Governments can protect marine environments by supporting small-scale fishing

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Rashid Sumaila, Director & Professor, Fisheries Economics Research Unit, University of British Columbia

The world’s oceans are vital for life on Earth. Drifting phytoplankton provide almost half the oxygen released into the atmosphere. Marine and coastal ecosystems provide food and protect communities from storms.

Nearly 30 per cent of the world’s population lives in coastal areas. However, rapidly changing climate and massive biodiversity losses represent an unprecedented threat to these ecosystems and to life on Earth as we know it. Research shows that coastal regions bear the brunt of climate change and extractive impacts.

Industrial fishing can extract in a day what a small boat might take in a year. Since 1950, carbon dioxide emissions from global marine fisheries have quadrupled. Bottom trawling — where a ship tows a large net along the seafloor — adds further damage by disturbing carbon-rich seafloor sediments.

Scientists estimate that between 1996 and 2020, 9.2 billion tons of carbon dioxide were released into the atmosphere due to bottom trawling — about 370 million tons annually, double the emissions from fuel combustion of the entire global fishing fleet of four million vessels.

By the middle of this century, 12 per cent of nearshore ocean areas could be transformed beyond recognition. In the tropics — Earth’s life ring — human-driven impacts are expected to triple by 2041-60. Our planet’s oceans are facing a critical risk, and we must act urgently to protect them in ways that also benefit the people who rely on them.

As COP30 gets underway in Belem, Brazil, developing measures to protect the world’s oceans and fisheries must be on the agenda.

The key lies in empowering those who have long stewarded these ecosystems: Indigenous and coastal communities. Their traditional fishing practices, passed down through generations, offer a model for balancing ecological recovery with human well-being. Governments must listen to and learn from them.

The industrial threat

To include climate-regulating habitats in global conservation goals, governments must develop policy solutions that prioritize small-scale fishers and Indigenous and coastal communities and mitigate the destructive impacts of industrial fishing fleets.

One in every 12 people globally — nearly half of them women — depend at least partly on small-scale fishing for their livelihood. In contrast to destructive industrial fleets, small-scale fisheries are among the most energy-efficient, animal-sourced food production systems, with low environmental impacts in terms of greenhouse gas and other stressors and outsized economic and social value.

An important measure that could both support small-scale fisheries and contribute to countries’ contributions under global frameworks such as the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals is the formal exclusion of destructive industrial fishing from nearshore waters.

Inshore exclusion zones (IEZs) — also called preferential access areas — are coastal areas that prohibit certain methods of industrial fishing and grant preferential access to small-scale fishers.

When paired with co-management between governments and communities, IEZs can help restore fish populations and strengthen food security and livelihoods.

A promising example is in Ghana, where a bill has just been signed by the president to extend IEZs from six to 12 nautical miles, protecting more coastal waters for small-scale fishers.

An inclusive solution

To support these essential producers while meeting climate and biodiversity goals, governments must apply existing policies in ways that centre people.

The UN’s Global Biodiversity Framework, adopted in 2022, recognizes Indigenous Peoples and local communities as custodians of biodiversity. It also commits governments to protect at least 30 per cent of land and sea by 2030.

But governments must avoid the trap of “paper protection” — designating areas as protected without real enforcement or community involvement. Instead, we need practical, inclusive approaches that uphold both conservation and equity.

Locally led protection

I’m an adviser to Blue Ventures, a non-governmental organization working with coastal communities to restore their seas and build lasting prosperity. The organization helped pioneer the Locally Managed Marine Area (LMMA) model, which blends traditional knowledge and spiritual belief with modern conservation science.

LMMAs protect coral, mangrove and seagrass habitats, increase participation in biodiversity stewardship, enhance food security and build climate resilience.

Supporting coastal communities to establish functional and legal LMMAs — while excluding carbon-intensive industrial fishing from these areas — and recognizing and embedding the approach into global biodiversity frameworks and targets would mark an important shift in valuing conservation outcomes in areas where humans and marine life coexist.

If inclusive marine protection methods, like LMMAs and similar areas under traditional governance, were recognized as key tools to protect biodiversity, we could see a welcome alliance of formally protected areas and those under local governance, all contributing to global conservation targets.

Ultimately, governments should aim to protect more than just 30 per cent of the ocean. To do so, they must pursue equitable, inclusive solutions that align with global goals. We need a future where community-led management of nearshore waters supports both people and nature. We owe it to each other, and to the ocean that gives us life.

The Conversation

Rashid Sumaila receives funding from SSHRC, NSERC and the World Bank. He is affiliated with Blue Ventures, Oceana, Pew Charitable Trusts, and the Tyler Prize Foundation as a board member.

ref. Governments can protect marine environments by supporting small-scale fishing – https://theconversation.com/governments-can-protect-marine-environments-by-supporting-small-scale-fishing-265651

We asked teachers about their experiences with AI in the classroom — here’s what they said

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Nadia Delanoy, Assistant Professor, Leadership, Policy, and Governance and Learning Sciences, Werklund School of Education, University of Calgary

“As much as I appreciate professional learning, when it is all about what tools to use, it misses the mark,” said one teacher in a study about AI in classrooms. CC BY-NC

Since ChatGPT and other large language models burst into public consciousness, school boards are drafting policies, universities are hosting symposiums and tech companies are relentlessly promoting their latest AI-powered learning tools.

In the race to modernize education, artificial intelligence (AI) has become the new darling of policy innovation. While AI promises efficiency and personalization, it also introduces complexity, ethical dilemmas and new demands.

Teachers, who are at the heart of learning along with students, are watching this transformation with growing unease. For example, according to the Alberta Teachers’ Association, 80 to 90 per cent of educators surveyed expressed concern about AI’s potential negative effects on education.

To understand comprehensive policy needs, we must first understand classrooms — and teachers’ current realities.

As a researcher with expertise in technology-enhanced teaching and learning at the intersections of assessment, leadership and policy, I interviewed teachers from across Canada, with Erik Sveinson, a Bachelor of Education student. We asked them about their experiences with generative AI (GenAI) in the classroom.

Their stories help contextualize a reality of AI in a K-12 context, and offer insights around harnessing AI’s potential without harming education as a human-centred endeavour.

AI policy and teaching wisdom

This qualitative study involved 10 (grades 5 to 12) teachers from Alberta, Saskatchewan, Ontario and British Columbia.

We recruited participants through professional learning networks, teacher associations and district contacts, seeking to ensure a variety of perspectives from varied grade levels, subjects and geographic locations.

We thematically coded interview data, and then cross-referenced this with insights from a review of existing research about GenAI use in K-12 classrooms. We highlighted convergences or tensions between theories about assessment, teaching approaches in technology-enhanced environments, student learning and educator practices.

Across interviews, teachers described a widening gap between policy expectations and the emotional realities of classroom practice.

