« La peinture n’est pas mon art » : Michel-Ange se définissait avant tout comme dessinateur

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Anna Swartwood House, Associate Professor of Art History, University of South Carolina

Dès son plus jeune âge, Michel-Ange préféra le dessin et la sculpture à la peinture. Ian Nicholson/PA via Getty Images

C’est à travers la pratique du dessin que Michel-Ange s’accomplissait vraiment : un art considéré, dans la Renaissance italienne, comme le plus noble et celui dont découlaient tous les autres.


Un dessin à la sanguine de 12,7 cm sur 10,2 cm représentant le pied d’une femme, réalisé par Michel-Ange, a été vendu aux enchères et adjugé 27,2 millions de dollars (23,08 millions d’euros) le 5 février 2026, dépassant largement les 1,5 à 2 millions de dollars attendus.

Les experts pensent qu’il s’agit d’une étude pour la figure de la Sibylle de Libye, une prophétesse qui apparaît sur le plafond de la chapelle Sixtine à Rome. Michel-Ange a peint ces fresques emblématiques entre 1508 et 1512, mais il en a d’abord esquissé la composition générale et les détails dans une série de dessins préparatoires. Seuls une cinquantaine de ces dessins ont survécu jusqu’à aujourd’hui.

Si cette vente a suscité beaucoup de réactions, ce n’est pas seulement en raison de cette somme astronomique. Conservé dans des collections privées pendant des siècles, le dessin n’a été révélé au grand public qu’après que le propriétaire eut envoyé une photo à la maison de ventes Christie’s. Un expert en dessins l’a identifié comme l’une des rares études existant encore des fresques de la chapelle Sixtine.

Comme historienne de l’art spécialiste de la Renaissance italienne, je me réjouis de cette vente non pas en raison de la somme qu’elle a rapportée, mais parce qu’elle a attiré l’attention sur le dévouement de Michel-Ange au dessin, un médium qu’il privilégiait par rapport à la peinture.

« Ce n’est pas mon art »

Les historiens de l’art connaissent bien Michel-Ange grâce aux lettres et aux poèmes qu’il a rédigés ainsi qu’à deux biographies écrites de son vivant par des proches, Giorgio Vasari et Ascanio Condivi.

En 1506, le pape Jules II suspend les travaux de sculpture de Michel-Ange sur le tombeau papal de la basilique Saint-Pierre, réaffectant les fonds destinés au tombeau à la rénovation de la basilique elle-même. Michel-Ange réagit en fermant son atelier et ordonne à ses assistants d’en vendre tout le contenu, abandonnant 90 charrettes de marbre. Il quitte Rome, dégoûté.

En 1508, Jules II et son intermédiaire, le cardinal Francesco Alidosi, parviennent à ramener Michel-Ange à Rome en lui promettant une rémunération de 500 ducats et un contrat pour peindre la chapelle Sixtine. Bien qu’il ait accepté, l’artiste s’est beaucoup plaint de cette nouvelle commande. Il écrivit à son père que la peinture n’était pas son métier et déclara au pape que la peinture n’était pas son art. C’est bel et bien la sculpture, et non la peinture, qui était au cœur de l’identité de Michel-Ange.

Un morceau de papier jauni avec un texte écrit en italien et un gribouillage représentant un homme s’efforçant de peindre une image au plafond
Michel-Ange se plaignit de la peinture de la chapelle Sixtine dans un poème qu’il envoya à son ami Giovanni da Pistoia.
Wikimedia

Selon la biographie de Condivi, que Michel-Ange approuva et contribua à façonner, l’artiste aurait quitté l’atelier du peintre Domenico Ghirlandaio vers 1490 pour se former dans le jardin de sculptures du puissant mécène florentin Lorenzo de Médicis. Michel-Ange plaisantera plus tard en disant qu’il était devenu sculpteur dès son plus jeune âge, grâce au lait maternel de sa nourrice, qui était la fille de tailleurs de pierre.

Au-delà de son enthousiasme pour la sculpture et de son ressentiment à l’égard de la chapelle Sixtine – qu’il qualifiait de « tragédie du tombeau » –, Michel-Ange considérait la peinture à fresque comme un travail éreintant.

« Cette torture m’a valu un goitre », écrivit-il à son ami Giovanni da Pistoia dans un poème illustré.

« Mon estomac est écrasé sous mon menton, ma barbe pointe vers le ciel, mon cerveau est broyé dans un cercueil, ma poitrine se tord comme celle d’une harpie. Mon pinceau, toujours au-dessus de moi, dégouline de peinture, si bien que mon visage fait un excellent sol pour les gouttes ! »

« Ma peinture est morte, conclut-il. Je ne suis pas à ma place – je ne suis pas peintre. »

Un grand dessein

La caricature qui accompagne le poème de Michel-Ange montre non seulement un esprit acariâtre et agité, mais aussi la façon dont il utilisait le dessin pour refléter ses émotions.

Le début du XVIᵉ siècle a vu l’essor du dessin, et celui de Michel-Ange en premier lieu. Plutôt que de se limiter à copier ou à fournir des modèles pour la peinture, le dessin a été considéré comme un exercice intellectuel, exploratoire et créatif important. Vasari, le biographe de Michel-Ange, a utilisé le terme célèbre de « disegno » pour signifier à la fois le dessin physique et la « conception » ou le concept global d’une œuvre, conférant ainsi à l’artiste un pouvoir créatif quasi divin.

Ce double sens se reflète dans le titre de l’exposition très populaire de 2017 consacrée aux dessins de Michel-Ange au Metropolitan Museum of Art de New York, « Michel-Ange : dessinateur et concepteur divin ».

Michel-Ange a réalisé de nombreux dessins pour la chapelle Sixtine, qui reflétaient les différentes significations du mot « disegno ». Il y avait ses croquis de modèles ainsi que ses rendus architecturaux et ses plans pour organiser cet immense espace. Puis il y avait les « cartons » grandeur nature dessinés pour transférer ses dessins directement sur le plafond lui-même.

Esquisses de formes architecturales et de membres humains sous différents angles
Le plan de Michel-Ange pour la décoration de la voûte de la chapelle Sixtine ainsi que ses études de bras et de mains.
The Trustees of the British Museum (Londres), CC BY-SA

Le beau pied

Michel-Ange a également réalisé de nombreuses études de parties du corps et de gestes pour la chapelle Sixtine, notamment des yeux, des mains et des pieds. Dans un dessin pour le plafond de la chapelle Sixtine, aujourd’hui conservé au British Museum, diverses mains – peut-être inspirées des siennes – se répètent sur le côté droit de la page.

Les pieds revêtaient une importance particulière dans la conception globale de la figure humaine, et ils se situent à la croisée des intérêts de Michel-Ange pour l’art classique et l’anatomie humaine.

Le contrapposto était la posture emblématique des figures se tenant debout dans les peintures et les sculptures. Le poids du corps représenté repose sur une jambe tandis que l’autre jambe est fléchie. Le David de Michel-Ange se tient en contrapposto et même les médecins d’aujourd’hui sont impressionnés par la précision anatomique des muscles et des veines de chaque pied.

