout de souffle, 1959) Jean-Luc Godard opted for jump-cuts and “direct address”. This is when a character speaks to, or looks directly at, the viewer.

Today, direct address is used widely across genres, from Barbie (2023), to Marvel’s Deadpool films (2016, 2018, 2024), and Jane Austen adaptations such as Persuasion (2022).

On television, we’ve seen women creators and characters explore the power of direct address in a re-calibration of the “male gaze”.

One example is Phoebe Waller-Bridges’ confessions to the camera in Fleabag (2016–19). Cinematographer Tony Miller notes how creative camera choices work in conjunction with direct address to make viewers “complicit in her [character’s] journey”.

The direct gaze

A fourth wall break is not always dialogue-driven. In Persona (1966) film auteur Ingmar Bergman directed his actors to stare deep into the abyss of the camera lens, delivering existential malaise.

This direct gaze has been remediated for streaming programs, including in the
intense close-up shots of Carmy (Jeremy Allen-White) in the final season of The Bear (2025), and knowing glances from the troubled Rue (Zendaya) in Euphoria (2019–26).

Fourth wall breaks can also be graphic. In Pulp Fiction, Mia Wallace (Uma Thurman) traces a square of light on the screen with her finger instead of calling Vincent Vega (John Travolta) a “square”.

And in Michael Haneke’s films Funny Games (1997, 2007) a home invader literally “rewinds” the story when a victim kills his accomplice. These kind of wall breaks call attention to the invisible membrane of the screen.

As filmmaker Mark Cousins attests in The Story of Film: An Odyssey, the medium has advanced over time through innovation and the recycling of techniques such as fourth wall breaks.

Is breaking the fourth wall back in vogue?

With the dominance of literary adaptations for the screen (and IP-driven screen stories in general) we’re likely to see more cases of direct address, as screenwriters seek to creatively refashion texts for the screen. Vladimir, for instance, is an adaptation of Julia May Jonas’ 2022 novel of the same name.

While breaking the fourth wall may have lost its shock value, it remains a bold storytelling device which, if done well, can set apart one screen production from another.

Actor Matt Damon recently pointed out how streamers such as Netflix are discussing the potential to reiterate “the plot three or four times in the dialogue” of a film, to account for people who scroll on their phone while listening to “background TV”.

Having a character speak directly to a distracted audience may be one way to return their gaze to the bigger screen.

Hyper-reality in unscripted TV

Breaking the fourth wall sits within a wider envelope of “metafictional” storytelling.

As screen culture becomes increasingly aware of its own machinery, unscripted genres such as reality TV are not merely breaking the fourth wall, but abandoning the conceit of separation entirely. The boundaries between cast, camera, story producers and audience have become increasingly porous.

Alex Baskin, executive producer of the long-running series Vanderpump Rules (2013–25), describes this as “hyperreality”. In the wake of Scandoval, the cheating scandal of Tom Sandoval, the reality TV cast started to intervene in the producers’ narrative arcs by speaking on camera about audience feedback, and providing meta commentary on their own “edits”.

When Ariana Madix (Sandoval’s ex) refused to film with him, it disrupted plans for a neat season finale based on his apology. Madix left the set, effectively ending the entire show. Fellow cast member Tom Schwartz called it a “plot twist”. Unsurprisingly, Scorsese is a fan of the show.

Meta and hyperreal storytelling will continue to be on the rise as screen creators seek to imbue a point-of-difference in a congested market – serving an ever-distracted audience.

The Conversation

Alex Munt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. From Fleabag to Vladimir: why has breaking the fourth wall become so common? – https://theconversation.com/from-fleabag-to-vladimir-why-has-breaking-the-fourth-wall-become-so-common-280716

Why the US military is stuck using $1 million missiles against Iran’s $20,000 drones

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Aaron Brynildson, Law Instructor, University of Mississippi

A drone is seen during a suspected drone strike targeting an oil warehouse near Erbil, the capital of Iraq’s Kurdistan Region, on April 1, 2026. Gailan Haji/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images

It may sound hard to believe, but the almost trillion-dollar U.S. military is struggling to fight cheap drones in its war with Iran.

Iran has built a simple drone, the Shahed, with a motorcycle-type engine, loaded it with explosives and successfully targeted its neighbors’ cities and power plants.

Iran has also hit U.S. military bases with these drones, including an early April 2026 attack on the U.S. Victory Base Complex in Baghdad.

The drones cost between US$20,000 and $50,000 to build. In response, the U.S. military sometimes fires missiles worth more than $1 million to shoot one down.

As a former U.S. Air Force officer and now national security scholar, I believe that math is a problem: The U.S. military for now has a $1 million answer to a $20,000 question. This math tells you almost everything you need to know about one of America’s biggest national security headaches.

And the frustrating part is that the U.S. military watched this happen in Ukraine for years. It knew the threat was coming.

The weapon that changed modern war

The Shahed isn’t impressive because it’s high-tech. It’s impressive because it isn’t.

Inspection of captured Shahed drones has found that many of their parts are made by ordinary commercial companies. That includes processors from a U.S. manufacturer, fuel pumps from a U.K. company and converters from China.

These military components aren’t hard to get. You could find similar parts in factories or farm machinery. That’s exactly what makes the Shahed so tough to deal with.

Russia, which also produces the drone, tolerates losing more than 75% of its Shahed stock because even at those loss rates, it’s winning the math battle against Ukraine. Russia or Iran don’t need every drone to hit its target. They just need to keep sending waves of them until their opponent runs out of expensive missiles to shoot back.