What we heard

The following themes emerged from our interviews:

1. The assessment crisis: Longstanding tools of assessment, such as the essay or the take-home project, have suddenly become vulnerable. Teachers are spending countless hours questioning the authenticity of student work.

All teachers interviewed consistently said they struggled with their current assessment practices and how students may be using GenAI in work. Confidence in the reliability of assessments have been challenging. The majority of teachers shared they felt they needed to consider students cheating more than ever given advancing GenAI technology.

2. Equity dilemmas: Teachers are on the front lines of seeing firsthand which students have unlimited access to the latest AI tools at home and which do not.

3. Teachers perceive both opportunities and challenges with AI. Great teaching is about fostering critical thinking and human connection. Ninety per cent of teachers interviewed faced complex challenges relating to equity and how best to support critical thinking in the classroom while building foundational knowledge. In particular, middle and high school teachers in core subject areas indicated students were using GenAI tools in their own time outside class without ethical guidance.

‘One more thing piled on’

One teacher from central Alberta said:

“AI is definitely helpful for my workflow, but right now it feels like one more thing piled onto an already impossible workload. The policy says, ‘embrace innovation,’ but where’s the guidance and support?”

Classrooms are dynamic ecosystems shaped by emotion, relationships and unpredictability. Teachers manage trauma, neurodiversity, language barriers and social inequities while delivering curriculum and meeting student achievement expectations.

Teachers say there’s little recognition of the cognitive load they already carry, or the time it takes to vet, adapt and ethically deploy AI tools. They say AI policies often treating educators as passive implementers of tech, rather than active agents of learning.

A high school teacher from eastern Canada shared:

“AI doesn’t understand the emotional labour of teaching. It can’t see the trauma behind a student’s meltdown. As much as I appreciate professional learning, when it is all about what tools to use, it misses the mark.”

This perspective highlights a broader finding: teachers are not resisting AI per se; they are resisting implementation that disregards their emotional expertise and contextual judgment. They want professional learning initiatives that honour the human and relational dimensions of their work.

Burnout, professional erosion

This disconnect is not just theoretical, it’s emotional. Teachers are reporting burnout, anxiety and a sense of professional erosion. A 2024 study found that 76.9 per cent of Canadian educators felt emotionally exhausted, and nearly half had considered leaving the profession. The introduction of AI, without proper training or support, is compounding that stress.




Read more:
Solving teacher shortages depends on coming together around shared aspirations for children


There’s also a growing fear reported by the Alberta Teachers’ Association that, if not implemented properly with support for teachers new to the profession, AI could deskill the profession.

A teacher in Vancouver shared:

“I am a veteran teacher and understand the fundamentals of teaching. For beginner teachers, when algorithms write report cards or generate lesson plans, what happens to teacher autonomy and the art of teaching?”

Turning teaching into a checklist?

Overall, the interview responses suggest what’s missing from AI policy is a fundamental understanding of teaching as a human-centred profession. As policymakers rush to integrate AI into digitized classrooms, they’re missing a critical truth: technology cannot fix what it may not understand.

Without clear guardrails and professional learning grounded in teacher and student-informed needs, AI risks becoming a tool of surveillance and standardization, rather than empowerment.




Read more:
Children’s best interests should anchor Canada’s approach to their online privacy


This tension between innovation and de-professionalization emerged across many teacher responses. Educators expressed optimism about AI’s potential to reduce workload, but also deep unease about how it could erode their professional judgment and relational roles with students.

A northern Ontario teacher said:

“There is hope with new technology, but I worry that AI will turn teaching into a checklist. We’re not technicians, we’re mentors, guides and sometimes lifelines.”

Teachers fear that without educator-led frameworks, AI could shift schooling from a human-centred practice to a compliance-driven one.

Responsible AI policy

If we want to harness AI’s potential without harming education as a human-centred endeavour with students and teachers at the core, we must rethink approaches to AI innovation in education. That starts with listening to teachers.

Teachers must be involved in the design, testing and evaluation of AI tools. Policies must prioritize ethics, transparency and equity. That includes regulating how student data is used, ensuring teachers can ascertain algorithmic bias and ethical implications and also protecting teacher discretion.

Third, we need to slow down. The pace of AI innovation is dizzying, but education isn’t a startup. It’s a public good. Policies must be evidence-based and grounded in the lived experiences of those who teach.

The Conversation

Nadia Delanoy receives funding from the University of Calgary.

ref. We asked teachers about their experiences with AI in the classroom — here’s what they said – https://theconversation.com/we-asked-teachers-about-their-experiences-with-ai-in-the-classroom-heres-what-they-said-265241

Zohran Mamdani’s win shows how multilingualism bridges divides in diverse democracies

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kashif Raza, Postdoctoral Fellow, Faculty of Education, University of British Columbia

When Zohran Mamdani campaigned for New York City mayor, he didn’t sound like a typical American politician, speaking only English at his rallies and public appearances.

Instead, he switched between Arabic, Bangla, English, Hindi, Luganda, Spanish and Urdu to connect with diverse communities. He also made appearances on transnational media outlets to discuss issues that crossed borders.

I am a post-doctoral fellow at the University of British Columbia, studying the integration patterns of immigrants and how they’re shaped by the intersection of language, ethnicity and migration.

For me, Mamdani’s story is more than a local success. It signals how politics is being reshaped by migration and multilingualism and how language itself has become a foundation of belonging in diverse democracies.

Multilingual politics

Mamdani’s campaign began with a simple but powerful line:

“It’s time to take back our power and unleash the public sector to build housing for the many.”

This message resonated across the city’s working-class neighbourhoods — taxi drivers, nurses, delivery workers and students, many of them immigrants trying to make ends meet. What made it even more effective was how he delivered it: not just in English, but in the many languages New Yorkers speak.

He repeated his call for affordability and fairness in Arabic, Bangla, Urdu-Hindi, and Spanish. His campaign videos and flyers mixed languages the way people do in everyday life, switching easily between English and the languages of home.

This was about more than translation; it was about recognition and connection with people.

New York is one of the most linguistically diverse cities in the world, with more than 800 languages spoken. Nearly 35 per cent of its residents are born outside the United States.

Mamdani understood that voters don’t leave their languages behind when they migrate. They use them to make sense of work, community and politics. By speaking to them in those languages, he showed that their voices mattered in shaping the city’s future.

Political integration

This approach reflects what scholars of migration linguistics — the study of how language and mobility shape one another in the process of migration, settlement and belonging — describe as multilingual political integration.

It is a way migrants connect identity to civic participation. Mamdani’s campaign turned that bridge into a political strategy: one that viewed multilingualism not as an obstacle to democracy, but as its living proof.

It also serves as a quiet reality check on the long-standing “melting pot” ideal in the United States, which assumes immigrants must shed their languages and traditions to blend into a single American identity.