Un pied sculpté dans le marbre blanc
Le pied gauche détendu du David de Michel-Ange.
Franco Origlia/Getty Images

Le dessin vendu par Christie’s représentant le pied de la Sybille a probablement été réalisé d’après un modèle vivant, Michel-Ange mettant en valeur l’élégance de la prophétesse Sibylle de Libye à travers son pied dramatiquement cambré. Dans la fresque achevée, le corps de la Sibylle est une sorte de machine élégante. La musculature de ses bras tendus, son torse enroulé et son orteil pointé fonctionnent tous en harmonie. Ce petit dessin montre comment l’énergie intense exprimée par une seule partie du corps pouvait contribuer au « disegno » global de cette fresque monumentale.

Si le processus de peinture du plafond fut ardu, celui de sa conception à travers le dessin fut manifestement gratifiant pour Michel-Ange.

Peinture colorée représentant une jeune femme posant en position assise, se tournant vers les spectateurs tout en tenant un grand livre ouvert
La fresque achevée de la Sibylle de Libye dans la chapelle Sixtine.
Wikimedia

Le dessin comme pivot

Malgré la popularité des fresques de la chapelle Sixtine, Michel-Ange ne revint que rarement à la peinture après les avoir achevées. En 1534, le pape Clément VII lui commanda de peindre le Jugement dernier sur le mur de l’autel de la chapelle Sixtine. Mais ce n’est qu’après la mort de Clément plus tard dans l’année – et après que son successeur le pape Paul III eut nommé Michel-Ange architecte en chef, sculpteur et peintre du palais du Vatican – que l’artiste a commencé à travailler sur le mur de l’autel.

Si beaucoup de gens aujourd’hui pensent aux fresques de la chapelle Sixtine ou à la Joconde de Léonard de Vinci lorsqu’ils évoquent la Renaissance italienne, ces artistes ne se considéraient pourtant pas avant tout comme des peintres.

Dans une célèbre lettre de présentation adressée au duc de Milan, Ludovico Sforza, Léonard de Vinci détaille ses nombreuses compétences en matière de fortifications, d’infrastructures et d’armement. Il se vante de son aptitude à construire des ponts, des canaux, des tunnels et des catapultes. Ce n’est qu’après dix paragraphes qu’il ajoute une seule phrase admettant qu’il est également capable « de réaliser des sculptures en marbre, en bronze ou en argile, et qu’en peinture, il peut accomplir n’importe quel type de travail aussi bien que n’importe quel homme ».

Tout comme ceux de Michel-Ange, les dessins de Léonard témoignent d’un esprit vorace. Ils explorent, plutôt que de simplement observer, tout ce qui va des machines militaires à l’anatomie humaine. En 1563, Michel-Ange fut nommé maître de l’Accademia del Disegno de Florence, qui avait pour objectif d’enseigner le dessin et la conception en tant que compétences fondamentales nécessaires à la sculpture, à l’architecture et à la peinture.

Le dessin, en fin de compte, était l’art qui unifiait les nombreuses activités de l’« homme de la Renaissance ».

The Conversation

Anna Swartwood House ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. « La peinture n’est pas mon art » : Michel-Ange se définissait avant tout comme dessinateur – https://theconversation.com/la-peinture-nest-pas-mon-art-michel-ange-se-definissait-avant-tout-comme-dessinateur-279586

Human rights and the rights of Nature are linchpins for truly sustainable development

Source: The Conversation – France – By Farid Lamara, Responsable de programmes de recherches, Agence Française de Développement (AFD)

United Nations member states unanimously adopted the sustainable development agenda in 2015. It aims to ensure development that “meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet them” (1987 Brundtland Report, “Our Common Future”). This agenda outlines 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and sets out 169 targets to be achieved by 2030. They represent the programme’s accountability framework.

None of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is specifically devoted to human rights. In reality, they are everywhere – at the heart of the social, economic, cultural, civil, and political life of all inhabitants of the world, but also at the centre of contemporary ecological issues, which the United Nations General Assembly endorsed in 2022 through a historic resolution acknowledging the right to a healthy environment as a human right.

According to the Danish Institute for Human Rights (DIHR), 92% of the SDG targets are rooted in international human rights law. The promotion, respect and protection of human rights therefore form the backbone of the SDGs.

‘Strong sustainability’, a prerequisite for preserving nature and the universality of human rights

On the whole, the SDGs combine environmental, economic, human development and governance issues. However, there are several competing visions, based on different economic and environmental assumptions, regarding how to achieve them. These are referred to as “weak” and “strong” sustainability. The latter is a concept that aims to strengthen sustainable development by ensuring that economic policies do not compromise (or sacrifice) human development, the environment or nature.

Unlike weak sustainability (based on the concepts of the substitutability of natural capital), strong sustainability is based on the principle that natural capital is irreplaceable and must be preserved.

Three key principles of strong sustainability stand out:

  • the finite nature of the environment

  • social justice

  • the limits to economic growth.

Within this framework, the human rights-based approach and the approach based on the rights of nature are essential for truly sustainable development. This involves recognising nature – ecosystems and natural entities – as a subject of law.

Today, more than 650 initiatives recognising the rights of nature have been documented. Without these approaches, the current system exacerbates inequalities and threatens the habitability of the planet.

This is documented in several research studies and international conferences organised by the French Development Agency (AFD) whose mission is analysing the intersecting issues between human rights and sustainable development, with specific areas of focus such as the ecological transition, multidimensional inequalities and the rights of nature. The AFD also works with DIHR on other issues relating to human rights and climate policies.

What emerges from this overview is that the (anthropogenic) ecological crisis exacerbates inequalities and severely undermines human rights – both substantive (the right to life, health, food, housing, etc.) and procedural rights (the right to participation, information and redress), primarily among vulnerable populations: children, women, indigenous peoples and local communities, human rights and environmental defenders, migrants and displaced persons.

Environmental governance meanwhile remains inadequate, with governments and the private sector generally limiting themselves to a risk-reduction approach (“no harm done”) that lacks accountability and an integrated, proactive vision of human rights, the right to a healthy environment, and the rights of nature. It thus, appears urgent to come up with other alternative models incorporating accountability, justice (social and environmental) and citizen participation for reconciling ecology and human rights within an eco-centred rather than anthropocentric approach.

Especially now that the planet’s limits have been largely exceeded.

Looking at the planet’s limits from a human rights perspective

These limits (see chart below) define the safe operating space for humanity in relation to the terrestrial ecosystem and are linked to the planet’s biophysical subsystems or processes. Today, 7 out of 9 boundaries have been exceeded. And since the adoption of the SDGs in 2015, 3 have been exceeded.


Stockholm Resilience Centre. Click to zoom.

Beyond the significant impact on the natural world, the implications for human rights are systemic. Take the right to health, for example evidence shows that each “planetary limit” has direct consequences for human and animal health and ecosystems.

As far as human health goes, chemical pollution (pesticides, plastics, persistent organic pollutants) causes a range of chronic illnesses and an increase in cancer cases.

