This Mediterranean-style diet could keep your brain sharp as you age – new study

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Eef Hogervorst, Professor of Biological Psychology, Loughborough University

luigi giordano/Shutterstock.com

The Mediterranean diet – rich in olive oil, fish, vegetables and legumes – has long been linked to better heart health. Growing evidence suggests it may also help support brain health as we age, with a brain-focused variation of the diet drawing increasing scientific attention.

It is called the Mind diet. The name stands for Mediterranean-Dash Intervention for Neurodegenerative Delay – though what matters more than the acronym is what it actually involves: plenty of green vegetables, beans, whole grains, nuts, berries, poultry and fish, with olive oil as the main cooking fat, and limited amounts of red meat, butter, cheese, fried food and sweets. It combines the most brain-friendly elements of two well-studied eating patterns: the traditional Mediterranean diet and the Dash diet, which was originally developed to lower blood pressure.

A recent analysis from the long-running Framingham heart study examined the diets of adults aged 60 and over and assessed how these dietary patterns were associated with brain scan data collected later in the study. Those who followed the Mind diet most closely tended to have more grey matter – the tissue associated with memory and decision-making – and showed less overall loss of brain volume over time.

Both findings point in the same direction: that this way of eating may help keep the brain in better shape as we get older.

This is not the first study to suggest a link between diet and dementia risk. An earlier analysis combining 12 observational studies found an overall reduction in dementia risk of between 15 and 22% among people who followed Mediterranean-style diets, with the Mind diet showing the strongest effect of the three patterns studied. That is a meaningful difference, even if it cannot be taken as proof that diet alone is responsible.

Within the Framingham study, berries and poultry stood out as particularly beneficial for grey matter. This fits with what other research has suggested. Blueberries, for instance, have been the subject of several small trials, with one recent study finding improvements in memory even in people already showing early signs of memory problems.

Since red and processed meat have been linked to higher dementia risk in other studies, replacing them with chicken may be part of why poultry appears beneficial.

A factory worker putting sausages in a container.
Processed meat is linked to a higher dementia risk.
sergey kolesnikov/Shutterstock.com

Some of the findings were less straightforward. Fried food, as expected, was associated with worse outcomes. But whole grains, generally considered one of the healthier staples, produced a surprisingly weak result.

The reasons are unclear, though large amounts of bread and pasta – even wholegrain varieties – may raise blood sugar enough to offset some of the benefits. The evidence on whole grains and brain health remains mixed, and this is one area where more research is needed.

It is also worth noting who, in the Framingham study, was most likely to follow the Mind diet. They tended to be women, non-smokers, well-educated, and less likely to be overweight or to have diabetes, high blood pressure or heart disease. All of these factors are independently associated with better brain health, which makes it genuinely difficult to untangle how much of the benefit comes from the diet itself, and how much from the broader lifestyle it tends to accompany.

What the science can and can’t tell us

This is the central challenge facing all research in this area. Most of the studies are observational, meaning they track what people eat and what happens to them over time, rather than randomly assigning people to follow a particular diet and measuring the results.

Observational studies can show associations, but they cannot prove cause and effect. Self-reported diet data is also unreliable at the best of times – and particularly so among people whose memory is already beginning to fail.

The few trials that have actually put the Mind diet to the test have produced mixed results. One small three-month study found no improvement in memory or thinking skills, though participants did report better mood and quality of life.

Another trial found improvements in both brain scans and mental performance, but the participants were obese middle-aged women who also lost weight during the study, making it hard to know how much the diet itself contributed. Three months is also a short window in which to expect measurable changes in brain structure, and longer trials may yet tell a different story.

None of this means the Mind diet is not worth following. The broader evidence – across multiple studies and populations – consistently points in the same direction, and there is little downside to eating more vegetables, berries, fish and olive oil.

But diet is only one piece of a much larger picture. Not smoking, staying active, keeping blood pressure and blood sugar under control, and maintaining social connections all appear to matter at least as much when it comes to keeping the brain healthy in later life.

The Mind diet is not a cure for dementia, and it would be misleading to present it as one. What the evidence does suggest is that the food choices we make over decades – not just in later life, but across adulthood – may quietly shape the health of our brains in ways that only become visible much later. That is not a guarantee, but it is a reasonable basis for eating well.

The Conversation

Eef Hogervorst previously acted as consultant for Proctor and Gamble to review nutritional supplements and dementia risk/memory impairment. She received funding from ARUK, ISPF and ESRC to investigate (nutritional) risk factors for dementia. She also received PhD funding from DMT, Loughborough University and Universitas Indonesia She is a Chartered Psychologist with the BPS and holds an active BPS membership. She acted as expert on dementia risk and hormone treatment for NICE (2024) and ESHRE (2016) Guidelines.

ref. This Mediterranean-style diet could keep your brain sharp as you age – new study – https://theconversation.com/this-mediterranean-style-diet-could-keep-your-brain-sharp-as-you-age-new-study-278461

Netflix’s new Pride and Prejudice features Harewood House as Pemberley – here’s what the estate reveals about Austen’s world

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Robert W Jones, Professor of Eighteenth-Century Studies, University of Leeds

It is a truth, though not one universally acknowledged, that a country house possessed of spacious grounds must be in want of a large fortune. A film or television company might offer one, or at least an honourable provision.

The forthcoming marriage of Harewood House in west Yorkshire to Netflix, is much like any other in this respect. The union will produce a new version of Pride and Prejudice by Jane Austen (from whose work I have been very obviously scrumping), to be released later this year. Harewood will become Pemberley, Mr Darcy’s famously enticing home. Yorkshire will pose as Derbyshire.

Harewood is a grand house. Whether it is too grand for Pemberley is hard to say. In the book, Mr Darcy’s annual income of £10,000 is a huge sum. But the house might be contested in other ways too.

The estate has been the seat of the Lascelles family since 1738, when the Gawthorpe and Harewood Castle estates were acquired with money gained in the West Indies, from owning enslaved people, plantations, ships, warehouses and their associated goods and crops (as the estate’s website explains). The current owners, aware of the implications of the source of their inheritance, are among the cofounders of the Heirs of Slavery group, which advocates for compensation to address the ongoing consequences of slavery.

Harewood House appears as Pemberley in the teaser trailer for Netflix’s Pride and Prejudice.

Built between 1759 and 1771, the house boasts interiors designed by fashionable architect Robert Adam and furniture by Thomas Chippendale. Its serious art collection features Sir Joshua Reynolds, J.M.W Turner, Thomas Gainsborough and Sir Thomas Lawrence. Reynolds’s painting Mrs Hale as Euphrosyne (1762-64) graces, as she should, the splendid Adam-designed music room.




Read more:
Austen and Turner: A Country House Encounter captures the spirit of two great geniuses, born 250 years ago


Historian Mark Girouard’s classic study Life in an English County House: A Social and Architectural History (1978) still helpfully explains places like Harewood. He writes that these houses served several functions; business and work for much of the time, though the labour that sustained its splendours occurred in the Caribbean. They were also spaces intended for leisure and diverse forms of public and private sociability. Each activity was allocated (if imperfectly) different spaces within the house.

The music room at Harewood House has a piano, grand chandelier and ornate paintings on its walls.
The music room at Harewood House.
Michael D Beckwith/Wiki Commons, CC BY-SA

More recent studies academic studies, such as Karen Lipsedge’s Domestic Space in the British Eighteenth-Century Novel (2012) have developed this interest, explaining how space and gender interconnect. The music room at Harewood, with Mrs Hale as its central focus, would have held a special function in this respect.

Visiting Pemberley

Great houses like Harewood were designed to receive and impress guests. Any visitor would have needed to negotiate the shifting codes of privacy and publicity that might be in play (they were never static).