A transnational campaign

Mamdani’s multilingual strategy also reflected the transnational reality of modern migration. His Urdu interview on Pakistan’s Geo News and his criticism of India’s Narendra Modi during conversations with Indian-origin voters in the U.S. blurred the line between domestic and global audiences.

These appearances were not campaign gimmicks; they acknowledged that diaspora communities are shaped by more than one national story.

Migration linguistics helps explain this dynamic. It studies how language practices move across borders and connect places of origin, settlement and diaspora. In Mamdani’s case, multilingual communication created what scholars call transnational publics — shared spaces of conversation that stretch from New York to Karachi and Delhi.

When a politician addresses issues such as Islamophobia, immigration or housing in multiple languages, they are not only appealing to voters at home. They are engaging with a wider world of shared experiences that migration has woven together.




Read more:
How Zohran Mamdani’s ‘talent for listening’ spurred him to victory in the New York mayoral election


Culture as communication

Language was only part of Mamdani’s strategy. His campaign also used cultural expression — food, music and festivals — as forms of communication.

From Iftar gatherings during Ramadan to Diwali celebrations and South Asian street fairs, these events became spaces of multilingual interaction where taste, sound, and ritual carried political meaning.

Migration linguistics views such practices as intercultural competence: the use of cultural forms to express belonging and solidarity.

Mamdani’s campaign showed that civic participation doesn’t only happen in speeches or debates; it also happens in shared meals, songs and celebrations that remind people they belong to the same city.

Lessons for Canada

Mamdani’s brand of of politics holds lessons for Canada. Since I wrote on this topic earlier this year, immigrant and racialized voters are already changing how campaigns are organized and how communities mobilize.




Read more:
How racialized voters are reshaping Canadian politics through digital networks


Canada’s largest cities, in particular Toronto and Vancouver, are among the most linguistically diverse in the world. Yet a lot of political outreach still assumes an English- or French-only audience.

Mamdani’s campaign suggests another path. By engaging multilingual voters through their languages, stories and digital networks, politicians can build deeper, more authentic relationships.

It’s time for Canadian politicians to move beyond teleprompters and translators and learn and use minority languages as a genuine way to connect with multilingual voters as they make up a significant portion of the electorate.

The Conversation

Kashif Raza receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada.

ref. Zohran Mamdani’s win shows how multilingualism bridges divides in diverse democracies – https://theconversation.com/zohran-mamdanis-win-shows-how-multilingualism-bridges-divides-in-diverse-democracies-269232

Why the 2025 federal budget won’t really make Canada strong

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Robert Chernomas, Professor Of Economics, University of Manitoba

Canada’s 2025 federal budget, and those that follow in the coming years, may prove to be the most important since the beginning of the Second World War.

Canada’s longstanding, co-dependent economic relationship with the United States has abruptly and involuntarily ended following U.S. President Donald Trump’s imposition of tariffs and threats of annexation.

These actions have forced Canada to rethink its economic future and reduce its dependence on the U.S. Canada can no longer assume that 75 per cent of its merchandise exports will go to the U.S. in key sectors like energy and manufacturing, which together accounted for 19 per cent of Canada’s GDP in 2023.

No other country accounts for more than five per cent of Canadian exports, and about 45 per cent of foreign direct investment still originates from the U.S. Canada is in an economic war, with national security at risk and thousands of industrial jobs on the line in the immediate future.

How Ottawa responds through an alternative comprehensive economic strategy, beginning with the 2025 federal budget, will determine whether Canada can navigate this new geopolitical and economic reality.

Lessons from history

Canada’s history provides guidance on how to deal with a crisis of this scale. Given the isolationism south of the border, the only serious option for Canada is a national industrial policy similar to the one Canada (and the U.S.) had during the Second World War. That policy transformed Canada into a dynamic, advanced industrialized economy that paid dividends for decades

In 1933, the Canadian unemployment rate was 30 per cent, while 20 per cent of the population became dependent on government welfare for survival. The unemployment rate remained above 12 per cent until the start of the Second World War.

Between 1939 and 1945, as Canada restructured its economy for the war effort, gross national product more than doubled, the unemployment rate fell to one per cent and wages grew nearly 70 per cent.

A black and white photo of a middle-aged white man
A portrait of William Lyon Mackenzie King in 1942.
(Dutch National Archives)

This transformation was driven by William Lyon Mackenzie King’s government, which took control of the economy in the form of a publicly funded and a directed supply-side industrial policy. Resources and labour were channelled to produce for the war effort and the core needs of the community.

Twenty-eight Crown corporations were established, factories multiplied, corporate taxes were doubled and excess profits were taxed, generating revenue for these investments.

Canada’s ‘Golden Age’

The decades that followed the Second World War from the 1940s through to the early 1970s is often referred to as the Canadian “Golden Age.”

It was a time of unprecedented prosperity for Canada, characterized by rapid and stable economic growth, rising living standards, improved health outcomes, education-based upward mobility and Canada’s most income-equal period.

The extraordinary debt-to-income ratio that existed at the end of the Second World War (109 per cent) shrank to a fraction (20 per cent) as the Canadian gross domestic product expanded, driven by progressive government supply-side policy.

Public programs were not cut during this period, but expanded as spending for health care, education and welfare grew. The debt rose again as economic growth slowed after Canadian corporate tax rates were reduced by more than 50 per cent between 1960 and 2020, while corporate prerogatives replaced industrial strategy.

The Carney promise

Only weeks after the April 28 federal election, the newly re-minted finance minister, Françoise-Philippe Champagne, indicated that wartime industrial policies were serving as at least a reference point for the Liberal government.

“When I look at 2025, it reminds me of 1945, where C.D. Howe kind of reinvented modern industrial Canada. It’s one of these moments in history where we’re really rebuilding the nation,” he said.

Champagne was referring to Canada’s wartime industry minister, C.D. Howe, who implemented the War Measures Act in 1939 and the War Appropriation Act to rapidly industrialize the Canadian economy. In Howe’s words: “If private industry cannot or will not do the job, then the state must step in. The need is too great to wait.”

Today, Canada’s current private for-profit sector is a notorious laggard when it comes to research, development and investment compared to its G20 and OECD counterparts. Canadian companies are currently holding $727 billion in cash deposits, a situation once called out by Prime Minister Mark Carney as “dead money.”

The collapse of Canada’s corporate-led free trade and deep-integration model with the U.S. has presented a window of opportunity to influence a state-led, national industrial policy.

Does Carney’s budget come to the rescue?

The 2025 budget includes several important investment plans, including the new Build Canada Homes agency, science research and development, clean technology manufacturing, transit and health-care infrastructure, and digital transformation programs.

However, the Canada Strong budget remains too small in scale and relies far too much on indirect incentives for private-sector investment. These measures may or may not materialize, given the tariff threats and profit opportunities south of the border.

The budget’s claims of generational increases in investment — much of which was announced before budget day — appear to be more optics than anything meaningful.