Air pollution alone causes more than 4 million deaths worldwide every year.

Premature deaths linked to heatwaves (climate), malnutrition (changes in the water cycle), soil degradation or the decline in biodiversity further exacerbate the health toll and human mortality, primarily affecting the poorest populations, particularly in a world governed by a profoundly asymmetrical and unequal model.

Inequality as a driving force behind the ecological crisis and the erosion of human rights

According to the World Inequality Lab’s 2025 report on climate inequality, the poorest 50% of the world’s population account for 10% of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, which is significantly less than the emissions of the richest 1%. The latter, moreover, are solely responsible for 41% of GHG emissions linked to the ownership of assets (both financial and non-financial).

The poorest 50% are not only the least responsible. They are also the most vulnerable to loss and damage, whilst having the least financial capacity to cope with it. And if we look at income and wealth inequality, we see that the richest 10% of the world’s population harness more income than the remaining 90%. Overall although inequality has been rising sharply within countries for several decades, these findings point to very significant North-South disparities. Yet the greater inequality, the less ability people have to assert their rights.

The inconsistencies of an asymmetrical and unequal model in the 2030 Agenda

Under these circumstances, achieving the expected outcomes of the 2030 Agenda is a long shot. The 2025 United Nations report on the SDGs shows that of the 169 SDG targets, only 18% have been met or are on track to be met by 2030. And 66% of them show marginal progress, stagnation or regression.


The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2025.

A more detailed analysis, SDG by SDG, shows that several of them will not meet any of their targets by 2030. This is particularly the case for SDG 1 (poverty), 5 (gender), 6 (water), and 16 (peace, justice and strong institutions). Meanwhile, SDGs 2 (hunger), 3 (good health), 4 (quality education), 10 (reduced inequalities) and 13 (climate action) are expected to meet only one target each.

Given that human rights form the backbone of the SDGs, these results demonstrate that issues of justice remain marginal in their operational implementation.

On the other hand, democratic backsliding, the decline in human rights and the extreme narrowing of civic space that is materialising, for example, in censorship and the violent repression of journalists, human rights and environmental defenders, peaceful protesters, etc. – around the world are further obstacles to their achievement.

Today, according to the Civicus Monitor, only 7.2% of the world’s population lives in an “open” or “reduced” civic space. The rest live in a “restricted” (19.9%), repressed (42.3%) or closed (30.7%) civic space.

It is therefore becoming urgent for the international community in general, and development actors in particular, to give full priority to approaches based on human rights and the rights of living things in the implementation of the 2030 Agenda.


Civicus Monitor

Human rights and the rights of nature: a vital symbiosis for future generations

To achieve this, the challenges associated with the dominant economic model and global governance must be considered. This goes far beyond the legal sphere.

And yet the rights of nature are powerful levers for strengthening human rights and vice versa, as recently recognised by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) through the adoption of several resolutions.

With this in mind, the approach based on human and living rights should be integrated into all public policies aimed at achieving SDGs, with a strong focus on sustainability.

This is precisely what the COP15 Kunming-Montreal Decision on Biodiversity states, calling for action to support Mother Earth, that is to say, an “eco-centric and rights-based approach conducive to the implementation of actions aimed at establishing harmonious and complementary relationships between people and nature, promoting the sustainability of all living beings and their communities, and avoiding the commodification of the environmental functions of Mother Earth”.


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The Conversation

Farid Lamara ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Human rights and the rights of Nature are linchpins for truly sustainable development – https://theconversation.com/human-rights-and-the-rights-of-nature-are-linchpins-for-truly-sustainable-development-279023

« Cold case » : Comprendre le profil de la victime pour retrouver le meurtrier

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Magalie Sabot, Psychocriminologue à l’Office central pour la répression des violences aux personnes, Université Paris Cité

Les enquêtes sur les cold cases, ces meurtres non résolus depuis des décennies, reposent sur des méthodes souvent méconnues. L’analyse victimologique et la connaissance du cercle proche des victimes permettent de faire émerger de nouveaux indices. Récit d’une enquête portant sur le meurtre d’une adolescente, survenu il y a quarante ans.


Lorsque les policiers arrivent sur son lieu de travail, Anne ne peut imaginer que c’est pour elle qu’ils font le déplacement. De l’annonce, elle ne retient que quelques mots, secs et hachurés : sa fille unique de 16 ans a été tuée de plusieurs coups de couteau au sein du domicile familial. Malgré le choc, les proches sont rapidement entendus : la famille, puis les amis, les camarades et les voisins.

Nous sommes dans les années 1980, l’enquête sur le meurtre de Sophie ne fait que débuter (le prénom de la victime et certains éléments ont volontairement été modifiés).

À l’époque, l’ADN n’est pas encore au cœur des investigations criminelles et aucune trace génétique ne sera collectée. Alors, quand l’Office central pour la répression des violences aux personnes (OCRVP) reprend l’affaire quarante ans plus tard, il faut mobiliser d’autres leviers pour retrouver le meurtrier.

L’unité d’analyse comportementale (UACP), formée de trois psychocriminologues, constitue l’un des outils mis à la disposition des enquêteurs pour reprendre ces affaires complexes restées irrésolues.

L’entourage : premier suspect

L’annonce d’un décès dans des circonstances criminelles constitue, pour les proches, une épreuve émotionnelle. Elle les confronte à une réalité brutale susceptible d’altérer temporairement leurs capacités de compréhension, de réaction et d’expression. Si certaines manifestations sont attendues (pleurs, cris, colère), d’autres réponses, telles que la sidération, la distanciation ou une apparente froideur, peuvent également survenir. Ces réactions ne sauraient être interprétées comme une absence d’affect : elles relèvent fréquemment d’un état de choc. Il importe, dès lors, de ne pas assimiler ces mécanismes défensifs à des indices de dissimulation.

Cependant, cette lecture clinique ne peut occulter les réalités de l’enquête criminelle qui conduit souvent à orienter les investigations vers l’entourage de la victime. Les statistiques criminologiques montrent en effet que, dans de nombreux homicides, l’auteur appartient au cercle familial ou relationnel.

D’après les données du ministère de l’intérieur, en 2023, sur les 996 personnes décédées à la suite d’un homicide en France, environ une sur quatre l’a été dans un cadre familial. Et lorsque l’on considère spécifiquement les victimes féminines, plus d’une sur deux a été tuée dans un contexte intrafamilial.

À l’échelle internationale, les recherches criminologiques menées à partir d’homicides résolus montrent que les meurtres commis par des auteurs totalement inconnus de leurs victimes restent rares. Ils représentent en moyenne entre 9 % et 20 % des cas, selon les pays et les périodes étudiées. Une recherche menée en 2021 en Algérie confirme encore ces résultats : dans plus de 80 % des homicides étudiés, un lien de connaissance existe entre la victime et son meurtrier (dans 21 % des cas il s’agit d’un membre de la famille, dans 12 % d’une relation intime, dans 28 % d’un voisin, dans 14 % d’un ami, dans 6 % d’une relation professionnelle).