Read more:
Netflix to remake Pride and Prejudice – why Jane Austen novels make perfect period adaptations


The further into a house you were allowed, the more you entered a private realm where distinctions of rank might be in abeyance. In Pride and Prejudice the awful Lady Catherine de Bourgh knows this, doesn’t care and ploughs on. She enters the intimate space of the Bennet family’s drawing room where she expects to be accorded all respective and deference. Brilliantly, she isn’t. But she cannot be refused either and is guided to the more public realm of the garden.

Lady Catherine’s unwelcome visit as dramatised in the 1995 Pride and Prejudice.

In their Georgian heydays great houses like Harewood would have received many inveigling visitors, though they were not all like the bumptious, bungling de Bourgh. It is in this capacity that Pemberley is encountered in Pride and Prejudice, though its eligible but prideful owner (Darcy) has made the house intriguing long before.

Elizabeth and her aunt and uncle, the Gardiners, take their tour of the Derbyshire at the opening of the third volume of the novel. Elizabeth is still composing herself after the horrors of Darcy’s proposal and the revelations of his letter, detailing Mr Wickham’s atrocious conduct with its obvious implications for her young sister. As soon as Elizabeth sees the house and its grounds, she is taken with it and reflects: “To be mistress of Pemberley might be something.”

While the house is praised repeatedly in the novel, it is the views from Pemberley, not the “fine carpets and satin curtains” (which any house might have) which appear to attract Elizabeth most. There are several references to windows, and what can be seen from them in these scenes.

A tour of Harewood House.

If Darcy is redeemed in Elizabeth’s eyes at Pemberley, it is partly because he proves himself to be a good landlord. The change in Austen scholarship, especially since the last Pride and Prejudice adaptation, has been tremendous. Elizabeth has appeared more and more independent, less easily impressed by Darcy. Her perspective is now seen as far more important than all his trees, however much they convey his status.

Harewood and its prospects have changed too since Austen’s day. The landscape has altered. From some of Harewood’s windows you can still see what remains of Lancelot “Capability” Brown’s improvements: his clumps of trees and the great lake he introduced. But the Victorians removed a great deal.

What will the new Elizabeth see from Harewood — and what, in turn, will the viewer see? How might the new Darcy delight and interest his guest? Not by plunging into the lake surely. And from which window might Elizabeth finally catch that brilliant view?

The Conversation

Robert W Jones does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Netflix’s new Pride and Prejudice features Harewood House as Pemberley – here’s what the estate reveals about Austen’s world – https://theconversation.com/netflixs-new-pride-and-prejudice-features-harewood-house-as-pemberley-heres-what-the-estate-reveals-about-austens-world-277786

Un accès inégal aux soins dentaires malgré la réforme qui plafonne les prix des couronnes et autres prothèses

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Marion Bruna, Chercheuse post-doctorante en économie, Université de Montpellier

La réforme dite du « 100 % santé » ou « reste à charge zéro » appliquée aux soins dentaires vise à améliorer l’accès aux soins plus coûteux (couronnes, dentiers, bridges…). Mais l’analyse montre, à l’inverse, que cette réforme risque de renforcer les inégalités de prise en charge, car elle exclut celles et ceux qui n’ont pas de « mutuelles », mais aussi du fait des spécificités d’exercice des chirurgiens-dentistes (zones sous-dotées en praticiens, tarifs fixés librement…).


Les soins dentaires font partie des soins les plus souvent concernés par le renoncement aux soins, c’est-à-dire le fait de ne pas recourir aux services de soins que son état de santé rend nécessaires. Ce constat est fait à travers toute l’Europe, où les soins dentaires sont en général peu couverts par le régime public d’assurance santé. Dans l’ensemble des pays de l’OCDE, moins d’un tiers des dépenses dentaires sont prises en charge par le régime public et, dans certains cas, comme en Grèce, le système public de santé ne prend en charge aucun frais dentaire.

En France, il a été estimé que les soins dentaires représentaient quasiment la moitié des renoncements aux soins pour raisons financières. La réforme du « 100 % santé » doit répondre à cette problématique. Concernant les soins dentaires, la réforme « 100 % santé » plafonne les prix des prothèses (couronnes dentaires, bridges, dentiers), en contrepartie d’une revalorisation des soins buccodentaires fréquents (traitement des caries, détartrage, etc.).

Mais son fonctionnement repose sur les assurances santé privées (c’est-à-dire les complémentaires santé, communément appelée « mutuelles » même si elles ne relèvent pas toutes du Code de la mutualité, ndlr) et sur les pratiques des chirurgiens-dentistes, ce qui peut limiter son efficacité dans l’accès aux soins buccodentaires.

Soins conservateurs versus pose de prothèses dentaires

La principale spécificité des soins dentaires est la dualité qui caractérise ces soins, entre les soins conservateurs, qui soignent la dent en conservant au maximum les tissus dentaires (détartrage, dévitalisation…) et les soins prothétiques, qui correspondent à la fabrication et la mise en place d’une prothèse.

La convention dentaire de 2018 met en lumière un déséquilibre dans la pratique des soins dentaires, largement influencé par un modèle économique favorisant les soins prothétiques. Ce système s’est accompagné d’une augmentation des dépassements d’honoraires de plus de 66 % sur ces actes au cours des dix dernières années, ce qui contribue à un reste à charge élevé pour les patients. Cette structuration de tarifs conduit les praticiens à choisir des stratégies thérapeutiques plus orientées vers les soins prothétiques que vers les soins conservateurs qui sont moins rémunérateurs.

L’autre spécificité qui caractérise les soins dentaires vient du fait que l’immense majorité des chirurgiens-dentistes exercent une activité libérale (83,2 % des praticiens en 2024). Le revenu des chirurgiens-dentistes en libéral est basé sur un système de paiement à l’acte et dépend donc directement de leur activité (nombre d’actes réalisés).

Toutefois, comme les chirurgiens-dentistes peuvent mettre en place des dépassements d’honoraires selon le type de soins qu’ils fournissent, leur revenu dépend aussi de la composition de leur activité et de leur stratégie tarifaire. En 2018, alors que les soins prothétiques correspondaient à 10 % des actes pratiqués par les chirurgiens-dentistes, selon les calculs de la Drees, ils représentaient deux tiers de leurs honoraires.

Le « 100 % santé » dentaire pâtit de l’inégale répartition de la profession

C’est le système sur lequel a souhaité revenir la convention dentaire de 2018, qui fixe les tarifs applicables aux soins dentaires au terme d’une négociation entre l’Assurance maladie et les organisations professionnelles représentatives des chirurgiens-dentistes. Elle repose sur une double logique : d’une part, le plafonnement des tarifs des soins prothétiques pour limiter le dépassement et, d’autre part, la revalorisation des soins conservateurs (traitement des caries, détartrage, etc.).

En parallèle, la réforme du « 100 % santé » a créé, pour certains postes de soins particulièrement coûteux, dont les soins dentaires prothétiques (couronnes, prothèses amovibles couramment appelées dentiers, etc.), un panier de soins garantis sans dépassement d’honoraires et accessibles à tous, sous conditions.

Cette approche a contribué à limiter le renoncement aux soins dentaires pour raisons financières. Mais elle se heurte à la structuration de l’activité des chirurgiens-dentistes, qui sont essentiellement installés en libéral (ce qui signifie qu’ils fixent librement leurs tarifs), et à leur inégale répartition géographique, d’où résultent des zones avec une faible densité médicale. En effet, dans les zones très sous-dotées en chirurgiens-dentistes, le risque qu’une personne avec de faibles revenus renonce à des soins (de tous types, dentaires ou autres) est 23 fois plus élevé que pour une personne n’ayant pas de faibles revenus.

Si les travaux existants autour de l’accessibilité aux soins selon la zone géographique portent principalement sur les médecins généralistes, ce sujet constitue une véritable préoccupation concernant les chirurgiens-dentistes. Le ministère de la santé a ainsi établi un zonage des chirurgiens-dentistes qui indique que 70,8 % des communes et arrondissements français sont très sous-dotés en chirurgiens-dentistes et que seulement 3 % d’entre eux sont des zones très dotées en chirurgiens-dentistes (chiffres pour l’année 2024).