The only significant new corporate tax measure, the “productivity super-deduction,” is tied directly to investment spending in targeted industries, and is a model supported by many progressive economists.

Canada needs to meet the moment

It’s worth remembering that the Mackenzie King government raised corporate taxes to finance direct investment. The higher tax rate corporations paid during the Golden Age were used to fund targeted investments and the expansion of Canada’s care economy, which in turn contributed not only to the welfare of the Canadian population, but also productivity growth in the economy.

By contrast, the 2025 budget provides modest increases to total public investment, but does not meet the challenge of the moment, despite the exaggerated narrative of a generational investment in Canada’s future.

A greater scale of investment and conditionality imposed on the private sector would make Canada a leader in green energy, sustainable agriculture, green transportation, biotechnology and a resilient and digitized, high valuated economy. Canada is now embroiled in a full scale economic war and needs to respond accordingly.

The Conversation

Robert Chernomas is a Professor of Economics at the University of Manitoba and a member of Elbows Up: A Practical Program for Canadian Sovereignty. I am not affiliated with a political party or industry association but I am politically active.

ref. Why the 2025 federal budget won’t really make Canada strong – https://theconversation.com/why-the-2025-federal-budget-wont-really-make-canada-strong-268984

New global research shows eye movements reveal how native languages shape reading

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Victor Kuperman, Professor, Department of Linguistics and Languages, McMaster University

Reading is a complex cognitive skill that predicts career prospects and social mobility throughout our lifetimes. For newcomers to a country, success often depends on learning to read fluently in a new language.

In fact, language proficiency, including reading fluency, has been found to be the most important factor for successful employment and social participation.

With record numbers of immigrants settling in Canada and migrating globally, understanding how to support reading skill development in a second language is essential.

Writing systems across the world

The foundation of our scientific understanding of the reading process has been narrow, with a majority of studies focusing on reading in English.

But languages are not all written the same way. Some writing systems use letters (like English, Turkish), others use logographs (Chinese, Japanese), syllable characters (Hindi), and more. Some languages are read left to right (Russian, Spanish), and some right to left (Arabic, Hebrew).

Considering how diverse languages are, an interesting question is whether we develop strategies to understand text in our native language and transfer these strategies to additional languages. These are just two of the many research questions that the Multilingual Eye-Movement Corpus (MECO) aims to answer.

What is MECO?

MECO connects researchers from more than 40 countries — including the three of us, the authors of this analysis — to collect eye-tracking data on reading. Eye-tracking uses a camera set-up to record eye movements during reading. It shows where the eyes are fixating, rereading or skipping words, and reveals how the brain processes text in real time.

Participating labs use an identical procedure so that results can be compared across languages. Participants read the same English texts, but each lab then also tests readers in their native language using translated texts, allowing for the data to be compared.

A woman reads text on a screen while placing her chin on a headrest, with a small camera in front of her below the screen.
An eye-tracking set-up at a participating lab at McMaster University, Canada.
(McMaster University, Humanities), CC BY

One key finding has been that the way someone reads in their first language leaves traces on their second language. In fact, the study reports that approximately half of the variance in eye movement measures in the second language is explained by respective measures in the first language.

For example, writing systems like Korean pack a lot of information into smaller units, and eye-tracking data reflect this: Korean readers skip many words and have shorter eye movements, but make a lot more of them. In a language like Finnish, where words are much longer, information is more distributed and readers tend to spend more time on words and don’t skip them often.

These are strategies that they carry over to their second language, even when the writing system is different.

Image of a world map shows green, blue and yellow markers at the locations of participating labs.
With 30 languages represented so far (including Korean, Finnish, Greek, Chinese, Dutch, Turkish and Hindi), MECO is the world’s most comprehensive dataset of cross-linguistic eye-tracking data on reading.
(MECO), CC BY

MECO has also reported a dissociation between comprehension and eye-movement behaviour. In their second language, readers often achieved similar comprehension scores to native speakers of English, but their eye movements showed more effortful reading (longer fixations, less skipping and more re-readings).

This strategy, the authors note, could be due to the benefits of understanding written materials in an educational or workplace setting outweighing the benefits of speed.

MECO, applied

Language researcher Yaqian Borogjoon Bao joined the network of MECO researchers while studying the cognitive aspects of her native script, traditional Mongolian, at the Chinese Academy of Sciences.

She had this to report in an interview with our team:

“MECO gave me the framework and support to conduct rigorous research. I hope it will inspire others to explore understudied languages and scripts.”

A sign hung on a door written in the Traditional Mongolian script.
Traditional Mongolian is one of the only writing systems in the world that is read vertically, from top to bottom, instead of horizontally.
(Yaqian Borogjoon Bao), CC BY

At the Federal University of Minas Gerais in Brazil, Marina Leite joined MECO as a collaborator while pursuing a degree in Teaching and Education. She told us:

“I hope the MECO data can be used to enlarge the amount of available data about reading in Brazilian Portuguese. The findings could improve education strategies to boost reading comprehension and literacy skills in my country.”

In classrooms where students are balancing multiple languages, research on how native languages affect additional ones can help researchers, educators and policymakers design better strategies for teaching.

MECO aims to fill this gap. All collected data is open access, allowing other researchers to use the data pursue their own research questions about reading.

The Conversation

Victor Kuperman receives funding from NSERC, as Canada Research Chair in Psycholinguistics (Tier 2).

Nadia Lana receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

Olga Parshina does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New global research shows eye movements reveal how native languages shape reading – https://theconversation.com/new-global-research-shows-eye-movements-reveal-how-native-languages-shape-reading-268698

Budget 2025 ignores the looming succession crisis facing Canada’s family businesses

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Katrina Barclay, Executive Manager, Telfer Family Enterprise Legacy Institute (FELI), L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

Like previous federal budgets, the recently released Budget 2025 fails to acknowledge a pressing generational shift for Canada’s economy: the succession crisis facing most Canadian family-owned businesses.

Over the next decade, 60 per cent of family enterprises will change hands — if those ownership transfers happen at all.

When ownership transfers stall or fail, jobs, investments and tax revenues are lost — not to mention the loss to the social fabric in communities across the country. Yet, despite these stakes, Budget 2025 offers little recognition of this looming challenge.

The government states that it is “ensuring Canadian workers and businesses have the tools they need to drive this transformation and thrive from it.” Yet there is no evidence of any measures to support and equip entrepreneurs and family business owners for generational transitions.

Family businesses are the backbone of the economy

In Canada’s private sector, family firms own nearly two-thirds of all businesses, from mom-and-pop shops to international and global leaders in their respective sectors. Together they employ more than half of workers and generate nearly half of our private sector GDP.

The economic pressures and uncertainties — looming tariffs, the affordability crisis, inflationary price increases, to name a few — currently facing Canada make this moment more perilous.

Without thoughtful policy support, Canada risks losing not just businesses, but the jobs and community investments they sustain.