Ukraine, which had no choice but to learn fast, eventually figured out a better answer. Ukraine developed cheap interceptor drones that could slam into Shahed drones before they reached their targets. Each interceptor costs about $1,000 to $2,000, and Ukrainian manufacturers are producing thousands of them per month. That’s better math: a $2,000 interceptor against a $20,000 attacker.

A fragment of a drone rests on the ground.
This undated photograph released by the Ukrainian military’s Strategic Communications Directorate shows the wreckage of what Kyiv has described as an Iranian Shahed drone downed near Kupiansk, Ukraine.
Ukrainian military’s Strategic Communications Directorate via AP

Ukraine’s battlefield experience, as a result, has become one of the most valuable resources in the world, with American and allied forces asking Ukrainian drone experts to share their knowledge.

Why can’t the U.S. churn out a solution of its own? Because the U.S. military doesn’t have a technology problem but a bureaucracy problem.

The Pentagon’s three-legged slowdown

The U.S. Department of Defense typically can’t just buy things. It follows a long, complicated process that can take a decade or more to go from “we need something” to “here it is.” That process runs through three separate bureaucratic systems, each of which can cause years of delay.

First, someone must write a formal document, known as a requirement, that explains exactly what they need and why. A military service, such as the Air Force, for example, drafts up a requirement and routes it through an internal service review within only their branch.

Until recently, this service-vetted requirement went through a Pentagon review process, the Joint Capabilities Integration and Development System, where all joint services took a look. This process, which the Department of Defense ended in 2025, required approval from military officials.

Even though the joint requirements process was ended, implementation of a new system is far from complete, and the existing culture potentially remains. Under the old requirements process, it took over 800 days to get a requirement approved.

Second, any new program then needs money. This is handled through the planning, programming, budgeting and execution process, a budget cycle designed in 1961. Getting a new program into the budget typically takes more than two years after the requirement is approved, because the military must submit its budget request years in advance. By then, the threat has potentially already moved on.

Third, once a requirement is approved and money allocated, the program then must be developed and built. The average major defense acquisition program now takes almost 12 years from program start just to deliver an initial capability to troops in the field, according to a 2025 Government Accountability Office report.

Add it up and you get a system where the military sees a threat, begs for a solution, argues for money and waits a decade.

Why the system is built this way

The Shahed drone exposed a gap that defense experts have been warning about for years: The U.S. military is very good at building the most advanced, most expensive weapons in the world, but it struggles to build cheap, simple things fast. That is the opposite of what this new kind of warfare demands.

It would be easy, but inaccurate, to blame the military for the decade-long contract process. The real answer is more complicated.

A man in a suit stands next to a drone and speaks to a group of seated people.
House Speaker Mike Johnson speaks next to an Iranian Shahed-136 drone on May 8, 2025, at the U.S. Capitol in Washington.
Tom Brenner for The Washington Post via Getty Images

The Pentagon’s lengthy process was designed by the Department of Defense and Congress for a reason. Policymakers created the current system during the Cold War to combat excessive and redundant spending by the separate service branches. The system is built with checkpoints, reviews and approvals to make sure taxpayer money isn’t wasted.

Legacy military contractors also benefit from this dysfunctional process and resist change. They have the capital and know-how to wait out the predictable and stable existing contracts, while vying for new ones. These military contractors rarely need to worry about upstart contractors because they know small companies cannot survive waiting for a decade to secure funding for their prototypes.

The problem is that those rules were built for a world where the biggest threat was another superpower’s expensive jets and missiles. It wasn’t built to fight a flying bomb made from tractor parts. This type of threat requires fast innovation from lean companies, the exact companies that struggle in the current budget process.

What’s changing

There are signs of movement. In August 2025, the Pentagon killed its old requirements process entirely and replaced it with a faster, more flexible system.

However, killing the requirements process dealt with only one leg of the three-legged monster. The 1960s-era budget process that determines how money flows remains largely intact.

The most important reforms still need Congress to act, and Congress moves slowly, too. Congress has launched studies into reforming this system numerous times, with the answers being too politically difficult to implement.

Officials are expanding the use of flexible contracting tools, such as Other Transaction Authority, that let the military skip some traditional rules to get anti-drone technology faster. Yet these flexible contracting tools still represent a small slice of the Defense budget, and their effectiveness is unclear.

Ultimately, instead of using flexible contracting tools to quickly buy new prototypes, the bureaucratically easier solution could be to buy more of the expensive, already approved missiles.

This quick fix would reload the military’s stock of interceptors with existing weapons systems, which is the source of the bad math. The math would get worse and at the same time the operational imperative to find cheaper and better solutions might disappear.

So, as the Shahed keeps flying, the most powerful military in the world is still figuring out the paperwork and looking to other countries for help.

The Conversation

Aaron Brynildson served in the U.S. Air Force from 2016-2025.

ref. Why the US military is stuck using $1 million missiles against Iran’s $20,000 drones – https://theconversation.com/why-the-us-military-is-stuck-using-1-million-missiles-against-irans-20-000-drones-281089

When a spouse starts a business, the other partner pays a hidden price

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kanwal Bokhari, Assistant Professor (Teaching) Finance, University of Calgary

When an entrepreneur leaves a salaried job to pursue a venture, the conversation nearly always centres on them: the risk they’re taking, the opportunity they’re pursuing and the funding they need.

But for every entrepreneur who makes that leap, there’s often a spouse or partner who may not have chosen the startup life but is about to live it anyway.

These partners frequently lend savings, absorb extra housework and provide the emotional scaffolding that keeps the venture going. Despite this, they remain nearly invisible in both policy and research even though without them, many new businesses would never get off the ground.