Depuis 2015, des dispositifs incitatifs mis en place par l’Assurance maladie visent à favoriser l’installation des dentistes en centre de santé dans les zones très sous-dotées. Néanmoins, les premières dynamiques d’installation ont pu contribuer à façonner une géographie de l’offre de soins qui se perpétue malgré des politiques incitatives récentes.

La liberté tarifaire des chirurgiens-dentistes reste garantie

La mise en œuvre du « 100 % santé » se heurte aussi à une profession dotée d’un fort pouvoir de marché, c’est-à-dire avec une forte capacité à influencer les prix, ainsi qu’à des marges de manœuvre dans la mise en œuvre des dispositions qu’ils doivent appliquer. Ils ont, par exemple, la possibilité de refuser d’appliquer le « 100 % santé » et leur liberté tarifaire reste garantie.

Les chirurgiens-dentistes fournissent un soin dans une relation marquée par une asymétrie de l’information : le dentiste dispose de plus d’informations que le patient sur les soins nécessaires et les différentes options possibles.




À lire aussi :
Sur quelles recommandations un dentiste s’appuie-t-il pour prescrire, ou non, des antibiotiques ?


Cette relation peut conduire, dans certains cas, notamment dans un contexte où la santé buccodentaire s’améliore, comme c’est le cas en Norvège, à des phénomènes de demande induite, c’est-à-dire à la proposition de soins plus nombreux que nécessaire.

La montée en puissance des « mutuelles »

L’autre limite de la réforme du « 100 % santé » est que son approche repose intégralement sur la mobilisation du financement par la complémentaire santé (la « mutuelle », ndlr). Cela suppose que le patient est couvert par une complémentaire santé, condition de fonctionnement du dispositif. L’accès à une complémentaire santé reste alors central dans le recours aux soins dentaires.

Alors qu’en France, l’Assurance maladie obligatoire est le principal financeur des tarifs publics fixes, ces derniers restent néanmoins largement inférieurs aux prix réellement pratiqués par les dentistes, en particulier pour les prothèses dentaires. Le rôle de l’Assurance maladie se voit donc contraint par un pouvoir de régulation limité, au profit des logiques de marché pour la pose d’une couronne dentaire ou d’un dentier.

Couronnes, dentiers, bridges : que remboursent la « Sécu » et la « mutuelle » ?

  • L’Assurance maladie obligatoire (la « Sécu ») offre le même montant de remboursement pour toutes et tous, sur la base des « tarifs Sécu » qu’elle a fixés. Or ceux-ci sont parfois décorrélés des tarifs réellement pratiqués par les dentistes, en particulier pour les couronnes, les dentiers et les bridges.
  • La « mutuelle » complète la part de la dépense prise en charge par l’Assurance maladie obligatoire, mais les montants qu’elle rembourse varient selon les contrats.

En 2019, le reste à charge des ménages sur les prothèses dentaires représentaient 36,8 % de la consommation de ce soin. Les « mutuelles » (qui correspondent à des assurances santé privées) interviennent comme financeurs indispensables pour les remboursements de soins dentaires. Elles permettent une prise en charge qui varie d’une personne à l’autre, selon le contrat souscrit. En effet, le niveau de remboursement de soins coûteux, comme les prothèses dentaires, est étroitement lié à la qualité du contrat, ce qui a pour effet de renforcer des inégalités structurelles d’accès aux soins buccodentaires.

Le « 100 % santé » apparaît ainsi comme une étape supplémentaire de la privatisation du financement des soins, en rendant indispensable l’existence d’une complémentaire santé pour éviter tout renoncement aux soins.

Ces réformes successives se traduisent progressivement par une augmentation des prix des complémentaires santé. Elles contribuent également à exclure une partie de la population, dépourvue de « mutuelles » ou d’une complémentaire santé solidaire, des dispositifs d’accès aux soins. Soit 2,5 millions de Français en 2019, selon l’Institut de recherche et documentation en économie de la santé (Irdes).

L’analyse de cette réforme tend ainsi à montrer que son caractère inclusif dans l’accès aux soins dentaires pourrait être davantage porteur d’inégalités « par construction » du fait, d’une part, des enjeux plus complexes, comme la manière dont les praticiens adaptent leurs activités en fonction des nouvelles incitations économiques, et, d’autre part, du recours indispensable à une assurance santé privée.


Cet article s’appuie sur des travaux de recherche réalisés dans le cadre du projet « L’égalité de l’accès aux soins dentaires dans la réforme « 100 % Santé » – 100T-Dent » qui a bénéficié du soutien de l’Agence nationale de la recherche (ANR), qui finance en France la recherche sur projets. L’ANR a pour mission de soutenir et de promouvoir le développement de recherches fondamentales et finalisées dans toutes les disciplines, et de renforcer le dialogue entre science et société. Pour en savoir plus, consultez le site de l’ANR.

The Conversation

Les recherches ayant contribué à cet article ont été financées dans le cadre du projet ANR « 100 T dents ».

ref. Un accès inégal aux soins dentaires malgré la réforme qui plafonne les prix des couronnes et autres prothèses – https://theconversation.com/un-acces-inegal-aux-soins-dentaires-malgre-la-reforme-qui-plafonne-les-prix-des-couronnes-et-autres-protheses-278742

Why social media bans won’t make parenting teenagers easier

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tim Fowler, Associate Professor in Political Theory, University of Bristol

Dmitrij Galacewicz/Shutterstock

Countries around the world, including France, Spain and Malaysia, are planning to following Australia in enacting a ban on young people using social media. And now the UK is considering moving in the same direction.

These bans have emerged out of concerns about the effects of social media on children’s mental health, and increasing attempts to regulate teenage life. The UK recently brought in a “lifetime” smoking ban for anyone aged 15 or younger.

The potential ban on social media use is often explicitly justified by the support of parents. When announcing her party’s support for the measure, Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch said she knew “as a parent” that a ban was needed. It is seen as common sense that parents are leading proponents of these bans.

Bans offer two core promises to parents. They offer protection from the perceived harms of social media, and greater simplicity in managing day-to-day life. Rather than parents having to negotiate their child’s social media, parents may believe that once a ban is in place, they can simply say to their children that this behaviour is not allowed.

Official sanction can be used by parents as evidence that society views children’s use of social media as unacceptable. But in order to fulfil these promises, bans would need to be highly effective and socially endorsed. There are strong reasons to think this won’t be the case.

Teenage rebellion

Far from being passive, teenagers are technologically literate, socially networked and highly motivated. Recent UK experience with age verification for certain websites shows how quickly workarounds spread.

Since the passing of the Online Safety Act, the UK has seen a huge surge in downloads of virtual private networks (VPNs). These allow users to register as being from a different country to the one they are physically in. Teenagers may be able to use VPNs to bypass the bans.

They can also circumvent parental controls in less technologically savvy ways. This might mean buying a burner phone from a friend to access social media outside of their parents’ evening restrictions. Anecdotally, there are similar accounts of school children finding workarounds to avoid the increasingly prevalent “pouches” that restrict access to smartphones during the school day.

The larger lesson here is that by forcing behaviour to become covert, parents can often lose oversight of what their children are doing.

These examples are not too different to traditional tricks to get around social bans, like having a fake ID or getting an older friend to purchase cigarettes or alcohol. If parents reflect on their own experiences of teenage life, it may be evident why the act of banning does not eliminate this behaviour – and may even increase its attraction.

Girl unhappily handing over phone
Bans don’t stop prohibited teenage behaviour.
NDAB Creativity/Shutterstock

Even more importantly, as we also know in relation to alcohol or sexual activity, just because it is prohibited doesn’t take away the necessity of parents having conversations with their children about these topics.