S’agissant du meurtre de Sophie, un facteur de vulnérabilité spécifique doit aussi être intégré à l’analyse : l’adolescence. Des travaux menés en 2024 en Italie indiquent que, entre 13 et 18 ans, les jeunes femmes sont tuées par un partenaire intime dans neuf cas sur dix (62 % par le partenaire actuel, 26 % par un ancien partenaire).

Lorsque l’auteur est identifié, le profil correspond à celui d’un jeune homme légèrement plus âgé que la victime (environ + 3,9 ans). Dans plus de la moitié des situations, le passage à l’acte s’inscrit dans un contexte de rupture ou de conflit amoureux.

Au vu de ces éléments, les enquêteurs procèdent dès que possible à l’audition de l’entourage de la victime, afin de mieux cerner quelles étaient ses préoccupations, ses dynamiques relationnelles et ses histoires adolescentes. Si l’on en croit ces données chiffrées, le criminel serait juste là, caché dans son cercle de connaissance.

Les biais cognitifs dans les enquêtes

Les parents endeuillés sont-ils vraiment des témoins fiables ? Tandis que l’enquête vise à objectiver le profil d’une victime, les parents évoquent avant tout leur enfant, investi d’une forte charge affective. Cette proximité favorise l’émergence de biais cognitifs lors des déclarations initiales : idéalisation post-mortem, minimisation des conflits, biais de loyauté familiale ainsi que des mécanismes défensifs liés à la honte ou à la culpabilité. En relisant les premières auditions, cela transparaît souvent dans certaines formules récurrentes des proches, telles que « Elle n’aurait jamais fréquenté de mauvaises personnes », « Elle était appréciée de tous » ou encore « J’aurais dû être au domicile ce jour-là ».

S’y ajoutent des phénomènes de contamination intertémoins, les échanges intrafamiliaux contribuant à l’élaboration d’un récit homogénéisé. Il en résulte fréquemment la construction d’un portrait lissé : famille sans difficulté, adolescente sans problème, dans lequel certains aspects de la vie intime restent dans l’ombre.




À lire aussi :
Trois mythes sur les biais cognitifs, ces raccourcis mentaux qui peuvent nous induire en erreur


Afin de limiter les effets des biais cognitifs dans la conduite des enquêtes, les services de police recourent à des grilles structurées d’exploration victimologique. Ces outils méthodologiques visent à examiner de manière systématique l’ensemble des dimensions de la vie de la victime : sphère affective et sexuelle, relations sociales et professionnelles, vulnérabilités, habitudes de vie ainsi que d’éventuels changements récents de comportement.

La structuration des informations recueillies permet ensuite une mise en perspective comparative des données, faisant apparaître les convergences, les divergences, les zones d’ombre ou encore les éléments susceptibles d’avoir été tus. Dans le cadre de la réouverture d’un dossier ancien, ces portraits victimologiques constituent un appui essentiel aux nouvelles auditions : ils orientent les investigations vers les éléments demeurés lacunaires, insuffisamment explorés ou précédemment passés sous silence, et favorisent ainsi une reprise d’enquête plus exhaustive et méthodologiquement sécurisée.




À lire aussi :
« Cold case » : Comment élucider un crime effacé par le temps ?


Dans l’affaire criminelle du meurtre de Sophie, l’analyse conduite au sein de l’OCRVP a mis en évidence une période de remaniement identitaire marquée, où la contestation des normes parentales et les conduites transgressives s’inscrivaient dans un processus adolescent classique.

Les auditions des amies se révèlent, à cet égard, particulièrement fécondes. Elles font émerger des éléments souvent ignorés du cercle familial : des expériences affectives et sexuelles, l’usage de cannabis et d’alcool en soirée et, un projet de fugue pour rejoindre celui qu’elle pensait être son grand amour.

Toutefois, l’examen psychocriminologique suggère également l’existence d’un décalage possible entre les récits livrés au groupe de pairs et la réalité des conduites de Sophie : certaines expériences semblent avoir été enjolivées pour se donner une image plus téméraire, plus audacieuse. Dès lors, l’enjeu analytique ne réside pas seulement dans l’accumulation d’informations factuelles, mais aussi dans l’appréhension des écarts entre les différentes représentations sociales de la victime afin de cerner, au plus près, la dynamique identitaire à l’œuvre.

L’analyse victimologique

L’analyse victimologique, dans le cadre de l’enquête criminelle, est l’étude de la victime permettant de déduire les circonstances de sa sélection par l’auteur et la dynamique du crime. À l’OCRVP, cette analyse est réalisée par les psychologues de l’Unité d’analyse comportementale psychocriminologique.

Cependant, cette discipline a longtemps occupé une place secondaire au profit du profilage criminel, focalisé quasi exclusivement sur le criminel recherché. Le profilage s’est, en effet, historiquement construit à partir de l’analyse des traces comportementales laissées sur la scène de crime (mode opératoire, signature, mise en scène), à partir desquelles les enquêteurs tentaient d’inférer les caractéristiques du suspect.

Pourtant, les travaux de criminologues spécialisés dans l’analyse comportementale, comme Wayne Petherick ou Brent Turvey, soulignent le rôle central de la connaissance de la victime dans la compréhension du processus criminel. C’est en croisant l’analyse victimologique et le profilage criminel du suspect que l’on peut éclairer trois aspects essentiels de l’enquête : le contexte du crime, les liens éventuels entre auteur et victime, et les pistes d’investigation à privilégier.

Le lieu dans lequel se trouvait la victime, sa vulnérabilité et sa capacité à se défendre donnent des indices sur la façon dont le meurtrier a agi. Celui-ci choisit souvent sa victime en fonction de ce qu’elle lui permet de réaliser : satisfaire des fantasmes, répondre à ses pulsions ou simplement profiter d’une opportunité donnée. L’analyse victimologique, articulée aux éléments objectivés sur la scène de crime, permet ainsi d’inférer le mode d’approche, le mode d’attaque, les risques assumés et, dans une certaine mesure, le mobile.

L’analyse victimologique du meurtre de Sophie éclaire plusieurs traits du comportement de l’auteur. L’adolescente n’ouvrait pas la porte aux inconnus, suggérant une approche par ruse mobilisant certaines compétences sociales. Le crime survient alors qu’elle est seule à son domicile, dans le cadre d’une activité routinière, laissant penser à un repérage préalable et à une capacité d’anticipation.

Son caractère « calme », sa petite corpulence et ses faibles capacités de résistance physique indiquent de la part de l’agresseur une violence disproportionnée et une perte de contrôle émotionnel, suggérant un auteur colérique et impulsif. L’autopsie révèle également que Sophie n’a pas été violée, ce qui nous oriente vers un mobile non sexuel. Enfin, le corps n’a pas été déplacé et la scène n’a fait l’objet d’aucune mise en scène, ce qui laisse penser à un départ précipité.

Affaire à suivre

La reprise du dossier par les enquêteurs de l’OCRVP ouvrira la voie à l’exploration de nouvelles hypothèses, notamment par la réaudition des témoins de l’époque. Leur mémoire sera-t-elle altérée par les années ? Ou le temps deviendra-t-il un allié ?