Instead, governments typically pour resources like grants, accelerators and mentorship programs squarely at founders. These kinds of supports are usually designed for individual founders, and rarely acknowledge the wider household that is often sharing that risk in practice.

The costs borne by partners are real, and research like ours is only beginning to measure them.

The cost nobody is counting

More than 83,000 Canadian businesses were created in 2023 alone, according to Statistics Canada, and the vast majority of them were small, with four employees or fewer. For many of the entrepreneurs creating those businesses, there are families at home absorbing the consequences.

Scholars have paid close attention to how starting a business affects founders’ own mental health and happiness. What they have largely overlooked is the person standing next to the founder, even though work and family life are deeply intertwined, and stress in one domain often spills over into the other.

The scattered evidence that does exist is troubling. In Denmark, researchers found that spouses of new entrepreneurs were significantly more likely than spouses of non-entrepreneurs to be prescribed sleep aids and anti-anxiety medication in the two years after the business launched.

Similarly, in Australia, a recent study found measurable drops in psychological health among partners whose spouses entered self-employment.

These findings confirm that spousal strain is real, but they leave a crucial question unanswered: Why does it happen, and does the answer depend on what kind of business gets started and who starts it? Our recent study addressed exactly that question.

Three decades, 628 couples

We followed 628 British couples through three decades of life, drawing on two large national surveys that tracked the same households from 1991 to 2022. In every couple, one partner left a salaried job to start a business. Most went solo; around 20 per cent hired employees. About 58 per cent of the founders were men.

We also compared these households to similar couples where one partner changed jobs but stayed in paid employment. Partners of new entrepreneurs reported a meaningful drop in their own mental health compared to partners of people who simply switched employers.

We also found that this toll on well-being crossed over from the founder to their spouse along two specific routes: money and time.

New businesses typically earn less than the salaried job they replaced, especially in the early years. The mortgage, the school fees, the grocery bill — none of these shrink to match the new income. The financial squeeze manifests as constant low-grade worry.

Founders also work long hours, often nights and weekends, and those hours come directly out of a couple’s shared life. The partner left at home picks up the domestic tasks the founder used to handle, often without anyone explicitly agreeing to the new arrangement.

Both routes showed up clearly in our data. Which one mattered more depended on two things: the founder’s gender and the type of business.

How gender and business type change the picture

The money route hurt spouses across the board, regardless of whether the founder was a man or a woman. The time route was different. When men started businesses, their working hours shot up, and their partners paid the price through increased responsibilities at home.

When women started businesses, however, the same spike in hours did not appear, and their partners’ well-being was not affected through this route. Instead, women who launched ventures continued shouldering the bulk of the housework and child care alongside their businesses, rather than passing those responsibilities to their partners. They absorbed the time cost themselves.

This pattern reflects broader, persistent inequalities in how domestic labour is distributed within households.

The type of venture mattered, too. Founders who worked alone bore the brunt of the income hit, as they had no employees to generate revenue, so their own earnings dropped sharply — pulling household finances with them. For their partners, money was the main source of strain.

Founders who hired staff faced a different problem: managing employees meant longer hours spent on recruiting, training and oversight, even if the business was earning enough. For their partners, lost time together was the bigger issue.

Recognizing the family behind the founder

Our results suggest a one-size-fits-all support package for entrepreneurs will inevitably miss the mark. Different kinds of ventures create different pressures at home: Solo founders may need financial breathing room, employer-founders may need help reclaiming time.

Before launching a business, couples can benefit from conducting a “family-stress audit” — a conversation that involves mapping out the likely income hit and time demands for the specific type of business being planned.

For policymakers and support organizations, support should be matched to the type of strain. Entrepreneurship support organizations could expand to include partner-oriented resources, such as information sessions or planning tools, to support those who didn’t start the business but are living with its consequences every day.

Entrepreneurship is widely credited with creating jobs, driving innovation and economic growth. But it also imposes private costs on the partners who provide the hidden labour and emotional support that make new ventures possible.

Recognizing these patterns is the first step toward building startup ecosystems that sustain not just entrepreneurs and their ventures, but the families behind both.

The Conversation

Seok-Woo Kwon received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Jia Bao, Kanwal Bokhari, and Wei Yu do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. When a spouse starts a business, the other partner pays a hidden price – https://theconversation.com/when-a-spouse-starts-a-business-the-other-partner-pays-a-hidden-price-280414

Les maladies rénales sont en hausse en Afrique : le rôle des facteurs de risque génétiques

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Segun Fatumo, Professor and Chair of Genomic Diversity, Queen Mary University of London

À chaque minute, vos reins travaillent intensément. Ils filtrent environ 200 litres de sang, éliminent les déchets, équilibrent les sels et les fluides, et régulent la pression artérielle. Tout cela se fait sans aucun effort conscient de votre part.

Mais lorsque vos reins commencent à défaillir, les conséquences sont dévastatrices. Cela entraîne notamment la fatigue, l’accumulation de liquide et des complications cardiaques. Certaines personnes finissent par avoir besoin d’une dialyse ou d’une greffe pour rester en vie.

Les maladies rénales constituent l’une des causes de décès dont la prévalence augmente le plus rapidement dans le monde. Environ 850 millions de personnes vivent avec une forme ou une autre de maladie rénale, soit plus que le nombre cumulé de personnes touchées par le diabète et le cancer. La maladie rénale chronique – lorsque vos reins perdent lentement leur capacité à remplir leur fonction – est responsable d’environ 1,5 million de décès chaque année dans le monde, et ce chiffre est en hausse.