Parents know that even if they harshly sanction their children for underage drinking, their child’s peers may have parents who turn a blind eye, condone alcohol, or supply it themselves. This means that getting teenagers to think about their use is essential – and the same holds true for social media.

Whether there is a ban or not, prohibited teenage behaviour continues. Navigating these risks is an unavoidable part of parenting adolescents.

As we have argued, parenting should be seen less as about achieving specified outcomes, and more as about valuing the individual relationship.

Putting the relationship between parent and child centre-stage means recognising there are different positions on the use and value of social media, and managing those differences successfully.

While digital life is novel and frankly scary to some parents, seeing the issue in a wider context of teenage life – sometimes risky, contested and hidden – makes these new issues more explicable to older generations.

Just as parenting requires understanding why a young person might choose to drink, have sex or use drugs, the case of social media also depends on understanding teenagers’ (online) worlds. This means engaging with the value and benefits of social media, and gaining some understanding of what platforms are being used and their content.

This is not to say that more effective regulation is impossible, just as legal regulation is important for other dangers that children and teenagers face. However, such regulation will not – and cannot – take away parents’ involvement, and its related challenges.

The Conversation

Funding provided by Economic and Social Research Council (ES/W002639/1) for Centre for Socio-Digital Futures ESRC Centre for Sociodigital Futures | Research | University of Bristol

Tim Fowler does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why social media bans won’t make parenting teenagers easier – https://theconversation.com/why-social-media-bans-wont-make-parenting-teenagers-easier-275263

The mathematical crimes of the Young Sherlock Holmes series

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kit Yates, Professor of Mathematical Biology and Public Engagement, University of Bath

Warning this article contains spoilers about the new Amazon Prime series Young Sherlock.

I’ve read the whole Sherlock Holmes canon multiple times over. I love how Holmes uses analytical reasoning to unravel problems that look mysterious, but ultimately prove to have simple explanations. So I was excited when I saw Guy Ritchie’s Young Sherlock appear on Amazon Prime. My excitement was quickly tempered when I started watching, though.

A key part of the plot relies on mathematics. Holmes first meets his sidekick Moriarty (yes, he is working together with his future adversary) at the blackboard after a maths lecture at Oxford. Despite some mistakes in the dialogue, the maths on the blackboard is interesting enough. It is finding the solutions to the equation x5 + x4 + x3 + x2 + x + 1 = 0. As shown nicely in this video, the equation has five solutions.

In the maths many of us will have learned at school, we are taught that a positive times a positive makes a positive and that a negative times a negative also makes a positive. For example, 3 times 3 equals 9, but -3 times -3 also equals 9. Squaring a number (when you multiply a number by itself) should always give a positive result. The reverse operation – finding the number(s) you multiply together to give a positive number – is called taking the square root. The two square roots of 9 are 3 and -3, since when you square either of these numbers you get the answer 9.




Read more:
Taking a leap of faith into imaginary numbers opens new doors in the real world through complex analysis


If we want to take the square root of -1, say, then we need to venture into the realm of imaginary numbers. Imaginary numbers are the square roots of negative numbers. Mathematicians defined the imaginary number i to be the square root of -1 (technically -1 has two square roots i and -i). The square roots of other negative numbers are multiples of i. The square roots of -9, for example are 3i and -3i. Some of the solutions from the equation on the blackboard involve imaginary numbers (this will turn out to be an important plot point).

Mathematical blunders

It’s plausible that the equation on the blackboard might appear in an early first year undergraduate tutorial. Something approaching a passable solution is given, but in excruciating detail (the sort of detail you wouldn’t use at school, let alone in a maths degree at Oxford). And there are mistakes in the maths.

Towards the end of the lecture, the professor sets the students homework to find all the solutions to the equation, even though they are already written on the board (although incorrectly). Despite this, the end of the scene sees Sherlock spending some time trying to think of the solutions before Moriarty comes up and shows him two of the five solutions (as if they were the only ones). Moriarty too writes these down incorrectly, but in a different way to the incorrectness already on the board.

As Moriarty writes down the complex solution (complex means the answer contains both real and imaginary numbers) he says “These solutions, they’re not real. They’re imaginary.” which we can allow (although technically he means complex).

What we can’t forgive is Moriarty going on to say, “That means even if you can’t see the target, you can still shoot for it.” Which is nonsense, even as a metaphor. Complex numbers aren’t targets you can’t see, but well-defined, mainstream (even in the 1870s) mathematical quantities and there’s no sense in which you “aim at” a complex solution to an equation.

Death by numbers

In the last episode, Holmes and his team are battling to halt the distribution of a deadly chemical weapon known as the “creeping death”. They find a scrap of paper in a secret room which they say is the “equation for creating the creeping death.”

I was expecting to see some complex chemical reaction formulae sketched on the page, but when it’s held up to the camera, we see instead a mathematical equation: z3 + 4 z2 – 10 z + 12 = 0.

What does this have to do with the chemical process for creating the deadly nerve agent?

Nothing, it turns out. Or at least nothing I can imagine. In fact it’s a device to allow Holmes and Moriarty to hark back to that moment in the lecture theatre when they first met. What follows goes beyond artistic license into the realm of gibberish.

“If we have the positive equation”, they say, “then we can come up with the negative. And thus create a compound to neutralise the threat of creeping death.” Perhaps they meant “positive solution”, because equations themselves aren’t positive or negative. Either way, the idea that this simple mathematical equation or its solutions are the secret formula for making a weapon of mass destruction doesn’t make sense. There’s no context, no sense in which this equation could be the secret recipe for creating the nerve agent.

Moriarty points out that they have a problem. “This equation is not finished.” By this I think he means that the three solutions to the equation are not written out explicitly.

One solution, z = – 6 is given. And it’s correct. The rest of the scrap of paper contains a reformulation of the equation (a factorisation), which shows that the remaining solutions can be found by solving a quadratic equation: z2 – 2 z + 2 = 0.

A quadratic equation is just an equation built around a squared term (in this case z2), which has two solutions. The formula for the solutions may be familiar to GCSE students (normally aged 15 to 17 years old). For a general quadratic equation: a z2 + b z + c = 0, the two solutions are given below.

Yet, we are supposed to believe that, despite having supposedly solved a far more complicated equation than this in the first episode, Moriarty can’t find the solution to this much simpler equation. So stumped is Moriarty – the future maths professor – that he spends precious time, as a bomb is about to detonate, searching for a piece of paper with this missing solution. He almost loses his life when he could have just used a GCSE-level formula.

The piece of paper he eventually finds contains an incorrect statement of the quadratic formula alongside some nonsensical text, although the solutions are at least correct: z = 1 + i and z = 1 – i (where i, remember, is the imaginary number).

I appreciate my dissection of the maths is high-grade nerdery. Most people will have watched the series without pausing it like I did to look at the maths and probably won’t have noticed. But, if maths is going to be a pivotal plot point in your blockbuster series, then you’ll probably want to make sure you get it right.

The Conversation

Kit Yates does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The mathematical crimes of the Young Sherlock Holmes series – https://theconversation.com/the-mathematical-crimes-of-the-young-sherlock-holmes-series-278812

Guerre en Ukraine : comment la Russie recrute et exploite des migrants africains

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Thierry Vircoulon, Coordinateur de l’Observatoire pour l’Afrique centrale et australe de l’Institut Français des Relations Internationales, membre du Groupe de Recherche sur l’Eugénisme et le Racisme, Université Paris Cité

Le premier Africain officiellement mort sur le front russo-ukrainien était un jeune zambien tué en septembre 2022. Il était en prison en Russie et avait rejoint les rangs de l’organisation paramilitaire russe, le Groupe Wagner (devenu Africa Corps), en échange d’une amnistie. Depuis lors, plusieurs études récentes ont mis en lumière le recrutement d’Africains et d’Africaines par la Russie.