Certains dossiers traités au sein de l’OCRVP enseignent que les années passées peuvent transformer les dynamiques psychologiques et relationnelles des témoins. L’éloignement émotionnel, la maturation individuelle ou la reconfiguration des liens interpersonnels sont susceptibles de lever d’anciennes inhibitions et de délier certains secrets.

Ces remaniements psychiques favorisent parfois l’émergence d’éléments demeurés tus au moment des faits : un terrain d’analyse privilégié pour les psychocriminologues.


Créé en 2023, le Centre de recherche de la police nationale pilote la recherche appliquée au sein de la police nationale. Il coordonne l’activité des opérateurs scientifiques pour développer des connaissances, des outils et des méthodes au service de l’action opérationnelle et stratégique.

The Conversation

Magalie Sabot ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. « Cold case » : Comprendre le profil de la victime pour retrouver le meurtrier – https://theconversation.com/cold-case-comprendre-le-profil-de-la-victime-pour-retrouver-le-meurtrier-277144

‘Canadian experience’ keeps skilled immigrants out of the labour market

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By George Kofi Danso, PhD, Human Geography, Queen’s University, Ontario

Canada positions itself as a nation in need of skilled immigrants to address labour shortages, support an aging population and drive economic growth. But the reality of Canada’s labour market tells a different story.

Upon arrival, the credentials of the talent attracted from abroad often face skepticism. The issue isn’t just about integration, it’s about the bigger problem of how Canada recognizes and values educational backgrounds, skills and professional experience.

At the centre of that failure is the idea of “Canadian experience.” This refers to the requirement that job applicants have prior work experience in the Canadian labour market to gain further employment.

Employers often defend this requirement as practical. They argue it ensures that workers understand local norms, workplace culture and regulatory expectations. In practice, this requirement acts as a screening tool.

This is both a social and an economic mistake. Canada’s immigration policy is based on the idea that newcomers are crucial to its future success. Yet it continues to squander the skills of the professionals it accepted to take in.

As a researcher specializing in immigration and international student retention in Canada, I believe the system isn’t failing at selecting talent, it’s failing at recognizing it.

Immigrants aren’t the problem, recognition is

A report from RBC found that immigrants often struggle to secure suitable employment in Canada because their training or field of study does not align with labour market needs. This explanation is incomplete, as data shows that a majority of immigrants with a post-secondary education are often more over-qualified than Canadian-born workers.

In September 2025, 34.7 per cent of recent immigrants reported being over-qualified compared with 18.5 per cent of Canadian-born workers. This suggests that many immigrants are failing because their skills are not being fully acknowledged or used.

Immigrants didn’t arrive without skills. They were carefully selected for the strong education, experience and qualifications that met Canada’s immigration standards. The problem starts after they arrive, when their qualifications face even deeper scrutiny.

Most employers ask for Canadian experience as a prerequisite, creating an impossible cycle: newcomers cannot gain Canadian experience without being hired, yet cannot get hired without Canadian experience.

At the core of the problem is a tendency to view unfamiliar foreign experience as a liability rather than as evidence of skill. Employers usually trust what they know. Regulatory bodies focus on credentials they easily understand. So foreign training is often seen as uncertain until it’s translated into Canadian terms.

The problem repeats across immigration streams

Two groups highlight this issue clearly: international students and internationally trained doctors. Although they differ in many ways, both show how Canada delays or denies recognition of people it has invited.

International students often come to Canada for the promise of education and work that can lead to a better future. However, they soon face a tough reality: costly housing, tight finances and immigration rules that limit their options.

To make ends meet, many take jobs in retail, food service, warehouses, delivery or care work. These roles are essential and demanding, yet they don’t provide the professional experience or career advancement that students expect.

International students are encouraged to work, contribute and build a life in Canada. Yet the jobs available to them, while technically providing Canadian work experience, are not in their fields of study. After graduation, employers often dismiss this experience as irrelevant and continue to demand professional Canadian experience in their specific industry, which students had no opportunity to gain.

Health experts often warn about a shortage of physicians. Family medicine faces pressure, emergency rooms are crowded and many communities lack access to care. However, many qualified foreign-trained doctors encounter a maze of licensing hurdles, repeated exams and limited chances to practice.

In 2021, Canada had roughly 39,000 internationally educated people with medical training, yet only 41.1 per cent of foreign-educated doctors were working in related occupations, compared with about nine in ten Canadian-educated medical graduates.

Many of these doctors come with strong clinical knowledge and experience from other health systems. Yet in Canada, their qualifications must go through extensive verification processes, credential checks and limited licensing pathways.

While these requirements are set up to ensure the Canadian health-care system can meet the highest standards of care, they also create barriers for foreign-qualified professionals.

What Canada keeps getting wrong

Canada seeks global talent but builds systems that undervalue it. This contradiction could explain why labour shortages in healthcare and certain skilled trades persist despite high-skilled immigration streams.

To gain real benefits from immigration, Canada must improve how it recognizes and integrates foreign expertise. And it should stop using “Canadian experience” as a method of exclusion.

Underusing skilled immigrants is both unfair to them and harms the economy. Canada can’t claim it needs talent from abroad while discounting it once it arrives.

The Conversation

George Kofi Danso does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘Canadian experience’ keeps skilled immigrants out of the labour market – https://theconversation.com/canadian-experience-keeps-skilled-immigrants-out-of-the-labour-market-277036

China’s Africa strategy is shifting and Iran conflict will speed it up

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Lauren Johnston, Associate Professor, China Studies Centre, University of Sydney

The global geoeconomic volatility wrought by the second Donald Trump US presidency and hostilities in the Middle East make the shift in China’s Africa strategy even more important for China and for Africa.

China’s Africa strategy started to shift in 2019, towards investment. It is anchored in Hunan Province.

The “Hunan Model” emerged because the “Angola Model” (building infrastructure and extracting resources) faced sustainability hurdles. Given the vulnerability of African countries to shocks, they often struggle to keep up with mounting debt repayments. The other factor was China’s changing domestic needs.

Traditional trade partnership and growth corridors were also under increasing contestation and subject to high trade barriers.

Under these pressures, Beijing selected Hunan Province to become its “project implementation unit” for a new era of trade and development between China and Africa.

The model has become more important since formal approval of the China-Africa Economic and Trade Deep Cooperation Pilot Zone in early 2024 and the growth of the China-Africa Economic and Trade Exhibition since launch in 2019.




Read more:
China’s Africa strategy is shifting from extraction to investment – driven from the industry-rich Hunan region


It seeks to deepen and bring greater balance to China-Africa trade and industrial integration. It is also at the heart of efforts to overcome the three main barriers to African development – shortages of capital, skilled labour and infrastructure – while offering China a secure and growing supply of resources.

Based on years of study of China-Africa trade relations, I argue that the tensions in the Middle East and the economic disruptions they have caused globally will speed up China’s thrust towards renewables and the electrification of its economy. It will also accelerate its push for new markets. This has implications for Africa.

Hunan Province is central to green transportation and to construction, heavy industry and minerals processing. It is also central to China’s economic relations with Africa.