The looming succession crisis

Succession is notoriously difficult to navigate for businesses. Two-thirds of businesses don’t have a formal succession plan.

Of those that do, most rely on accountants and lawyers for guidance. While accountants and lawyers are needed, they’re rarely equipped for the family dynamics and communication breakdowns that derail even the best financial plans.

Even more worrying, 39 per cent of business owners surveyed by the Canadian Federation of Independent Business said they relied on no one or did it themselves.

Running a business and successfully transferring ownership are two very different skill sets. Yet Ottawa continues to treat succession as a matter of tax incentives for the owners — for example, by cancelling the proposed capital gains increase — while ownership succession is also (and often foremost) a deeply human and strategic challenge.

The government must confront the most complex parts of succession: enabling solid business governance, responsible next-generation owner development and fostering healthy family dynamics to support smooth ownership transitions that ensure the continuity and growth of the firm.

This is especially important as more enterprising families begin to exit their firms to invest in family foundations or offices, or bring in outside investors and leadership for the first time.

The incumbent generation of business owners who built this country will only pass on their business once. The government need to give them the tools to do it right.

3 things the government should do

If Budget 2025 truly aims to ensure that Canadian businesses “thrive from transformation,” it must invest in succession readiness. Here’s what the government should do to accomplish this:

1. Assess the state of Canada’s family businesses

Canada lacks comprehensive, detailed and continuous national data about family firms. The government should support the collection of nuanced family business data. This should be done by Statistics Canada in partnership with universities and institutes like ours, the Family Enterprise Legacy Institute at the University of Ottawa. This would provide reliable evidence to measure the pulse of the largest part of our economy, highlight major issues and inform effective policy.

2. Scale owner empowerment

Few programs exist to help businesses navigate succession. The current offering amounts to a few paragraphs on the Government of Canada website. The government should support the creation and delivery of multilingual programs to train any potential successors in best practices on topics such as family dynamics management, succession processes, resilience in times of uncertainty and effective governance.

3. Build hubs of excellence

Canada already has world-class family business researchers, advisers and peer networks, but they are disconnected and underfunded. What’s missing is a federally supported institute bringing together associations, institutes, centres, foundations and organizations to pursue a co-ordinated strategy to connect research, training and advisory support. Along with owners and successors, the hub could help prepare advisers, accountants and lawyers.

A high-yield investment in Canada’s future

Supporting successful succession is not a subsidy. It is a high-yield investment with returns for every community and society at large. It is also a safeguard for the 6.9 million Canadians who depend on family businesses for jobs and nation-building projects.

Consider the federal Major Projects Office, which has been tasked with fast-tracking nation-building projects. As with every project in Canada, they are supported by small, medium and large family-owned construction firms, trucking companies, suppliers, tradespeople, Indigenous enterprises, manufacturers, fabricators and other service providers.

Without healthy, well-transitioned family businesses, those projects and the jobs they sustain are at risk.

Succession planning is about preserving Canadian ownership during the largest intergenerational transfer in our history. Without thriving family businesses, our economy will not prosper. Ignoring succession could end up being not just a policy oversight, but a nation-building failure.

The Conversation

Peter Jaskiewicz receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC). He has collaborated on research, teaching, and knowledge dissemination with all major associations in the national and global family enterprise ecosystem, including Family Enterprise Canada (FEC), Family Enterprise Foundation (FEF), the Family Business Network (FBN), and the Family Firm Institute (FFI).

Katrina Barclay does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Budget 2025 ignores the looming succession crisis facing Canada’s family businesses – https://theconversation.com/budget-2025-ignores-the-looming-succession-crisis-facing-canadas-family-businesses-269249

How two Canadian war amputees hiked 2,000 kilometres and shaped disability rights activism

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eric Story, Postdoctoral researcher, Department of History, Western University

After the First World War, veterans who had lost limbs formed fraternal associations such as the Amputation Club in Vancouver, B.C., seen here in 1918, to advocate for disabled veterans. (Stuart Thomson Fonds/ City of Vancouver Archives)

Perhaps you’ve heard the name John McCrae, the famous poet who wrote “In Flanders Fields.”

But have you heard of George Hincks and Marshall McDougall?

While conducting research on disabled veterans, I came across their names in an old veterans’ magazine that briefly mentioned their plan to hike from Calgary to Ottawa in 1923. Curious, I searched the microfilmed newspapers to find out what became of their journey.

As it turned out, these two ex-servicemen of the the First World War (1914–18) hiked more than 2,000 kilometres to raise awareness of the issues facing disabled veterans after the war.

Historians have typically identified the birth of the disability rights movement in the post-1945 period.

But the forgotten hike of Hincks and McDougall and the related advocacy efforts of the Amputations Association of the Great War — a predecessor organization of today’s War Amps — speaks to an earlier generation of activism that remains largely untold.

The journey begins

Calgary’s Daily Herald was the first to report on Hincks and McDougall. It published a striking photograph of the two men before their hike, smiling and standing shoulder to shoulder. What draws the reader’s attention, however, is the lower half of the picture. Both men are amputees, each having lost a leg on the First World War battlefields.

Two men in white shirts and ties and trousers, each having one amputated leg, holding a crutch.
Marshall McDougall and George Hincks in 1923 before their hike.
(Calgary Daily Herald)

To understand what drove these two disabled men to embark on such an arduous journey, we must turn to the 19th century, when Canada began to transition its economy away from rural agricultural production towards urban industrial capitalism.

As cities industrialized in the second half of the 19th century, the nexus of the Canadian economy shifted from the home to the factory floor. Historian Sarah Rose has examined how this shift impacted disabled peoples’ ability to work in a newly industralized economy.

Employers began to prioritize able-bodied labourers for their strength, skill and what Rose calls “interchangeable” bodies, which alienated many disabled people from the workforce.

By the eve of the First World War, Canada’s economic transformation had cast people with disabilities as inefficient workers and, ultimately, unproductive members of society.

Challenging notion of being ‘unproductive’

At a time of rigid social and identity roles, if men could not independently earn a wage and support their families, they risked being labelled as unproductive.

When a reporter asked why Hincks and McDougall were making their trek, Hincks answered: “Primarily, it is to prove that an amputation case has as much stamina as the average citizen who has not lost a faculty.”

Despite being unemployed, he saw their journey as a direct challenge to the notion that he and McDougall were somehow unproductive members of society.




Read more:
Uninformed comments on autism are resonant of dangerous ideas about eugenics


Trek after surviving Western Front

Two weeks after the men’s departure from Calgary, a Medicine Hat News reporter observed their blistered hands and feet, aching muscles and sore armpits rubbed raw from the padding of their crutches when they arrived in Medicine Hat, Alta.

But Hincks and McDougall were no strangers to pain.

Hincks lost his left leg in 1915 after a German machine gunner pumped 36 bullets into it at the Second Battle of Ypres. His bullet-riddled leg was amputated at a prisoner of war camp later that spring.