Dans une récente étude, j’ai constaté que, loin de refléter des aventures picaresques modernes ou des engagements individuels pro-russes, ces recrutements s’inscrivent dans le cadre d’une politique d’exploitation des migrants conçue et pilotée par les autorités russes.

Qui sont les recrutés ?

Les autorités russes recrutent deux catégories de personnes :

  • de jeunes femmes âgées de 18 à 22 ans, sans formation professionnelle spécifique pour travailler dans la zone économique spéciale d’Alabuga, au Tatarstan;

  • des hommes sans condition d’âge et de compétences professionnelles qui servent dans les rangs de l’armée russe.

Les premières se voient proposer des formations professionnelles gratuites pour des métiers civils avec procédure rapide de délivrance de visa. Elles candidatent auprès d’organismes officiels dans leur pays (Maisons Russie, ambassades de Russie, etc.) pour entrer dans ce qui est présenté comme un programme de formation professionnelle mais qui est, en réalité, au service du complexe militaro-industriel russe.

Les seconds répondent généralement à des offres d’emplois civils en Russie avec des salaires attractifs, souvent accompagnés de perspectives d’installation durable.

Qu’il s’agisse des hommes ou des femmes, la majorité des recrutés sont dupés par des offres d’emplois et de formation trompeuses.

Les formations professionnelles promises aboutissent très souvent à assembler des drones dans une usine d’Alabuga, tandis que les emplois promis aboutissent à endosser l’uniforme de l’armée russe. Seule une minorité d’hommes sont attirés par les campagnes de recrutement de l’armée russe sur certains réseaux sociaux et s’engagent en toute connaissance de cause. Ce sont souvent des militaires ou des policiers qui désertent.

Pour tous les autres, la recherche d’opportunités professionnelles et d’une meilleure vie dans un pays développé se transforme en implication directe ou indirecte dans une guerre en Europe.

Qui sont les recruteurs ?

Les recruteurs de Moscou forment une nébuleuse hétérogène aux profils variés. On y trouve des paramilitaires russes en Afrique, des Africains émigrés en Russie, des influenceurs africains, des associations de russophiles, des agences africaines spécialisées dans l’émigration de travail et des passeurs clandestins.

Cas exceptionnel pour l’instant, un parti politique aurait aussi joué le rôle de sergent recruteur pour l’armée russe. En Afrique du Sud, le parti d’opposition MK de l’ancien président Jacob Zuma a envoyé, pendant l’été 2025, 17 de ses militants suivre une soi-disant formation de garde du corps en Russie. Ceux-ci ont tous fini dans les rangs de l’armée russe.

Dans les pays où il est implanté (Centrafrique, Burkina Faso, Niger, Mali, etc.), le groupe paramilitaire Africa Corps (l’ex-Wagner Group d’Evgueni Prigojine) a aussi recruté des Africains pour aller combattre en Ukraine. Dans ces pays, il peut recruter très aisément car il coopère avec les armées nationales et parfois aussi avec certaines milices.

Parmi les Africains recruteurs de Moscou, plusieurs profils se dégagent :

  • les anciens formés dans ce qui était alors l’Union des républiques socialistes soviétiques (URSS) et qui étaient souvent des membres de l’appareil sécuritaire;

  • des adultes trop jeunes pour avoir connu l’URSS mais attirés par le discours anti-occidental du régime poutinien et souvent membres d’organisations affiliées aux BRICS;

  • et de purs opportunistes qui en profitent pour gagner de l’argent.

Fait particulier, en Afrique du Sud, les réseaux de recrutement mis à jour semblent organisés par des femmes : une journaliste de la radio nationale sud-africaine, la députée fille de l’ex-président Jacob Zuma et une femme d’affaires.

Quel est le rôle de la corruption dans le recrutement ?

La corruption intervient à chaque étape du recrutement. Des agences de travail à l’étranger ou des intermédiaires qui arrangent les rendez-vous à l’ambassade de Russie se font payer par les candidats au départ. Quand ils sont stoppés par la police des frontières à l’aéroport, certaines recrues parviennent à « acheter » leur embarquement.

Une fois en Russie, ils ne touchent pas le salaire promis dont une partie serait empochée par leurs officiers. Après le décès de certains, leurs familles ont reçu des messages leur proposant de rapatrier le corps du défunt contre de l’argent.

Qu’arrive-t-il aux hommes en Russie ?

Une fois arrivés en Russie, ils sont pris en charge dès l’aéroport par des militaires. Après vérification de leur identité, même s’ils viennent pour un emploi civil, on leur impose de s’engager dans l’armée. Piégés dans un pays dont ils ne comprennent pas la langue, ils signent un contrat avec le ministère de la Défense et reçoivent une formation militaire sommaire de deux à trois semaines.

Puis, ils sont envoyés dans des unités de combat où beaucoup font, pour la première fois, l’expérience de la guerre. Souvent maltraités dans une armée connue pour sa violence, ils n’ont aucune possibilité de recours et sont utilisés pour les missions les plus dangereuses, voire des missions suicides (par exemple, servir de cibles humaines afin de détecter les positions de l’ennemi et les bombarder).

Pourquoi recruter à l’étranger ?

D’après des estimations américaines, les pertes russes depuis le début du conflit s’élèveraient à 1,3 million de personnes. Pour tenter de compenser ces pertes, les autorités russes ont d’abord recruté parmi les communautés étrangères en Russie.

Elles ont rendu possible l’engagement d’étrangers dans l’armée puis elles l’ont rendu obligatoire en 2025 pour tous les étrangers voulant résider en Russie ou être naturalisés. Mais ce pool de recrutement se tarissant, elles ont décidé de recourir aux migrants.

Recruter des migrants comme combattants permet aux autorités russes de disposer d’une main d’œuvre à bas coût et qui ne compte pas. Ces soldats de fortune coûtent bien moins cher que leurs homologues russes qui sont mieux payés, sont indemnisés en cas de handicap et dont les familles touchent des compensations financières importantes en cas de décès. Le coût des soldats pour le budget russe a donc considérablement augmenté depuis le début du conflit.

En outre, les mercenaires amateurs étrangers sont des soldats jetables. Après avoir utilisé des délinquants recrutés dans les prisons au début de la guerre comme chair à canon, l’armée russe recourt désormais à des étrangers dont la disparition ne gênera personne en Russie et dont les familles ne seront pas indemnisées.

Les migrants constituent donc un réservoir de main-d’œuvre parfait pour une guerre très consommatrice de vies humaines. Pour l’armée russe, il ne s’agit pas de recruter des professionnels de la guerre mais de la chair à canon. Loin d’être limitée au continent africain, cette politique semble globale et particulièrement efficace dans les pays pauvres ayant une grande tradition d’émigration.

De ce fait, plusieurs gouvernements du sous-continent indien ont demandé à la Russie de mettre un terme à cette politique.

Quelle est la réaction des gouvernements africains ?

Silencieux depuis le début de la guerre, des gouvernements africains ont commencé à prendre ce problème au sérieux à cause du scandale des blessés de guerre. Les premières révélations publiques sur les recrutements russes ont eu lieu au Kenya et au Ghana où des familles dont les membres ont disparu en Russie ont informé les médias. C’est surtout le sort des blessés de guerre qui demandaient à être rapatriés de Russie qui a ému l’opinion publique et contraint les autorités de ces pays à :

  • exiger le rapatriement de leurs citoyens;

  • enquêter sur les réseaux de recrutement;

  • prévenir leurs citoyens contre les offres d’emplois en Russie.

Les autorités kenyanes ont ainsi découvert qu’environ 1000 citoyens avaient été recrutés par l’armée russe et ont demandé à Moscou de mettre fin à cette pratique. Elles ont arrêté un groupe de migrants prêts à partir en Russie et enquêtent sur les agences d’émigration qu’elles qualifient de « rogue agencies ».