What Hunan is all about

At the centre of the Hunan Model sit two national policy initiatives:

Hunan Province’s capital, Changsha, is home to China’s third-largest wholesale market, the Gaoqiao Grand Market. It is the primary distribution hub for non-commodity African imports landing in and near Changsha and passing through “green lanes” that fast-track African exports into China.

The market has a permanent trade facilitation hall where African countries market their goods directly and which provides other trade services.

The Hunan Model also has three functional areas to support trade between land-locked Hunan and the world, with an emphasis on Africa:

The China-Africa cooperation zone also has five “functional clusters” that drive trade, investment and industrial development between and within China and African nations. These target specific sectors where Hunan excels – and that match potential for growth and industrialisation in Africa. Construction machinery, mining equipment and precious metals processing are among them.

The China-Africa Economic and Trade Exhibition comprises the permanent exhibition hall in the zone and a series of trade expos, held in China and in Africa.

In the last few years, as I’ve detailed in a journal article, a series of China-Africa Economic and Trade Exhibition events have also begun springing up in African countries, including Kenya and Nigeria.

Impact of Middle East conflict

The importance of the Hunan Model has, arguably, been increased by the second Trump presidency and intensifying US-China trade tensions. As western markets become more restrictive, China has pivoted towards the global south with remarkable speed. Africa is no exception. In 2025, while Chinese total foreign trade grew by 3.8%, China-Africa trade surged by 17.7%.




Read more:
US trade wars with China – and how they play out in Africa


More recently, tensions in the Middle East have offered a dramatic shock to the global economy and its energy supply chains. This is likely to intensify China’s push towards renewables and electrification of its economy. It may also elevate global demand for electric vehicles, and it is Hunan Province that is home to Chinese e-vehicle giant BYD.

Given Hunan’s centrality to China’s own renewables industry, especially electric transformation and minerals processing, as well as construction, the Hunan Model can drive a new renewables-run era in China and between China and Africa too.




Read more:
China’s interests in Africa are being shaped by the race for renewable energy


In 2025, the “biggest highlight” of Changsha’s exports to Africa was the explosive growth of the “new three items”. These are lithium batteries, electric vehicles and photovoltaic products. Hunan’s exports of these items to Africa increased by 160.4%, 840.4% and 62.1% year-on-year, respectively. That’s why they have become a “new calling card” for Hunan’s exports to Africa.

Alongside electric transportation companies like BYD, Hunan Province is also home to electric railway giants like CRRC, which is at the heart of a “green” rail export surge. Moreover, in the wake of conflict in Iran, China has announced a new rare minerals research and innovation hub, to be set up in Changsha, Hunan.

Avoiding ‘Africa last’

While the Hunan model offers a focus on surmounting non-tariff barriers to trade and an industrial-focused alternative to past extraction-heavy policies, risks remain. The sheer scale of Chinese exports to Africa – up 17.7% in 2025 while African exports to China grew only 5.4% – underscores a growing trade imbalance.

African countries and sub-regions must build their own industrial supply chains, as China did with investment from earlier industrial giants.

The Hunan Model has its own research alliance of Chinese scholars and industry experts to inform its advance and progress. African nations require their own equivalent.

Shock after shock is upsetting the world economy. The Hunan Model is no longer just an experiment or a policy idea. It is driving China-Africa economic transformation. It offers potential for growth and development in China and Africa.

The Conversation

Lauren Johnston does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. China’s Africa strategy is shifting and Iran conflict will speed it up – https://theconversation.com/chinas-africa-strategy-is-shifting-and-iran-conflict-will-speed-it-up-280046

China’s military support for Somalia is on the rise – what Taiwan and Somaliland have to do with it

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Brendon J. Cannon, Associate Professor, Khalifa University

China recently pledged to expand military support to Somalia in its fight against al-Shabaab militants. Beijing has promised equipment, training and closer security cooperation with Mogadishu. This marks a shift from China’s traditionally cautious and small presence in the country. Brendon J. Cannon has researched how external powers – including China – engage with sub-Saharan Africa. He explains how these dynamics are converging in Somalia.

What form does China’s support in Somalia take?

China’s interests in Somalia take two paths.

The first is broadly geopolitical. It relates to China’s long-standing interests in the Horn of Africa as a strategic crossroads. The region links the Indian Ocean to the Red Sea and the Mediterranean. The Horn of Africa includes Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea and Somaliland. Sudan and Kenya are important actors in the region’s affairs.

Beijing’s priorities here are about expanding political influence and embedding itself in regional security architectures. This explains its existing military presence in Djibouti and infrastructure investments across Ethiopia, as well as neighbouring states like Kenya, Uganda and South Sudan.

The second path is specific to Somalia. It is mainly shaped by China’s domestic politics and stance on Taiwan. Beijing considers Taiwan a breakaway province, and is concerned that Somaliland’s ties with Taipei could lend legitimacy to separatist movements. Somaliland is a de facto independent state that left its voluntary union with Somalia in 1991, and diplomatically recognised Taiwan in 2020.

To understand this Somalia-specific dynamic, it is necessary to look at what China’s support to Somalia entails. Beijing provides diplomatic backing, development assistance and, more recently, security cooperation framed around counterterrorism and support for Somalia’s fight against al-Shabaab militants.

Even so, China’s economic footprint remains modest. Unlike neighbouring Ethiopia, where Beijing has financed railways, ports and airports, Somalia has not received large-scale Belt and Road infrastructure.

Chinese engagement is, therefore, better understood as selective and strategic rather than transformative.

What are the strategic interests driving this engagement?

China is increasingly involved in Somalia because of Somaliland’s diplomatic recognition of Taiwan and its progress in pushing for its own international recognition.

Since 1949, Taiwan has been an independent, self-governing state, though the People’s Republic of China lays claim to the island.

Beijing has worked over the past three decades to isolate Taiwan diplomatically. It’s offered development, technology and infrastructure assistance in exchange for states severing diplomatic relations with Taipei.

As of 2026, only Eswatini and Somaliland in Africa maintain some form of diplomatic relations with Taiwan.

From Beijing’s perspective, the fact that a small, de facto independent state in the Horn of Africa had the temerity to exchange diplomats with Taiwan was bad enough. When Israel became the first state to formally recognise Somaliland’s independence in December 2025, Beijing reaffirmed its support for Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. US policymakers are also pushing to recognise Somaliland.

China and Somalia’s leaders in Mogadishu frequently affirm their support for “One Somalia” and “One China”, respectively. In their view, Somaliland must submit to Mogadishu’s rule. Ditto for Taiwan: it must join the People’s Republic of China.

Neither Somaliland nor Taiwan wish to be part of what they view as broken political experiments.

Their larger, angry neighbours don’t care. They resort to bullying and threaten violence – in different ways.

China has wealth, economic power and a global profile. It also has a huge military and growing navy, much of it tailormade to invade Taiwan. Despite this, Taiwan still prefers to go it alone, with support from the United States, Japan, Australia and others.

Mogadishu, on the other hand, is unable to exercise legitimate control over much of its own territory. Despite decades of external security assistance and military training, Somalia still has no capable military. The national army continues to underperform against al-Shabaab and remains entangled in clan-based politics.