Mais la maladie rénale se développe silencieusement, avec peu de symptômes. Lorsque ces symptômes apparaissent, la maladie est déjà grave.

Et ce fardeau n’est pas réparti de manière égale. Les personnes d’ascendance africaine sont quatre fois plus susceptibles de développer la forme la plus grave d’insuffisance rénale que les personnes d’ascendance européenne. En Afrique subsaharienne, les taux d’hypertension artérielle et de diabète de type 2 sont également en hausse. Ces deux maladies sont les principales causes de lésions rénales. Environ 30 % des adultes en Afrique subsaharienne souffrent d’hypertension artérielle, et 25 millions (un adulte sur 20) sont atteints de diabète) – la plupart sans diagnostic ni traitement.

L’Afrique subsaharienne compte moins de néphrologues, d’établissements de dialyse et de services de transplantation par habitant que le reste du monde. L’Afrique dans son ensemble compte moins d’un néphrologue par million d’habitants. Dans certains pays africains, il n’y a aucun néphrologue. La moyenne mondiale est d’environ 10 pour un million. Dans les pays à revenu élevé, ce chiffre atteint 23 pour un million. Pour la plupart des Africains atteints d’insuffisance rénale, il n’existe tout simplement aucun traitement disponible.

Il est donc essentiel d’identifier les personnes à risque avant que leurs reins ne cessent de fonctionner.

Notre étude récemment publiée comble une lacune importante dans ce domaine. Nous sommes membres du consortium KidneyGenAfrica, un partenariat panafricain qui vise à atteindre l’excellence en matière de recherche et de formation dans le domaine de la génomique des maladies rénales.

Nous avons découvert de nouvelles variantes génétiques indiquant un risque de maladie rénale chez les populations africaines. Nous avons également mis en évidence des différences entre les risques génétiques auxquels sont exposées les personnes vivant en Afrique, d’une part, et les personnes d’origine africaine vivant en Amérique du Nord et en Europe, d’autre part.

Cela montre à quel point il est important que la médecine s’appuie sur des recherches adaptées aux personnes concernées.

Comprendre la maladie rénale

La maladie rénale n’apparaît pas soudainement. Elle se développe souvent progressivement, sous l’effet d’une combinaison de facteurs. Certaines personnes sont porteuses de variants génétiques, de petites différences dans leur ADN, qui rendent leurs reins plus vulnérables aux lésions.

D’autres sont confrontées à des risques environnementaux tels qu’une alimentation riche en sel, une hypertension artérielle non contrôlée ou des infections liées au diabète. L’utilisation de plantes médicinales, l’eau contaminée et les toxines environnementales constituent également des risques.

Dans la plupart des cas, c’est la combinaison de ces facteurs qui détermine qui tombe malade et à quelle vitesse. Mais jusqu’à récemment, les populations africaines étaient à peine présentes dans le débat scientifique sur ce sujet. L’Afrique, qui abrite les populations humaines les plus diversifiées génétiquement de la planète, n’était représentée que dans une infime partie de la recherche génomique mondiale. Cela commence à changer.

Grande étude génétique sur les Africains

Nous avons analysé les données génomiques d’environ 26 000 personnes issues d’Afrique orientale, occidentale et australe, ainsi que d’environ 81 000 personnes d’ascendance africaine vivant ailleurs. Il s’agit de la plus grande étude génétique jamais menée sur la fonction rénale chez les Africains du continent.

Notre étude apporte un nouvel éclairage sur la génétique des maladies rénales chroniques au sein de diverses populations africaines. Elle soutiendra également les travaux futurs visant à améliorer la prévention, le diagnostic et le traitement des maladies rénales au sein de ces populations et dans le monde entier.




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Les Ouest-Africains présentent un risque élevé de maladie rénale selon une nouvelle étude


L’équipe a utilisé une méthode appelée « étude d’association pangénomique », qui analyse l’ensemble du code génétique humain afin d’identifier les variants liés à un trait ou à une maladie particulière. Ici, l’indicateur étudié était le débit de filtration glomérulaire estimé, un résultat de test sanguin standard qui mesure l’efficacité avec laquelle les reins filtrent les déchets. Un score plus faible indique une fonction rénale plus faible et un risque plus élevé de maladie.

En analysant uniquement les populations d’Afrique continentale, l’étude a identifié quatre emplacements génétiques pertinents, dont deux qui n’avaient jamais été signalés auparavant.

En incluant les populations d’ascendance africaine de la diaspora, ce nombre est passé à 19 sites, dont trois nouveaux. Quatre de ces sites génétiques ont été localisés avec une grande précision. Cela signifie que l’équipe a pu identifier la variante génétique spécifique la plus susceptible d’être à l’origine de l’effet, plutôt que de se contenter de signaler une région du génome où quelque chose de pertinent se produisait.

Chaque site nouvellement découvert constitue désormais une cible potentielle pour de futurs médicaments ou outils de diagnostic.

L’étude a également examiné les scores polygéniques, qui sont des outils permettant d’estimer le risque global d’une personne de développer une maladie. Une conclusion clé a été que les scores établis à partir de données provenant de populations africaines génétiquement similaires donnaient de meilleurs résultats que ceux dérivés d’ensembles de données plus vastes mais génétiquement éloignés.

Cela revêt une importance considérable pour la médecine en Afrique : la science ne fonctionne que si les données de référence correspondent à la population qu’elle est censée servir.