Certaines d’entre elles ont disparu après les révélations publiques de leur rôle dans le recrutement. Leurs responsables sont introuvables et leurs locaux fermés. Les autorités sud-africaines ont suivi l’exemple du Kenya après le scandale des 17 militants de MK révélé à la fin de 2025. Deux personnalités publiques (l’ex-députée Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla et la présentatrice Nonkululeko Patricia Mantula) sont inculpées et vont être jugées cette année.

Les autorités du Nigeria, du Botswana et du Ghana ont aussi demandé à Moscou de cesser cette pratique. Les pays d’Afrique francophone restent pour le moment silencieux, bien que la présence de leurs concitoyens dans l’armée russe soit confirmée.

Quelle est la réaction des autorités russes ?

Après avoir initialement nié ces recrutements, les autorités russes ont rapatrié quelques recrues du Kenya et d’Afrique du Sud. Elles ont préféré se dédire plutôt que de susciter des tensions diplomatiques avec ces pays. Ces premiers rapatriements sont donc une victoire pour les gouvernements kenyan et sud-africain qui ont encore beaucoup d’autres citoyens à récupérer.

A cette fin, le ministre des Affaires étrangères du Kenya s’est d’ailleurs rendu à Moscou en mars. Prises en flagrant délit de recrutement et consciente de l’image négative de ces scandales, les autorités russes auraient décidé de ne plus recruter dans certains pays, dont le Kenya.

The Conversation

Thierry Vircoulon receives funding from the French Institute for International Affairs.

ref. Guerre en Ukraine : comment la Russie recrute et exploite des migrants africains – https://theconversation.com/guerre-en-ukraine-comment-la-russie-recrute-et-exploite-des-migrants-africains-278344

The latest world climate report is grim, but it’s not the end of the story

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Andrew King, ARC Future Fellow and Associate Professor in Climate Science, ARC Centre of Excellence for 21st Century Weather, The University of Melbourne

It’s no secret our planet is heating up.

And here’s the evidence: we’ve just experienced the 11 hottest years on record, with 2025 being the second or third warmest in global history.

The annual State of the Climate report, published today by the World Meteorological Organization, suggests we’re still too reliant on fossil fuels. And that’s pushing us further from our goal to decarbonise.

So what is happening to our climate? And how should we respond?

The climate picture

Unfortunately, the most recent climate data makes for grim reading.

Let’s look back at 2025, through the lens of four climate change indicators.

Carbon dioxide

We now have a record amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, about 50% higher than pre-industrial levels. And we’re still emitting large amounts of carbon dioxide through our use of fossil fuels. In 2025, global emissions reached record high levels. The carbon dioxide we emit can stay in the atmosphere for a long time. So each year we keep emitting large amounts of carbon dioxide, the more concentrated it will be in our atmosphere.

Temperature

In 2025, the world experienced its second or third warmest year on record, depending on which dataset you use. The average temperature was about 1.43°C above the pre-industrial average.

This is particularly unusual given we observed slight La Niña conditions in the Pacific region. La Niña is a type of climate pattern characterised by temperature changes in the Pacific Ocean. It typically creates milder, wetter conditions in Australia and has a cooling effect on the global average temperature. But even with La Niña conditions, the planet stayed exceptionally hot.

And each of the last 11 years were hotter than any of the previous years in the global temperature series. This is true across all the different datasets used in the report. However, this does not mean a new record was set each year.

Oceans and ice

In 2025, the heat held within the world’s oceans reached a record high. And as our oceans continue to warm, sea levels will also rise. Hotter oceans also speed up the process of acidification, where oceans absorb an increased amount of carbon dioxide with potentially devastating consequences for some marine animals.

The amount of Arctic and Antarctic ice is also well below average. This report shows sea ice extent, a measure of how much ocean is covered by at least some sea ice, is at or close to record low levels in the Arctic. Meanwhile, the amount of ice stored in glaciers has also significantly decreased.

Extreme weather

Research shows many of the most devastating extreme weather events of 2025 were exacerbated by human-driven climate change. The heatwaves in Central Asia, wildfires in East Asia and Hurricane Melissa in the Carribean are just three examples. Through attribution analysis, which is how scientists determine the causes of an extreme weather or climate event, this report highlights how our greenhouse gas emissions are making severe weather events more common and intense.

How does Australia stack up?

Compared to most other countries, Australia has a disproportionate impact on the global climate.

This is largely because our per capita carbon dioxide emissions are about three times the global average. That means on average, each of us emits more carbon dioxide than people in all European countries and the US.

Emissions matter because they exacerbate the greenhouse effect. That is the process by which greenhouse gases, such as carbon dioxide and methane, trap heat near Earth’s surface. So by emitting more greenhouse gases, we contribute to global warming. And research suggests Earth is warming twice as fast today, compared to previous decades.

However, Australia is also experiencing first-hand the adverse effects of human-induced climate change.

In 2025, we lived through our fourth-warmest year on record. The annual surface temperatures of the seas around Australia reached historic highs, beating the record temperatures set in 2024. And last March was the hottest March we’ve seen across the continent.

Here in Australia, we are also battling longer and hotter heatwaves and bushfire seasons. And scientists warn these extreme weather events will only become more common.

The Bureau of Meteorology’s annual summary highlights how Australia’s climate is changing.

So what can we do?

The 2025 State of the Climate Report shows how much, and how quickly, we are changing our climate. And it is worryingly similar to previous reports, highlighting the need for urgent action.

The priority should be decreasing our emissions. This would slow down global warming, which will only continue if we keep the status quo. Some countries are already decarbonising rapidly, in part through transitioning to renewable electricity supplies. Others, including Australia, need to move much faster to reduce emissions.

Crucially, we must also meet our net zero targets. In Australia, as in many other countries, we are aiming to reach net zero by 2050. The sooner we reach net zero, the more likely we are to avoid harmful climate change impacts in future. To achieve net zero, we need to significantly reduce our emissions while also increasing how much carbon we remove from the atmosphere.

Even if we meet our net zero targets, climate change will not magically disappear. However, by turning away from fossil fuels and cutting our greenhouse gas emissions now, we may spare future generations from its worst effects. That’s the least we can do.

The Conversation

Andrew King receives funding from the Australian Research Council (Centre of Excellence for the Weather of the 21st Century and a Future Fellowship) and the Australian government National Environmental Science Program.

ref. The latest world climate report is grim, but it’s not the end of the story – https://theconversation.com/the-latest-world-climate-report-is-grim-but-its-not-the-end-of-the-story-278886

We’re asking the wrong questions about women’s athletic performance

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kurt Michael Downes, PhD Candidate, Kinesiology, University of Windsor

In 1992, an article in Nature asked, “Will women soon outrun men?” The question was sparked by a series of remarkable performances by women, including Florence Griffith-Joyner’s 100-metre world record in 1988.

At the time, women’s performances were improving faster than men’s, prompting speculation that the gap might eventually close in endurance events, and then possibly the sprints.

More than three decades later, the answer is clearer. Prior to puberty, boys and girls perform similarly, but the hormonal surge at adolescence sets in motion a lasting gap in speed, strength and endurance. Women have continued to narrow the gap, but a sizeable difference still remains. Even when talent, training and effort are equal, biology still sets upper limits of performance.

But does this really matter? Women’s sport does not need to be compared to men’s sport in order for it to be considered elite or credible. It can stand on its own. Maybe the real question is not how close the gap is between men and women but instead whether we are providing women with the training and resources to maximize their potential.

Puberty changes everything

Prior to puberty, boys and girls are similar from a performance perspective. Girls often keep pace or outperform boys, with similar race times, jump height and endurance capacities. Once puberty enters the equation, the balance shifts.

In boys, testosterone surges well above that of females at any age, driving gains in muscle, bone, heart size, lung capacity and hemoglobin — an iron-rich protein in blood cells that transports oxygen from the lungs to body tissues, including working muscles, which plays a major role in sports and is especially important in endurance events.

These traits boost speed, power and endurance capabilities.