Failure to shift the status quo in either Taiwan or Somaliland unites China and Somalia against smaller, weaker entities.

How does China’s approach in the Horn of Africa differ from that of western actors?

In my view, Beijing’s growing interest in Somalia is less about development corridors and more about political alignment, diplomatic positioning and security cooperation.

Western states have tended to emphasise counterterrorism operations, governance reforms and security sector training. Other actors like Turkey and the United Arab Emirates have combined military engagement with infrastructure investment and commercial interests, sometimes becoming deeply embedded in Somalia’s internal politics.

China, by contrast, has focused on regime support to reinforce Somalia’s territorial integrity. This assistance has been less overtly military, and is closely tied to diplomatic objectives.

China prefers building technological and institutional dependencies – in telecommunications, technology and surveillance, for example – across much of Africa.

In both the short and long term, greater Chinese involvement risks adding another layer of geopolitical competition in an already fragile region. Rather than acting as a stabilising force, Beijing may find itself drawn into the same local dynamics that have frustrated other external actors.

Somaliland, in comparison, has developed a relatively functional security sector and a high degree of domestic political legitimacy.

What could greater Chinese involvement mean for Somalia’s security?

There is little reason to expect China’s military assistance to succeed where others have failed. Its broader impact will likely be political rather than operational.

Increased Chinese backing for Mogadishu could deepen internal divisions within Somalia. It may intensify competition over territory, authority and external patronage.

Nowhere is this dynamic more visible than in Las Anod, a contested city in eastern Somaliland.

It has recently become the focal point of a new political entity – SSC Khatumo, armed by external state actors, including China, according to reports. It is backed by Mogadishu and viewed by Somaliland as illegitimate.

Political developments in Las Anod have taken on geopolitical overtones. Abdikhadir Firdhiye was inaugurated in January 2026 as the first president of what Mogadishu has recognised as its Northeast State. The SSC Khatumo administration considers Las Anod its capital.

Among those attending Firdhiye’s inauguration were ambassadors from Turkey, Saudi Arabia, China, Djibouti and Sudan. Their interests extend well beyond local governance.

For Somaliland, the message was clear: its bid for independence is now entangled in a much wider geopolitical contest.

The Conversation

Brendon J. Cannon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. China’s military support for Somalia is on the rise – what Taiwan and Somaliland have to do with it – https://theconversation.com/chinas-military-support-for-somalia-is-on-the-rise-what-taiwan-and-somaliland-have-to-do-with-it-279600

Inside Southeast Asia’s scam compounds: A trafficked worker tells of fraud, coercion and torture

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Randall Hansen, Professor, Canada Research Chair in Global Migration & Director of the Global Migration Lab, University of Toronto

I was recently in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, and approached a group of young men in front of the Indian embassy. I told them I was a University of Toronto researcher.

I asked: “Are you from the scam compounds?” Scam compounds are industrial-scale complexes where trafficked workers are confined and forced to carry out online fraud.

They were. One man in his early 30s named Akshit told me his story.

Akshit was not your typical human trafficking victim. His English is perfect, he is educated, and he has worked in banks and call centres. But he was trafficked. In 2024, a friend told him of a friend who knew about a job in Cambodia paying twice what he earned in India.




Read more:
‘I thought about escaping every day’: how survivors get out of Southeast Asia’s cybercrime compounds – Scam Factories podcast, Ep 3


After a quick interview, he paid US$500 to fly to Phnom Penh via Kuala Lumpur. The flight and his car ride to Sihanoukville, a coastal city in southwest Cambodia, were comfortable, and on arrival at an apartment block he was given a welcome bag and a nice room. It all seemed above board.

It was anything but. He was in a scam compound where hundreds of workers sat at computers and convinced Asians and westerners to invest in fake schemes or love interests. Workers were arranged in teams of eight, led by a team leader, with a manager overseeing several teams and a Chinese criminal syndicate above them. His recruiter had sold him for US$5,000.

Labour violations

Hundreds of thousands of people have been trafficked in Cambodia and Myanmar alone. Media coverage of scam compounds has often focused on the beatings, broken bones and workers screaming as they are tasered. These outrages are real, but they are only the most extreme form of abuse.

At the core of scam compounds is a system of paid but forced labour: 15-hour days, seven days a week, multiple chats open, texting victims in English and workers’ native languages.

Akshit worked in English and Hindi, targeting southern Indians. The chats started at 10:30 a.m. — latecomers were fined — and ended at 2 a.m.

They followed a fluid but predictable script: a “developer” texts multiple clients. When they engage, he passes them on to a “chatter.” The chatter texts with the victim for three to four days, determining whether they’re interested in love or financial gain. He then passes them on to the “killer,” who seals the deal, instructing the victim on how to transfer the funds.

Akshit moved between the three roles.

The original investment would be small — around $250 — and would build from there. Once the victim had transferred enough money, it would all go quiet. The amounts varied by victim, but large transfers — hundreds of thousands of dollars or more — were rare; it was usually a few thousand.

The role of the pandemic

Scam compounds took off in Cambodia during the COVID-19 pandemic, as closed casinos and apartment blocks in cities such as Sihanoukville and the border towns of Bavet (Vietnam), Koh Kong and O’Smach (Thailand) were repurposed to house scam operations. They then spread to Myanmar (clustering along the border with Thailand) and Laos (especially the “Golden Triangle,” where Laos, Myanmar and Thailand meet).

Operations on this scale are recent, but the business model is far older: large gains based on low margins per transaction.

Billions are siphoned from victims — American losses to cryptocurrency scams alone reached US$5.6 billion in 2023 — but spread across hundreds of compounds and hundreds of thousands of workers, the returns per operation are far less impressive.

In Akshit’s team, everyone had a target of US$10,000 per month, for which they received $800; beyond that, there was a gradually increasing cut. But not everyone made the target.

Payroll sheets Akshit showed me recorded a few payouts of more than US$5,000, but many were in the low hundreds, meaning they brought in only a few thousand dollars monthly. Those who failed to make the target got less, or no, pay. Those who refused to work were abused, threatened and, in some cases, tortured.

One night, Akshit was awoken by screams several doors down. A Pakistani national had refused to comply and instead pleaded for help in texts to those he was supposed to scam. A team leader reported him, and his supervisors and security personnel used electroshock batons on him.

Illusion of shutdowns

A scam compound’s fixed costs are high once housing, food, security, transportation and team leaders’ and managers’ salaries are factored in. Forced labour makes the operation profitable. In its structural reliance on cheap labour, in fact, human trafficking in illegal scam compounds bears similarities to human trafficking in the legal fish processing or garments sectors.

The fact that so many victims come from wealthy western and East Asian countries explains the immense pressure on the Cambodian government. Hundreds of scam centres have closed since January 2026, and thousands of Chinese, South Asian, African and Indonesian workers were on the streets of Phnom Penh, struggling to get home.