Un gène qui se comporte différemment de part et d’autre de l’Atlantique

Une découverte importante de l’étude concerne un gène appelé APOL1.
Deux variants du gène APOL1, connus sous les noms de G1 et G2, augmentent le risque de plusieurs formes graves de maladies rénales chez les Afro-Américains. On supposait généralement que ce même risque s’appliquait de la même manière aux personnes vivant sur le continent africain.

Cependant, les données suggèrent le contraire. En Afrique continentale, ces variants APOL1 à haut risque sont moins fréquents (et varient selon les régions d’Afrique). Leur association avec une fonction rénale réduite est nettement plus faible que dans la diaspora africaine.

Ce même gène semble se comporter différemment selon le lieu de résidence d’une personne et la population dont elle est issue.

Cette découverte est importante pour le développement de médicaments. Les essais cliniques sur les traitements des maladies rénales doivent inclure des personnes vivant en Afrique et pas seulement des personnes d’origine africaine vivant ailleurs.

Ce qui doit se passer maintenant

Plusieurs mesures doivent découler de cette recherche pour qu’elle profite à la santé des populations :

  • Les systèmes de santé africains doivent investir dans le dépistage précoce des maladies rénales. Des analyses de sang et d’urine simples et abordables permettent de détecter les lésions rénales à un stade où des changements de mode de vie et un traitement médicamenteux peuvent être efficaces. Les outils d’évaluation du risque génétique peuvent aider à identifier les personnes qui ont le plus besoin d’un dépistage.

  • Les laboratoires pharmaceutiques doivent inclure les populations du continent africain dans leurs essais cliniques.

  • La communauté scientifique mondiale doit continuer à investir dans les infrastructures génomiques africaines, notamment les cohortes de recherche et de grands groupes de participants consentants dont les données génétiques et de santé sont collectées et stockées à des fins d’analyse.

Cette étude démontre que les scientifiques africains, en collaboration avec les communautés africaines, peuvent générer des connaissances qui changent la donne à l’échelle mondiale. Elle a permis de mieux affiner La maîtrise de l’un des défis sanitaires les plus urgents.

The Conversation

Segun Fatumo bénéficie d’un financement du Medical Research Council (MRC), de Wellcome et des NIH.

ref. Les maladies rénales sont en hausse en Afrique : le rôle des facteurs de risque génétiques – https://theconversation.com/les-maladies-renales-sont-en-hausse-en-afrique-le-role-des-facteurs-de-risque-genetiques-280600

Forty years after the Chernobyl disaster, its legacy still resonates

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By David Roger Marples, Professor, Russian and East European History, University of Alberta

The explosion at the fourth reactor of the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant in northern Ukraine on April 26, 1986, changed the lives of thousands of Soviet citizens.

The plant was located 20 kilometres from of the Belarus border, near the confluence of the Uzh and Prypiat rivers and the Kyiv Reservoir. The area was remote, with scattered farms across a rural landscape.

Wind and rainfall dispersed the radiation to the north and northwest. The authorities evacuated the city of Prypiat, three kilometres to the north where 55,000 workers lived, 40 hours after the accident.

More than 70 officials in the Soviet Union’s ruling Communist Party fled the plant. Two operators were killed instantly, while 28 firemen and first aid workers sent to the site died of radiation sickness within three months.

Mikhail Gorbachev, the general secretary of the party’s central committee, had only been in office for six weeks at the time.

In March, he had appeared before the 27th party congress to announced “new thinking,” with watchwords “glasnost” (openness) and “perestroika” (restructuring). Nonetheless, the Soviet government’s reaction to news of the Chernobyl disaster was to stay silent for 40 hours.

On April 28, Soviet citizens heard that an accident had taken place, two people had died and a government commission had been set up to investigate.

What happened at Chernobyl?

The accident at Chernobyl occurred as a result of a safety experiment to determine power generation during a shutdown. It occurred over a holiday period with neither the plant director nor chief engineer present. To ensure the experiment’s success, operators dismantled seven mechanisms that would have safely shut down the reactor.

The graphite-moderated RBMK reactor, based on control rods, had an innate flaw unknown to the operators. It became unstable if operated at low power. When an operator lowered the power, it caused a surge that blew the roof off the reactor, spreading graphite from the core and creating a radiation cloud.

In early May, Gorbachev appeared on television but used the time to denounce “sensational” reports about mass casualties.

Members of the public in the main fallout areas of Ukraine and Belarus were desperate for information. Some 600,000 “liquidators” had the task of removing contaminated topsoil. Coal miners from the Russia and the Donbas region in eastern Ukraine constructed a shelf below the reactor to prevent it falling to the water table.

It took three years before Soviet authorities published maps detailing where radioactive cesium had fallen. The area covered most of Belarus, large areas of northern and western Ukraine, and part of southern Russia.

Thousands of liquidators died between 1986 and 1989, mostly from heart attacks. They were men in their 20s and 30s.

Thyroid cancer developed among children in Belarus by 1990, affecting more than 3,000. Ukraine placed a moratorium on building new reactors by 1990, and Chernobyl itself was shut down by 2000 with a roof (sarkofag or sarcophagus) over the damaged reactor.

Public reaction

As the scale of the disaster became clearer, anger and disillusionment grew among the population. In particular, many questioned why all the energy industries were under Moscow’s control, in ministries that had little knowledge of the local area.

In a way, Chernobyl created glasnost. Journalists wrote critiques of scientists supervising the accident’s aftermath and about the health consequences. The casualty rates far exceeded the totals publicized by the World Health Organization.