On the other hand, girls experience spikes in estrogen and progesterone during puberty. These hormones are essential for reproductive health and are associated with higher body fat and wider pelvic structure, which in turn could alter athletic performance.

By the late teens, and importantly after the start of puberty, the divide is obvious. Men outperform women by 10 to 30 per cent across the majority of athletic events not because of differences in dedication or effort, but because physiology has set different athletic ceilings.

Biology sets the boundaries

Expanded investment, higher salaries, greater participation opportunities, stronger advocacy, the growth of professional leagues and improved coaching and training have benefited some sports like women’s football (soccer) over the last few decades. Recent developments, such as the new WNBA collective bargaining agreement that includes salary expansion and revenue sharing reflect a shift in momentum towards an increasing value in women’s sport.

Nonetheless, once training conditions become comparable at the elite level, the performance gap does not disappear — it stabilizes. Despite similar coaching, facilities and sports science support, a consistent performance divide remains because after puberty, muscle size, lung capacity and hemoglobin set a baseline that training cannot erase.

None of this diminishes the extraordinary sporting achievements of female athletes.

Exceptions to the rule? Where women excel

There are events in which women outperform men, and these cases are telling. In ultra-events and cold-water swims, women have occasionally won outright, likely as a result of greater fat metabolism, better pacing and higher tolerance for prolonged discomfort. These traits matter less in explosive events but can be decisive in prolonged endurance or sustained output activities.

Also, performance includes aspects of sport — like skill, tactics, and strategy — that are difficult to compare. The elements are a reminder that the performance gap shifts with context, rather than being finite.

Alternative questions

Acknowledging these differences does not diminish women’s achievements. Instead, it protects the principle of fair competition that women’s sport was created to uphold. Fairness, however, is not the same as equity.

The majority of women’s sport still receives less funding, media coverage and scientific investment, there are gender-specific barriers to sport and physical activity participation, and there are major gaps in understanding how female-specific physiology such as menstrual cycles, contraceptives and pregnancy affect performance and recovery.

These are realities that coaching practice and sport policy are only beginning to tackle. And this leads to an alternative question: when will the coaching/administration gap close?

This question is put forward in the face of continued disparities in the number of female coaches and administrators across most sports, a fact noted at the most recent Winter Olympic games.

Similarly, when will the training gap close? Along with sex differences in physiology, coaches and athletes acknowledge differences in coach-athlete relationships, injury risk and other aspects of health, yet training often continues to draw on sport science literature and sport programming historically based on male participants.

Anecdotally, after presenting on these topics to a group of high-performance coaches, several described seeing these differences in practice and expressed frustration that the research base remains too limited to guide them in sex-specific, evidence-based training practices. Nonetheless, expanding this research, as well as increasing the representation of women in sport leadership and administration, would be a step forward in creating change.

Will female athletes ever compete with males in the most physically demanding sports? Maybe, maybe not. But is this the right question?

Women’s sport does not need to mirror men’s to matter. Its value stems from fair competition and athletic achievement. It has earned the right to visibility, respect and investment — both financially and through research — to best allow all of our aspiring athletes to maximize their full potential.

The Conversation

Kurt Michael Downes receives funding from the Coaching Association of Ontario (CAO). He is the President and Head Coach the Border City Athletics Club (not-for-profit) and is a member on the boards of Inclusion in Canadian Sports Network (not-for-profit), Family Fuse (not-for-profit) and Resilient Kids Canada (not-for-profit).

Kevin Milne does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. We’re asking the wrong questions about women’s athletic performance – https://theconversation.com/were-asking-the-wrong-questions-about-womens-athletic-performance-270264

Psychological toll of betrayal trauma may help explain why women kept silent for decades after alleged abuse by civil rights icon Cesar Chavez

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Anne P. DePrince, Professor of Psychology, University of Denver

Cesar Chavez became a national hero for his advocacy of farmworkers’ rights. Here he gives a talk at Boston University in April 1979. Ted Dully/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

Multiple women told The New York Times that Mexican American civil rights hero Cesar Chavez assaulted them decades ago, including when some were just girls, one as young as 13. Over their multiyear investigation, published on March 18, 2026, journalists at the paper found “extensive evidence” of that abuse by poring over historical records and conducting interviews with more than 60 people.

While yearslong investigations into abuse allegations are rare, silence about abuse is common.

As a clinical psychologist who studies interpersonal trauma, I’ve seen how the dynamics of abuse can lead to silence, even over decades.

This research can help answer the question many asked when they heard about the charges against Chavez: Why didn’t the women speak earlier?

Power and trust betrayed

Among the women who disclosed abuse by Chavez, Dolores Huerta described seeing him “as my boss, as my hero, as, you know, somebody that would do the impossible.” Debra Rojas said, “I had love for him … He did his grooming very well.”

When perpetrators abuse those who trust and depend on them, the betrayal adds to the harm of trauma. Betrayal trauma theory helps explain why.

A woman with dark hair and a red dress and hat looking at a large mural of a man with brown hair.
United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta looks at a mural of the late Cesar Chavez on the San Jose State University campus in San Jose, Calif., on Sept. 4, 2008.
AP Photo/Paul Sakuma, File

Victims who depend on the people abusing them face extraordinary pressure to minimize what is happening. Disclosure can mean losing relationships or resources that are necessary for survival. Children abused by caregivers or community leaders risk relationships that they need to get their basic needs met. Adults who disclose abuse or harassment by employers risk losing their jobs and economic security.

Adding to the harm of abuse, perpetrators commonly twist reality to keep victims silent. They might directly instruct victims not to tell others what happened. They might also tell victims that they are actually the ones to blame for causing the abuse or that no one will believe them.

Victims must adapt to this untenable situation in which they depend on the very people causing harm.

For some people, betrayal results in dissociation symptoms and memory impairment for what happened. Dissociation is a common response to traumatic stress that can include amnesia, feelings that things are unreal or feeling disconnected from what is happening. Dissociation and memory impairment can help victims maintain necessary attachments in the short run.

Betrayal also contributes to more shame and self-blame, as well as more severe psychological and physical health problems.

Shame and self-blame can make it harder to disclose what happened. Not surprising, then, victims of high-betrayal traumas are less likely to disclose what happened relative to other kinds of traumas.

When betrayal-trauma survivors do speak up, delayed disclosures can be met with blame or disbelief, even from health providers. Survivors with more severe psychological symptoms are also met with more negative reactions to their disclosures.

Betrayal also makes escaping abusive relationships, including physically violent ones, difficult. Greater dependence on the perpetrator has been linked with a greater likelihood of staying with an abusive partner a year after a police report of domestic violence.

Cultural and institutional betrayal add to harm

Women told The New York Times that they stayed silent about their abuse, which for some began when they were girls, in part “for fear of tarnishing the image of a man who has become the face of the Latino civil rights movement.”

When people in marginalized groups are abused by someone from the same group, that constitutes an additional wound. Dr. Jennifer Gómez described this as “cultural betrayal trauma.”

With cultural betrayal trauma comes even greater pressure to stay silent as well as greater harm from the abuse.

When institutions such as churches, schools or unions fail to stop abuse or respond appropriately, that institutional betrayal can also add to the harm caused by the original abuse. In turn, institutional betrayal predicts greater dissociation and health problems, adding to the burden of abuse.

Anticipating disbelief and blame

Ana Murguia told The New York Times that she believed she would be blamed for the abuse.

Huerta, who was one of three co-founders, along with Chavez, of what ultimately became the United Farm Workers union, told the newspaper that she “feared that no one within the union would believe her.”

Anticipating disbelief and blame affects decisions to disclose. When researchers asked college women who were sexually victimized at some point in their lives why they kept what happened to themselves, they heard four common reasons. Women kept assaults private because they felt shame, guilt or embarrassment, minimized what happened, feared consequences of disclosing or wanted privacy.

Fears about negative reactions are unfortunately well founded. Research shows that when victims do disclose, victim blaming and other negative reactions are common. In turn, those negative social reactions add to psychological distress and the harm of abuse.