Read more:
Remembrance Day: How a Canadian painter broke boundaries on the First World War battlefields


At the Battle of Cambrai in 1918, a spinning piece of shrapnel lodged deep into McDougall’s right leg. His doctor immediately opted for surgery, amputating his leg the same day.

Despite their aches and pains at Medicine Hat, Hincks and McDougall carried on.

Camaraderie among amputees

Nearly three weeks later, the Morning Leader reported their arrival in Regina, Sask., where they were greeted by fellow veteran P.J. Brotheridge. Having lost his arm in the war, he invited Hincks and McDougall to stay with him before their departure the following day.

These interpersonal connections suggest a certain camaraderie among war amputees, finding commonality in the shared experience of living without a limb.

These shared experiences of disability led to the formation of the Amputations Association of the Great War in 1920. Brotheridge, Hincks and McDougall were all members when the hikers passed through Regina.

Rows of men standing in suits on steps, many holding one crutch, who have one leg.
Delegates and members of Vancouver Branch Amputations Association, Annual Convention, 1922.
(Stuart Thomson Fonds/City of Vancouver Archives)

Speech about disabled veterans

On the hottest day of the summer, the exhausted duo arrived at their final destination on the Prairies — Winnipeg.

According to a story in the Winnipeg Evening Tribune, Hincks’ gave a bold and impassioned speech about the struggles of disabled veterans to a crowd at the Fort Garry Hotel. He said:

“The veteran with an amputated limb is unable to compete in the employment market … He is under the handicap of visibility of disability.”

Instead of instructing his fellow disabled veterans to overcome the barriers they faced in Canadian society, he asked able-bodied Canadians to confront their own ableist prejudices that kept war amputees like him from attaining gainful employment in post-war Canada.

In testimony before the House of Commons in the 1920s, the Amputations Association had already voiced these concerns. They argued that the visibility of their members’ disabilities made it easier for prospective employers to discriminate against them and refuse their employment.

These prejudicial attitudes were the same ones that disability rights advocates confronted 50 years later.

The end of the road

The Globe reported that Hincks and McDougall reached the Manitoba-Ontario border in mid-June, heading east towards Kenora, Ont. for the last leg of their hike.

But Kenora would actually mark the beginning of the end of their journey across Canada.

Plagued with worsening pain in his leg, McDougall decided then that his part in the hike was finished.

But Hincks pressed on. He walked several hundred kilometres more to the western shores of Lake Superior. Nearly 60 days after he and McDougall departed from Calgary, The Globe printed a front-page story from present-day Thunder Bay headlined: “One Legged Hikers Forced to Quit.”

The 1923 protest hike was over.

Even though they never reached their desired destination, Hincks and McDougall’s journey across Canada more than 100 years ago is a testament to the determination of two war amputees to bring awareness to the challenges disabled veterans faced in post-war life.

On this Remembrance Day, let’s remember not only Hincks’ and McDougall’s wartime service, but also their early contributions to disability rights activism in Canadian history.

The Conversation

Eric Story receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

ref. How two Canadian war amputees hiked 2,000 kilometres and shaped disability rights activism – https://theconversation.com/how-two-canadian-war-amputees-hiked-2-000-kilometres-and-shaped-disability-rights-activism-269135

The Māori ward vote in New Zealand contains important lessons for Canada

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Karen Bird, Professor of Political Science, McMaster University

Canadians have often looked to Aotearoa New Zealand as an established model for electoral inclusion of Indigenous voices.

But local elections recently held in New Zealand offer an important cautionary tale for Canada, where treaty rights remain contested terrain and Indigenous self-determination is often misunderstood or politicized.

In New Zealand’s October 2025 local elections, voters in 24 of 42 municipalities voted to remove their Māori wards — seats dedicated to Indigenous Māori voters — by 2028. The wards were designed to guarantee the representation of Māori in local government decision-making processes.




Read more:
Guaranteed Māori representation in local government is about self-determination — and it’s good for democracy


While seeming to reverse progress toward Indigenous representation at the municipal level, the larger story is that the national government forced local councils to hold these polls regardless of whether their community wanted them — and more New Zealanders nationwide voted (by 54 to 46 per cent) to keep rather than scrap their Māori wards.

Yet despite record Māori participation and some urban gains, rural majorities largely voted against the wards.

Māori representation

The first lesson for Canada is on designing electoral and governance systems that include Indigenous people in local decision-making processes. Until recently, Māori representation on local elected bodies was exceedingly low at about four per cent nationwide.

This problem gained prominence in the mid-2000s as part of a broader push for legislative reform to reflect Te Tiriti o Waitangi, considered New Zealand’s founding constitutional document.

In its 2010 report, the New Zealand Human Rights Commission identified Māori representation in local government as a top race relations priority, warning “unless positive steps are taken, Māori representation in local government will continue to languish well below the proportion of Māori in the population.”

While there have been reserved seats for Māori voters in parliamentary elections — Māori electorates — going back to 1867, until recently it was rare for local councils to implement Māori wards.

Legislation since 2002 allows councils to create Māori wards, although few were able to do so due to a unique petition and plebiscite requirement that permitted voters to often overturn them.

The Labour government in 2021 revised the Local Electoral Act to remove this requirement for polls on Māori wards since they weren’t imposed on any other types of local government wards. The local government minister at the time, Nanaia Mahuta, called the plebiscite provision “fundamentally unfair to Māori.”

This change led to a surge in Māori wards, so that today Māori representation on local bodies is much closer to the population share of around 17 per cent. But in 2024, the new right-coalition government reversed this move, framing Māori wards as an undemocratic form of race-based representation and forcing all local authorities that had enacted Māori wards since 2021 to put the issue to voters.

‘One law for all’

A referendum is generally not a good way to determine the interests of minorities. As was the government’s intent, Māori wards became another flashpoint in New Zealand’s ongoing debates over treaty rights, perceptions of societal fairness and equality and views regarding Māori culture.

Over the roughly month-long local election period through Oct. 11, the ACT Party — the coalition’s right flank — ran local candidates and campaigned alongside groups like Hobson’s Pledge using slogans such as “one law for all.”




Read more:
Māori wards: how the Hobson’s Pledge campaign relies on a ‘historical fiction’


The campaign to divide and sow doubt about Māori intentions featured on controversial billboards displaying Māori individuals without their consent. Meanwhile Labour, the Greens and several Māori and ally-led grassroots organizations advocated keeping Māori wards as consistent with the treaty and principles of democratic equity.

For their part, most mayors and councillors spoke to the practical benefits of including Māori elected representatives in local decision-making.

Rural versus urban divides

The district of New Plymouth (population 58,000) can be considered a microcosm of the recent referendums, reflecting tensions between progressive urban voters and conservative rural communities.