In November 1988, anti-nuclear power protests took place in Kyiv under the slogan “The Environment and Us.” Dr. Yuriy Shcherbak (later Ukraine’s ambassador to Canada) formed the Green World Association, which later became the Green Party of Ukraine. A popular movement called Rukh was founded in 1989 and focused on Ukrainian sovereignty, language and telling the truth about Chernobyl.

Both Ukraine and Belarus, however, were slow to accept political change. Party leaders did little to help overcome the aftermath of Chernobyl. A notable rift was evident in both societies between the scientific and party elite on the one hand, and activists, journalists and the general public on the other.

The aftermath of Chernobyl

In August 1986, a Soviet team arrived in Vienna to explain the causes of the accident to the International Atomic Energy Agency. Led by Soviet chemist Valery Legasov, it blamed the accident entirely on human error, ignoring more than 30 known flaws in the RBMK reactor.

On the eve of the accident’s second anniversary, Legasov committed suicide. He was demoralized by the authorities’ failure to heed his warnings about the safety of the reactor. He was likely also suffering from radiation sickness.

Anti-nuclear sentiment across the Soviet Union halted the vast program to expand atomic energy. Political movements in the Baltic States, Ukraine, Georgia and other republics coalesced, forcing the Soviet leadership to make concessions.

By 1991, Gorbachev limited glasnost and introduced the concept of a revised union of sovereign republics. Chernobyl was not the only factor in such a development, but it was a catalyst.

The plant has long been shut down and decommissioned, but its significance remains. Ukraine still depends on nuclear power for about half its energy needs. The Russian invasion saw a brief occupation of the defunct Chernobyl station and a takeover of Ukraine’s largest nuclear plant at Zaporizhzhia.

We should remember the bravery of those who fought the fire and cleaned the area. We should also remember the courage of ordinary people who defied the authorities in a quest for hard information and societal change. And we should keep the memory of the date, one of significant change in the former Soviet Union.

The Conversation

David Roger Marples does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Forty years after the Chernobyl disaster, its legacy still resonates – https://theconversation.com/forty-years-after-the-chernobyl-disaster-its-legacy-still-resonates-279715

Not getting enough physical activity may be harming your health: Here’s what being sedentary does to your body

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Scott Lear, Professor of Health Sciences, Simon Fraser University

Being regularly active can improve your mental well-being, reduce your chances of disease and increase your lifespan.

The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends that adults get at least 150 minutes of moderate activity (brisk walking, easy cycling) or at least 75 minutes of vigorous activity (running, tennis), along with at least two strengthening sessions, per week. But only 73 per cent of adults meet these guidelines worldwide, and 51 per cent of Canadian adults are considered physically inactive.

I’m a professor in Health Sciences at Simon Fraser University and I study how behaviours relate to health and disease. I also write a blog on the role health behaviours play in your health.

What is physical inactivity?

Physical inactivity is defined as not meeting the minimum guidelines for being active. Being physically inactive, however, doesn’t mean you’re not active at all. You could still be doing light activity, like general walking or household chores — just not moderate or vigorous activity. And in general, people who are inactive spend more of their time being sedentary.

Sedentary activities are those of very little or no movement and include sitting, lying down and standing. For most people, the majority of sedentary time is spent sitting.

Various studies report adults spend on average six hours per day sitting. But these studies are based on self-report. The few studies that have used direct measures of activity (such as accelerometers) indicate it may be closer to 10 hours of sitting per day.

This is a concern as the WHO labels physical inactivity as the fourth leading modifiable risk factor for death. It’s estimated that with a 10 per cent increase in activity, 500 million early deaths could be prevented.

Biological changes and health concerns

From a biological perspective, being inactive is more than the opposite of being active. This is because sedentary activities result in unique physiological changes. When you sit, your metabolism slows down. This makes sense, as your energy needs are much lower. It’s not much different from a car engine shutting down at a stoplight.

Prolonged sitting can lead to an accumulation of fats (triglycerides) in your blood. As your body needs less energy when sitting (or lying) down, production of certain enzymes goes down. One of those is lipoprotein lipase (LPL), which breaks down fats in the blood so muscles and organs can use fat for energy.

In rodent studies, LPL decreased when the rodents were inactive. With continuous sitting over months and years, the excess fats can impair insulin and glucose metabolism, and increase your risk for Type 2 diabetes.

Other health risks include weakened muscles. Muscles need movement to keep strong. If they’re not being used, they shrink and get weaker. Varicose veins and deep vein thrombosis can also result from the continually pooling of blood in the lower legs that comes with sitting. And over years, your risk for dementia, cancer, heart disease and early death rise.

It’s quite common to wonder if being active can compensate for sitting. The short answer is yes — being active, even in the presence of long periods of sitting, is better for you than not being active. But it depends on how active you are, and how much you sit.

In a study I co-authored, we found increased sitting was associated with early death regardless of how active you are. But the risk was worse for those who were less active. For those who met the WHO’s physical activity guidelines, sitting for more than six hours per day had the same risk as those who sat less than six hours per day but did not meet the guidelines.

Managing sitting and sedentary behaviour

We’re not going to do away with sitting, nor should we. Sitting is needed to provide time for rest and recovery. Also, many tasks are more comfortably performed while sitting. At present, there isn’t a specific target for sitting time, other than to reduce how much siting you do.

Standing is often mentioned as a solution. And the standing desk industry has exploded in recent years. While standing will result in less sitting, standing for long periods has a similar effect on metabolism as sitting. Other health concerns of prolonged standing include muscle fatigue, varicose veins and potential for greater risk for heart disease.