Connection and courage: Antidotes to betrayal

In the wake of the harm that betrayal trauma causes, healing is possible through connection and care.

Research shows that people can learn to respond in better ways to disclosures of abuse, such as connecting people to resources and expressing empathy. In addition, institutions that act with courage in the wake of abuse, such as by making it easy to report or taking actions to prevent future abuse, can help reduce harm to survivors.

Screenshot of an Instagram post about how a foundation honoring Dolores Huerta 'applauds her bravery in sharing her very personal story.'
Screenshot of an Instagram post by the Dolores Huerta Foundation in the wake of her revelations of abuse by Cesar Chavez.
Dolores Huerta Foundation Instagram

When survivors disclose, avoiding blame, disbelief and other negative reactions can minimize additional harm. Taking steps to offer emotional support and resources can even help open doors.

That’s what my research team found when we asked sexual assault survivors about the reactions they received from service providers, such as counselors or victim advocates. When survivors received more tangible support, they were more likely to later disclose what happened in a formal report to the police.

The Conversation

Anne P. DePrince has received funding from the Department of Justice, National Institutes of Health, State of Colorado, and University of Denver. She has received honoraria for giving presentations and has been paid as a consultant. She has a book with Oxford University Press. She is an Advisory Group Member of the National Crime Victim Law Institute and a Senior Advisor to the Center for Institutional Courage.

ref. Psychological toll of betrayal trauma may help explain why women kept silent for decades after alleged abuse by civil rights icon Cesar Chavez – https://theconversation.com/psychological-toll-of-betrayal-trauma-may-help-explain-why-women-kept-silent-for-decades-after-alleged-abuse-by-civil-rights-icon-cesar-chavez-278950

Psychological toll of betrayal trauma may help explain why women kept silent for decades after their allegations of abuse against civil rights icon Cesar Chavez

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Anne P. DePrince, Professor of Psychology, University of Denver

Cesar Chavez became a national hero for his advocacy of farmworkers’ rights. Here he gives a talk at Boston University in April 1979. Ted Dully/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

Multiple women told The New York Times that Mexican American civil rights hero Cesar Chavez assaulted them decades ago, including when some were just girls, one as young as 13. Over their multiyear investigation, published on March 18, 2026, journalists at the paper found “extensive evidence” of that abuse by poring over historical records and conducting interviews with more than 60 people.

While yearslong investigations into abuse allegations are rare, silence about abuse is common.

As a clinical psychologist who studies interpersonal trauma, I’ve seen how the dynamics of abuse can lead to silence, even over decades.

This research can help answer the question many asked when they heard about the charges against Chavez: Why didn’t the women speak earlier?

Power and trust betrayed

Among the women who disclosed abuse by Chavez, Dolores Huerta described seeing him “as my boss, as my hero, as, you know, somebody that would do the impossible.” Debra Rojas said, “I had love for him … He did his grooming very well.”

When perpetrators abuse those who trust and depend on them, the betrayal adds to the harm of trauma. Betrayal trauma theory helps explain why.

A woman with dark hair and a red dress and hat looking at a large mural of a man with brown hair.
United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta looks at a mural of the late Cesar Chavez on the San Jose State University campus in San Jose, Calif., on Sept. 4, 2008.
AP Photo/Paul Sakuma, File

Victims who depend on the people abusing them face extraordinary pressure to minimize what is happening. Disclosure can mean losing relationships or resources that are necessary for survival. Children abused by caregivers or community leaders risk relationships that they need to get their basic needs met. Adults who disclose abuse or harassment by employers risk losing their jobs and economic security.

Adding to the harm of abuse, perpetrators commonly twist reality to keep victims silent. They might directly instruct victims not to tell others what happened. They might also tell victims that they are actually the ones to blame for causing the abuse or that no one will believe them.

Victims must adapt to this untenable situation in which they depend on the very people causing harm.

For some people, betrayal results in dissociation symptoms and memory impairment for what happened. Dissociation is a common response to traumatic stress that can include amnesia, feelings that things are unreal or feeling disconnected from what is happening. Dissociation and memory impairment can help victims maintain necessary attachments in the short run.

Betrayal also contributes to more shame and self-blame, as well as more severe psychological and physical health problems.

Shame and self-blame can make it harder to disclose what happened. Not surprising, then, victims of high-betrayal traumas are less likely to disclose what happened relative to other kinds of traumas.

When betrayal-trauma survivors do speak up, delayed disclosures can be met with blame or disbelief, even from health providers. Survivors with more severe psychological symptoms are also met with more negative reactions to their disclosures.

Betrayal also makes escaping abusive relationships, including physically violent ones, difficult. Greater dependence on the perpetrator has been linked with a greater likelihood of staying with an abusive partner a year after a police report of domestic violence.

Cultural and institutional betrayal add to harm

Women told The New York Times that they stayed silent about their abuse, which for some began when they were girls, in part “for fear of tarnishing the image of a man who has become the face of the Latino civil rights movement.”

When people in marginalized groups are abused by someone from the same group, that constitutes an additional wound. Dr. Jennifer Gómez described this as “cultural betrayal trauma.”

With cultural betrayal trauma comes even greater pressure to stay silent as well as greater harm from the abuse.

When institutions such as churches, schools or unions fail to stop abuse or respond appropriately, that institutional betrayal can also add to the harm caused by the original abuse. In turn, institutional betrayal predicts greater dissociation and health problems, adding to the burden of abuse.

Anticipating disbelief and blame

Ana Murguia told The New York Times that she believed she would be blamed for the abuse.

Huerta, who was one of three co-founders, along with Chavez, of what ultimately became the United Farm Workers union, told the newspaper that she “feared that no one within the union would believe her.”

Anticipating disbelief and blame affects decisions to disclose. When researchers asked college women who were sexually victimized at some point in their lives why they kept what happened to themselves, they heard four common reasons. Women kept assaults private because they felt shame, guilt or embarrassment, minimized what happened, feared consequences of disclosing or wanted privacy.

Fears about negative reactions are unfortunately well founded. Research shows that when victims do disclose, victim blaming and other negative reactions are common. In turn, those negative social reactions add to psychological distress and the harm of abuse.

Connection and courage: Antidotes to betrayal

In the wake of the harm that betrayal trauma causes, healing is possible through connection and care.

Research shows that people can learn to respond in better ways to disclosures of abuse, such as connecting people to resources and expressing empathy. In addition, institutions that act with courage in the wake of abuse, such as by making it easy to report or taking actions to prevent future abuse, can help reduce harm to survivors.

Screenshot of an Instagram post about how a foundation honoring Dolores Huerta 'applauds her bravery in sharing her very personal story.'
Screenshot of an Instagram post by the Dolores Huerta Foundation in the wake of her revelations of abuse by Cesar Chavez.
Dolores Huerta Foundation Instagram

When survivors disclose, avoiding blame, disbelief and other negative reactions can minimize additional harm. Taking steps to offer emotional support and resources can even help open doors.

That’s what my research team found when we asked sexual assault survivors about the reactions they received from service providers, such as counselors or victim advocates. When survivors received more tangible support, they were more likely to later disclose what happened in a formal report to the police.

The Conversation

Anne P. DePrince has received funding from the Department of Justice, National Institutes of Health, State of Colorado, and University of Denver. She has received honoraria for giving presentations and has been paid as a consultant. She has a book with Oxford University Press. She is an Advisory Group Member of the National Crime Victim Law Institute and a Senior Advisor to the Center for Institutional Courage.

ref. Psychological toll of betrayal trauma may help explain why women kept silent for decades after their allegations of abuse against civil rights icon Cesar Chavez – https://theconversation.com/psychological-toll-of-betrayal-trauma-may-help-explain-why-women-kept-silent-for-decades-after-their-allegations-of-abuse-against-civil-rights-icon-cesar-chavez-278950