Although three Māori councillors were elected, voters narrowly choose (55 to 45 per cent) to abolish their Māori ward for the next election in 2028. The local campaign was especially divisive, with one mayoral candidate reportedly facing death threats over his support for keeping that council’s Māori ward.

Still, the presence of three Māori councillors, two of whom were elected by voters at large, signals grassroots support for inclusive representation.

A snow-capped mountain behind residential houses.
Mount Taranaki is seen from New Plymouth, New Zealand.
(Enjo Smith/Flickr), CC BY

Dinnie Moeahu, who has served on council in a district-wide seat since 2019, argued this was a remarkable transformation given that just 17 per cent of his community supported Māori wards in a 2015 referendum.

As New Zealand continues to navigate its treaty commitments, the challenge will be to bridge these divides.

Here as well, Aotearoa offers lessons for Canada, especially for municipal governments that may lack even a basic understanding of their obligations to Indigenous communities and where local residents and officials are often indifferent to treaty claims until in a situation of crisis.

Dialogue, not polarization

The Māori ward plebiscites indicate that while institutional reforms for Indigenous representation are vital, meaningful change cannot be sustained without broad public understanding and trust.

Only when settler communities have genuinely engaged with colonial histories, the shared significance and obligations of treaty rights and the human capacity for empathy, can we achieve the foundation for meaningful equality.

New Zealand offers evidence that this is happening on the ground, in many creative and de-centred ways. Especially vital are interventions to build understanding among Pākehā — the diverse group of people who are white European, particularly of British descent, who have been the beneficiaries of colonization — using practices based in conflict mediation, performance and listening.

The final lesson for Canada is that these efforts call on political leaders at all levels to temper divisive rhetoric, recognizing that inflammatory discourse deepens misunderstanding and hinders progress. Real change begins with education, compassion and a commitment to dialogue over polarization.

The Conversation

Karen Bird’s research on Māori wards and electoral systems designed to represent ethnic and Indigenous groups in countries worldwide is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

ref. The Māori ward vote in New Zealand contains important lessons for Canada – https://theconversation.com/the-maori-ward-vote-in-new-zealand-contains-important-lessons-for-canada-268434

How we’re tracking avian flu’s toll on wildlife across North America

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Damien Joly, CEO, Canadian Wildlife Health Cooperative, University of Saskatchewan

The highly pathogenic avian influenza virus has been detected in 41 at-risk species, including the snowy owl. The snowy owl was recently recommended for listing under Canada’s Species at Risk Act. (Jordi Segers/CWHC), CC BY-NC

Since first being detected in Newfoundland in 2021, a subtype of highly pathogenic avian influenza, HPAI A(H5Nx), has had a dramatic impact on North America.

The poultry industry has suffered the most, with almost 15 million birds dying or being culled to control the virus in Canada. The Supreme Court of Canada recently dismissed a British Columbia ostrich farm’s bid to stop a cull after avian flu was detected on the farm in December 2024.

The problem has been worse in the United States, with more than 180 million birds and over 1,000 dairy cattle farms being affected.

In the wild, the virus has also triggered mass die-offs of birds. In 2022 alone, at least 40,000 wild birds died of HPAI in eastern Canada, including 25,000 northern gannets and thousands of common murres and common eiders. Mortality due to HPAI has continued, with thousands of birds and many wild mammals being affected.

A(H5Nx) refers to avian influenza virus subtypes that share the H5 surface protein but differ in the N protein; current subtypes circulating in North America include H5N1 and H5N5.

As of yet there has been no evidence of sustained human-to-human transmission of the A(H5Nx) subtypes, leading the Public Health Agency of Canada to conclude that the most likely spread scenario now is occasional infection of humans from infected animals with no further spread.

That said, the World Health Organization reports that globally since 2003, almost 48 per cent of the 990 people infected have died. Closer to home, a teenager in British Columbia was infected, resulting in severe illness, but they thankfully recovered.

This is a virus that is clearly a threat to livestock and human health. Our team, a collaboration of governments and academics across the country, recently assessed the extent of HPAI A(H5Nx) in at-risk species across Canada.

In each province and territory, a NatureServe Canada Conservation Data Centre conducts status assessments of wild species and makes the data available through NatureServe Explorer. We identified species of conservation concern in each province and territory, then examined our surveillance data to determine which of these species had detections of HPAI A(H5Nx).

What we found

Tracking a fast-moving virus across a country as vast as Canada takes an extraordinary network, from field biologists collecting samples in remote wetlands to laboratory scientists decoding viral genomes.

In order to do so, we formed Canada’s Interagency Surveillance Program for Avian Influenza in Wildlife in 2005, consisting of the Canadian Wildlife Health Cooperative (CWHC), the Canadian Food Inspection Agency, Environment and Climate Change Canada, Parks Canada, the Public Health Agency of Canada, Fisheries and Oceans Canada, academic institutions as well as agricultural and environment ministries from all provinces and territories.

By capturing and testing live birds, as well as testing sick and dead wildlife, we identify cases of HPAI A(H5Nx) in wildlife and make the results publicly available through a national dashboard anyone can explore.

We’ve found that HPAI A(H5Nx) had been detected in 41 at-risk species across the 10 provinces, including four species that were assessed nationally by the Committee on the Status of Endangered Wildlife in Canada as at risk: the barn owl, horned grebe, snowy owl and western grebe.

The affected birds represent remarkable ecological diversity: from predators like the peregrine falcon to seabirds like the northern gannet and wetland species like the horned grebe and western grebe. Smaller or more elusive species, especially those living far from people, are likely underrepresented because they’re less likely to be found and tested.

The power of public reporting

A close-up of a barn owl
The barn owl is one of the species where HPAI A(H5Nx) has been detected.
(Jordi Segers/Canadian Wildlife Health Cooperative), CC BY-NC

The detection of HPAI A(H5Nx) in so many at-risk species underscores a troubling reality: emerging diseases are now part of the conservation landscape.

A 2024 study found that 16 per cent of wild bird species and 27 per cent of mammal species with H5N1 infections were listed by the International Union for Conservation of Nature as conservation concerns. These are species already facing a number of challenges, and disease adds yet another one.

For species already pushed to the brink by habitat loss, pollution and climate change, a new infectious threat can tip the balance toward extinction.

This work illustrates the importance of the public in monitoring wildlife diseases. Every time someone reports a sick or dead wild animal, it contributes to our understanding of disease in wildlife.

People across Canada can play a direct role by reporting observations to the CWHC. It’s an easy way for anyone to contribute to national wildlife health surveillance. Without these public reports, we would have far less information about how HPAI A(H5Nx) is affecting wild species, especially in remote areas.

This is citizen science at its most immediate and impactful.

A broader perspective

Our work also speaks to how science and the public can work together in the face of global health challenges. The same systems that detect avian influenza in wildlife also protect the poultry industry, our pets and, indirectly, human health.

It’s a reminder that disease surveillance is a public good that depends on investment and co-operation across disciplines, governments and communities.