Replacing sitting (or standing) with movement is the best solution. Our study found replacing 30 minutes of sitting with movement reduced risk for early death by two per cent in people who sat more than four hours per day. But getting up and moving for 30 minutes may not be possible in all situation, so it’s important to reduce continuous, uninterrupted sitting time.

Breaking up sitting every 20-30 minutes with two minutes of activity (light walking, jumping jacks, squats or anything else) is enough to keep your metabolism running and manage insulin and glucose levels. To remind yourself, set your phone alarm every 20-30 minutes and get up and move.

Other ways to decrease sitting time include taking phone calls while pacing in the office and holding walking meetings.

While most people are aware that being active has health benefits, it’s also important to know that being sedentary has health risks. Physical inactivity can adversely affect your health.

The Conversation

Scott Lear has received funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, the Heart and Stroke Foundation, Novo Nordisk, Hamilton Health Sciences and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.

ref. Not getting enough physical activity may be harming your health: Here’s what being sedentary does to your body – https://theconversation.com/not-getting-enough-physical-activity-may-be-harming-your-health-heres-what-being-sedentary-does-to-your-body-273675

How US presidents shift controversial actions abroad to get around limits at home

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andrew Gawthorpe, Lecturer in History and International Studies, Leiden University

When Donald Trump deported a group of Venezuelan nationals to El Salvador in 2025, it was the fulfilment of a long-held wish. Across both of his administrations Trump has pushed officials to find ways to brutalise immigrants, particularly those who are undocumented, believing that doing so will deter others from making the trip.

The Venezuelan nationals were destined for El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center, known as Cecot. When they arrived, according to a Human Rights Watch report, they were subjected to systematic beatings, sexual abuse and psychological duress.

The Trump administration amplified reports of conditions in the prison. Trump’s former homeland security secretary, Kristi Noem, for example, filmed a video inside Cecot in 2025 in which she thanked El Salvador for “bringing our terrorists here and incarcerating them”.

Trump’s deportations were a chilling sign of how easy it is for US presidents to sidestep the constitution. If Cecot were in the US, it would be recognised as a site of illegal abuses. The constitution’s protection against “cruel and unusual punishments” would cause judges to order it shut down – and it is likely that political outrage would not cease until that order was followed.

Yet by making an agreement with El Salvador’s president, Nayib Bukele, Trump managed to get around these legal and political obstacles. In a recent paper, I explored how Trump’s deportations are part of a broader pattern of what I call “presidential extra-territorialization” – American presidents acting in or through a foreign jurisdiction to circumvent the US constitution.

There is a long-term pattern of cooperation between presidents from both the Republican and Democratic parties and the leaders of foreign countries. It is a pattern that could have grave implications for the future of US democracy.

Outsourcing abuses

The ability of US presidents to engage in this outsourcing of abuses is rooted in two things. First, their control over the vast capabilities of the modern executive branch, with its array of spies, soldiers and law enforcement officials. And second, control over US diplomacy, which is enshrined in Supreme Court precedent.

In 1936, the court ruled that the president is “the sole organ of the federal government in the field of international relations”. This has commonly been interpreted as meaning US presidents cannot be constrained by the other branches of government when conducting diplomacy.

Combined, these factors mean presidents face fewer constraints in foreign affairs than in the domestic realm. They are able to avoid oversight from the courts and Congress by keeping agreements with other governments secret and by acting too fast to be stopped. If they can find just one foreign government willing to enable them, then what is not possible at home suddenly becomes possible overseas.

This lack of constraint was evident in Trump’s deportations. The US government sent the men to El Salvador despite a last-minute ruling by a federal court ordering their return.

And once they were in El Salvador, the Trump administation claimed it was no longer responsible for them and could not be expected to bring them back. The Supreme Court stepped in to pause further such deportations, but only weeks after the fact.

Kristi Noem receives a tour of Cecot with El Salvador's minister of justice and public security.
Kristi Noem receives a tour of Cecot with El Salvador’s minister of justice and public security, Gustavo Villatoro, in March 2025.
United States Department of Homeland Security

Other examples of the power and flexibility of extra-territorialization became apparent during the “war on terror”, when successive US presidents faced the issue of where to send detainees who were suspected terrorists.

If they were brought to the US, they would have had constitutional rights and could not have been tortured or indefinitely imprisoned. So presidents from Bill Clinton in the 1990s onward established a series of agreements with other countries to take and mistreat them instead.

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks in 2001, the Bush administration established a series of “black sites” in countries such as Poland, Thailand and Romania in which to hold detainees in secret. Abuses were committed directly by US agents, but still beyond the reach of US courts. The administration held prisoners at Guantanamo Bay in Cuba too, another place where the constitution’s reach was limited.

Presidents can also shift territory in response to attempts to constrain their actions. When the US Supreme Court ruled that detainees at Guantanamo Bay had to be afforded certain rights in 2008, the Obama administration transferred some detainees to Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan. Bagram was not covered by the Supreme Court ruling.

As a US court of appeals noted in 2010, the ability to shift territories so easily seemed to allow the administration to “switch the constitution on or off at will”.

Yet another example of extra-territorialization is the “Five Eyes” intelligence agreement between Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK and US. As part of this pact, members have been reported to spy on each other’s citizens – an outsourcing of surveillance that allows each to circumvent domestic privacy constraints.

The fact that Trump has engaged in extra-territorialization so openly, in contrast to previous administrations who tried to keep it hidden, is a stark warning.

Even when the president said he was exploring a proposal to send US citizens to Cecot in April 2025, he received little pushback from within his own party. This suggests they have accepted it as a legitimate strategy to achieve policy goals.

In the hyper-polarised atmosphere of contemporary US politics, extra-territorialization is threatening to become a regular tool of governance. To stop that from happening, it is vital to expose and confront it. But first we must understand it.

The Conversation

Andrew Gawthorpe is affiliated with the Foreign Policy Centre in London.

ref. How US presidents shift controversial actions abroad to get around limits at home – https://theconversation.com/how-us-presidents-shift-controversial-actions-abroad-to-get-around-limits-at-home-280769

Heritage is created, not inherited – as Korean pop culture shows

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anna Stein, PhD Student, University of Leicester

An exhibition at South Korea’s Yeosu Arte Museum. BtheJ/Shutterstock

The word “heritage” generally calls to mind the distant past. Ancient buildings, historic objects or traditions passed down over generations. “Heritage” feels old by definition, but it’s not simply something we inherit. It is something we actively make. What matters is not age but the decision to preserve, display and interpret particular parts of culture as meaningful.

Researchers have long argued that heritage is created through social and political processes rather than discovered fully formed. Professor of heritage and museum studies Laurajane Smith, for example, describes heritage as a cultural process rather than a set of old things.

South Korea offers a clear example of how this shift is playing out today. Forms of popular culture that still feel contemporary – including music, television and fashion – are increasingly entering museums and cultural institutions. Rather than waiting decades to be recognised as historically important, they are being treated as heritage in real time.

This challenges the idea that heritage naturally emerges from the past. Instead, it shows how heritage is shaped by present-day choices.


This article is part of our State of the Arts series. These articles tackle the challenges of the arts and heritage industry – and celebrate the wins, too.


For much of the 20th century, heritage institutions focused on age, tradition and permanence. Museums prioritised monuments, fine art and objects connected to political or national history. Everyday life and popular culture were often seen as too ordinary, too commercial or too temporary to preserve.

This distinction has been questioned by museum and heritage researchers. Studies of museum collecting practices show that heritage is always selective and reflects contemporary values and power structures rather than neutral historical importance. Smith’s concept of “authorised heritage discourse” explains how institutions define what counts as heritage and what does not.

Even so, for many people “heritage” still carries an aura of distance. It is associated with what has survived time, rather than what is happening now.

What has changed is how quickly museums are responding to contemporary culture. Internationally, museums have increasingly collected popular music, film, fashion and everyday objects. The Victoria and Albert Museum’s work on contemporary fashion and popular music collections is one prominent example. In the US, the Smithsonian Institution has similarly expanded its collecting to include popular culture and everyday life.

Korean popular culture in heritage spaces

Korean popular culture makes this shift especially visible. The global success of K-pop, television dramas, film and fashion has drawn attention to contemporary Korean culture both within South Korea and internationally. This global circulation is often described as the “Korean Wave” or Hallyu.

In response, museums and cultural centres have begun collecting and exhibiting these cultural forms alongside more established historical material. K-pop costumes have been displayed in museum exhibitions as material evidence of changing aesthetics, performance labour and global cultural exchange, including at the National Museum of Korean Contemporary History. Television dramas are represented through sets, props and production materials that document how these programmes are made and consumed.

National Folk Museum of Korea
The National Folk Museum of Korea.
Richie Chan/Shutterstock

Food culture and domestic interiors are also increasingly framed as heritage. The National Folk Museum of Korea has expanded its exhibitions on modern and contemporary daily life, including housing, food-ways and consumer culture.

What is striking is how recent many of these objects and practices are. They are not relics from a distant past. They are things people still watch, wear, eat and listen to. By bringing them into museums, institutions are effectively declaring their cultural value in the present.

When popular culture enters a heritage space, it changes. Objects are removed from everyday circulation and placed within interpretive frameworks that encourage visitors to see them differently. Exhibition texts, display choices and narratives guide audiences towards particular meanings, such as creativity, national identity or global influence.

Research on museum interpretation shows that these framing decisions are central to how visitors understand cultural value. Korean museums show how quickly this process can happen. Popular culture does not need to age into heritage. It can be made heritage through institutional recognition.

This does not mean everything popular is preserved. Selection remains central. Certain artists, styles and narratives are chosen, while others are excluded. Research on museum collecting has highlighted how gaps and silences are produced alongside preservation.

Who decides what is remembered?

The move towards contemporary heritage raises important questions about authority. Museums, government bodies and cultural organisations all influence what is collected and displayed. In South Korea, heritage decisions are closely tied to cultural policy, tourism and international cultural promotion, as outlined in government cultural policy documents.

Audiences also play a role. Exhibitions focused on popular culture often attract visitors who might not usually engage with museums. Research on visitor engagement shows that popular culture exhibitions are often designed to be immersive and accessible, reshaping expectations of what heritage looks like and who it is for. At the same time, making heritage in the present carries risks. Not all voices are equally represented. Less visible or less marketable forms of culture may be overlooked, even as heritage appears to become more inclusive.

Looking at contemporary Korean culture helps make a broader point. Heritage is no longer confined to the distant past. It is increasingly shaped by the present and reflects what societies value now, not just what they inherit. Recognising this does not diminish the importance of preserving historical sites and objects. Instead, it offers a clearer understanding of heritage as an active process. What we choose to collect, display and remember says as much about today as it does about yesterday.

In a world saturated with popular culture, heritage is no longer something we wait for. It is something we are making all the time.

The Conversation

Anna Stein does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Heritage is created, not inherited – as Korean pop culture shows – https://theconversation.com/heritage-is-created-not-inherited-as-korean-pop-culture-shows-273613