Further, these collaborations illustrate the One Health approach, which recognizes that the health of humans, animals and ecosystems are interlinked.




Read more:
Without a One Health plan, Canada is vulnerable to future pandemics


The spread of avian influenza in wildlife, livestock and occasionally people underscores how closely connected our health really is. We are only going to address these challenges by working together in a One Health approach.

Lastly, it’s important to note that this work reflects the efforts of dozens of people across Canada. Folks from many federal, provincial, territorial and academic institutions all contribute to the surveillance network described here. Their collective expertise and commitment make this work possible.

The Conversation

Damien Joly is CEO of the Canadian Wildlife Health Cooperative (CWHC) which receives funding support from several Canadian federal, provincial and territorial government agencies, the Canadian Wildlife Federation and the Western College of Veterinary Medicine. CWHC also benefits from in-kind support of the five veterinary schools in Canada. The complete list can be viewed here: https://www.cwhc-rcsf.ca/reports.php

ref. How we’re tracking avian flu’s toll on wildlife across North America – https://theconversation.com/how-were-tracking-avian-flus-toll-on-wildlife-across-north-america-264857

Federal budget: Mr. Prime Minister, child care is infrastructure too

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Gordon Cleveland, Associate Professor Emeritus, Economics, University of Toronto

Why is Prime Minister Mark Carney’s budget pressing the pause button on early learning and child care?

Carney believes he is “protecting” the $10-a-day child-care program — but with its substantial shortages and unsatisfied families, staying still means going backwards.

The budget says Carney will continue the child-care funding that was already committed before he became prime minister — around $8 billion per year that extends federal transfers to provinces and territories for five years, mostly for operating funding, but about $150 million per year for the next couple of years for capital. It also notes more than 900,000 children benefit from the $10-a-day program so far.

However, the Liberal electoral platform promised 100,000 new spaces by 2031 on top of the 250,000 already promised by 2026. It also promised good wages for early educators, expansion of child care in public infrastructure and linking child care with housing developments that receive federal funds. None of this gets so much as a mention in the budget.

The Liberal platform also said the $10-a-day child-care program “has become a core part of Canada’s social infrastructure. We cannot let it be taken away or weakened.” But that may be what is happening.

Access to high-quality care

The goal of the federal government’s early learning and child-care program was “to ensure that all families have access to high-quality, affordable and inclusive early learning and child care no matter where they live.”

Canada is still a long way from that goal. True, there are more than 900,000 children currently in licensed child care at drastically reduced fees compared to 2021, and that is a big accomplishment.

But according to my analysis of Statistics Canada data from the 2023 Canadian Survey on Early Learning and Child Care, when looking at the number of children on waiting lists for child care outside Québec, Canada needs about 278,000 more child-care spaces.

To take a different metric, if looking instead at the goal of providing spaces for 59 per cent of all children aged zero to five (written into a number of the federal-provincial child-care agreements), Canada would need about 384,000 more child-care spaces. Whichever way you look at it, Canada needs to invest a lot more in building child care to meet its goals.




Read more:
Staffing shortages risk Ontario’s $10-a-day child care


Prior to the budget, larger provinces were already complaining that existing federal funding levels are too low to support existing spaces, let alone additional expansion or higher wages.

Canada’s Auditor General has also found that fewer than half of the spaces promised over the first five years have been created.

Quality of expansion matters

This is a time of pivotal decisions for Canada in building its early learning and child-care system — and we should heed policy and outcome lessons from Québec.

The Parti Québecois launched Québec’s child-care program in 1997 and rapidly built up non-profit and family child-care capacity to provide $5-a-day child care to Québecers. But when Liberal Jean Charest became premier, there were only spaces for about 50 per cent of children and waiting lists were long.

Charest invited in the private sector by providing parents with a tax credit to fund their child-care spending. That allowed for-profit operators to enter the market and charge whatever fee the market would bear.




Read more:
Ottawa’s $10-a-day child care promise should heed Québec’s insights about balancing low fees with high quality


Child-care capacity grew quickly, because parents were desperate for a space. But as Québec’s Auditor General found, the quality and staffing of these new centres were very poor.

Relying on for-profit expansion

Profit-making and good quality child care don’t really go together; the federal program takes this into account. So far, the federal government has insisted that the expansion of child care should take place predominantly in the non-profit, public and family child-care sectors.

But it hasn’t provided enough capital support for non-profits, so some provinces want to emulate Charest and rely mostly on for-profit expansion.

According to the 2021 federal budget, $10-a-day early learning and child care is “a plan to drive economic growth, secure women’s place in the workforce, and give every Canadian child the same head start.” These objectives would seem to align quite well with Carney’s budget priorities.

Employment rates affected

Take mothers’ employment for instance. In Québec, more than 85 per cent of mothers with children are employed. In Canada as a whole, that number is 79.2 per cent.

If Canada moved up to Québec’s employment rate, there would be more than 220,000 additional women in the workforce, more money in families’ pockets and more tax money in federal and provincial coffers.




Read more:
Investment in child care yields countless social and economic returns


This is the same point Stephen Poloz, then the governor of the Bank of Canada, made back in 2018, arguing that if the rest of Canada mimicked Québec’s child-care system, it could raise Canada’s potential output by tens of billions of dollars per year.

Unlock loan program

What do I think Carney should do? If there isn’t enough funding for new agreements to be signed with provinces and territories, reduce the priority placed on continuing to lower fees for everyone.

The top priority right now should be improving access for those who are not yet served. Make capital money available for expanding non-profits.

Child-care expansion should be as high a priority for public capital investment as housing and other infrastructure. Unlock the $1 billion loan program promised in last year’s federal budget through Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation for non-profit child care.




Read more:
Canada-wide child care: It’s now less expensive, but finding it is more difficult


Manage waiting lists to make access more fair. Make sure low- and middle-income families gain access by ensuring them room on the waiting lists and making sure child-care subsidy systems are not cancelled. Encourage non-profit and public expansion on public lands. Encourage provinces and territories to at least match total federal dollars.

The prime minister should be inspired by the new mayor of New York City — universal child care is both popular and economically positive.

He needs to find some federal dollars for continued investment in early learning and child care.

The Conversation

Gordon Cleveland receives funding from SSHRC Partnership Grant “What is the Best Policy Mix for
Diverse Canadian Families with Young Children? Reimagining Childcare, Parental Leave, and Workplace Policies” Principal Researcher Andrea Doucet, Brock University.

Gordon Cleveland is a member of the National Advisory Council on Early Learning and Child Care, advisory body to Minister Patty Hajdu, Minister of Jobs and Families. This article does not reflect the opinions of the National Advisory Council.

ref. Federal budget: Mr. Prime Minister, child care is infrastructure too – https://theconversation.com/federal-budget-mr-prime-minister-child-care-is-infrastructure-too-269177