But appearances deceive. Akshit’s compound was raided only after the owners had been tipped off; they moved workers to a hotel. Investigative journalist Danielle Keeton-Olsen told me in an interview that many of those released were low-level workers. Several other sources confirmed this.

What’s more, as Nathan Paul Southern from the Eyewitness Project explained to me:

“There is a huge difference between being raided and being shut down. The majority of the Prince Group (compound) closures were not raids; they just ceased operations. The cops said you need to go but keep us paid. And the doors closed.”

Much infrastructure remains, he noted, and some compounds are reportedly filling up again. The aggregate profits, generated on the back of cheap labour, are too large.

Lucrative enterprise

The total annual revenue from scams in Cambodia was US$12.9 billion in 2023, about 40 per cent of the country’s GDP. Officials throughout Cambodia — police, border guards and civil servants — receive bribes to look the other way.

Many powerful entities, including criminal organizations, businesses and politicians, have an interest in the system continuing. If scam compounds close in Cambodia, they will open elsewhere.

There is also worker agency. Some do the work voluntarily; Akshit estimates 40 per cent in his compound were willing, earning around US$5,000 per month. The figure may be exaggerated, but some clearly have an interest in the system continuing.

Globally, there are millions desperate enough to take the risk. In one form or another, scam compounds — and the trafficking that sustains them — are here to stay.

The Conversation

Professor Randall Hansen receives funding from his Canada Research Chair in Global Migration

ref. Inside Southeast Asia’s scam compounds: A trafficked worker tells of fraud, coercion and torture – https://theconversation.com/inside-southeast-asias-scam-compounds-a-trafficked-worker-tells-of-fraud-coercion-and-torture-280311

Why Pete Hegseth’s Pentagon prayer services challenge traditional notions of separation of church and state – but might be blessed by the Roberts Supreme Court

Source: The Conversation – USA – By John E. Jones III, President, Dickinson College

The wall between church and state appears increasingly thin. hayesphotography/iStock Getty Images Plus

Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth is engaging in “a proselytizing Christian campaign” in his job, according to The Washington Post.

Hegseth hosts prayer services at the Pentagon and virtually crusades as a Christian, praying at the Pentagon for U.S. troops to inflict “overwhelming violence of action against those who deserve no mercy in Iran.” Politics editor Naomi Schalit spoke with Dickinson College President John E. Jones III about the legal implications of Hegseth’s actions.

Jones was a longtime federal judge, and his most famous decision, Kitzmiller v. Dover, was a case in which a district school board ordered the teaching of so-called intelligent design – claimed by advocates to be an alternative to the theory of evolution. Jones’ 139-page decision concluded that it was “abundantly clear” that the board’s policy violated the establishment clause of the Constitution, which forbids the government from creating an official religion or favoring one religion over another.

Schalit: What issues do Hegseth’s behavior and statements raise for you, if any?

Jones: From afar, it looks as if he is flirting with a violation of the establishment clause as contained within the First Amendment. The establishment clause mandates that there can’t be a national religion, nor can the government favor one religion over another.

What appears to be happening at the Pentagon are services that basically recognize only a particular religious tradition. And it’s very notable that Americans United for Separation of Church and State filed suit against both the Defense Department and the Labor Department because there are similar activities that are taking place there.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth asked God to “let every round find its mark against the enemies of righteousness and our great nation” during a monthly Christian service at the Pentagon on March 25, 2026.

What they’re seeking under the Freedom of Information Act are certain records, because they likely can’t attend these sessions. Any information they receive could support a separate lawsuit that, in effect, says the government – via the departments of Labor and Defense – is violating the establishment clause.

From my perspective, it sure looks like they are in violation. These activities are hosted on government property. They’re potentially coercive and appear to promote one particular religious viewpoint above others. While they may say they’re not requiring people to attend, you don’t know whether there may be some incentivizing or negative consequence if somebody doesn’t come.

Let me be the casual bystander and say, “Gosh, it’s just really nice. He’s a God-fearing man, and you know, he’s saying things that show his belief, which is a good thing to have.” Why did the authors of the Bill of Rights have a problem with the government establishing a state religion?

They were people of their time. They knew England had the Church of England and thus a national religion that was intertwined with the state. It ultimately caused untoward problems. They wanted everyone to have the freedom to worship, or not, as a personal choice and felt very passionately about that.

What has been long debated is the concept of a wall of separation between church and state. That phrase is not in the Constitution, but it is something that appears in cases, or is at least implied. And I’ve often said that wall is somewhat porous because there are circumstances where courts have allowed a little bit of seepage of religion under certain circumstances into the so-called public square.

What is really interesting is the tilt of the current Supreme Court court towards relaxing what have been generations of jurisprudence holding that the establishment clause should be more strictly enforced.

The Kennedy v. Bremerton School District case of 2022 involved a high school football coach assembling his players for prayer after games. It was pretty remarkable in the fact that the Supreme Court ultimately decided that that was not a violation of the establishment clause.

Some of the reasons were that it was after the game and that it was not a required activity for the players. Those who opposed it claimed that it was a violation of the establishment clause and that it was inherently coercive.

These current activities by the government – assuming that Americans United for Separation of Church and State files a lawsuit, not just an information request – are very likely to get to the Supreme Court.

The other thing the Supreme Court has done is it abandoned the so-called Lemon test, which courts utilized to determine whether a law or practice violated the establishment clause. Particularly in Kitzmiller v. Dover, I found the Lemon test to be a really helpful vehicle to use in measuring whether the policy in that case, which involved a school board mandating the teaching of the so-called alternative to evolution – intelligent design – violated the establishment clause.

President John F. Kennedy says people unhappy with a 1962 Supreme Court decision banning prayers in public schools can “pray a good deal more at home.”

How did the Lemon test work?

The Lemon test says that a judge should first measure the purpose of the government’s action, and then the effect on a reasonable person. You can then go to a third point, which is whether it represents an excessive entanglement with religion.

It doesn’t fit every case, but it worked in most establishment clause challenges.

But the Supreme Court, first in Kennedy v. Bremerton School District, pronounced it dead.

They in effect said to judges, “You have to look at historical antecedents and traditions and so forth.” That’s great writing at the Supreme Court level, but it leaves district judges completely unmoored. So whomever the poor judge is who gets this case is likely going to have a difficult time trying to read the tea leaves to determine whether it is, in fact, a violation. And I guarantee you, there won’t be unanimity among jurists and lawyers on that point.

So you’ve got a case where in the old days there was legal scripture that said, “OK, apply these tests and you can tell whether the government has stepped over the line into endorsing religion.” But now the Supreme Court has made it unclear where that line is?

Yes, and the very fact that Americans United for Separation of Church and State is trying to get information under the Freedom of Information Act means that they know that you have to come armed with a lot of salient surrounding facts in order to have this declared unconstitutional.

If this had been 10 or 20 years ago, they probably wouldn’t have filed that action under the Freedom of Information Act. They would have directly challenged the law and in effect said, “Look, it speaks for itself. You have services favoring one religion over others within the Pentagon and Labor departments. It’s inherently unconstitutional and a violation of the establishment clause.”

But we’re in a post-Lemon world today where there is a relaxation of the previously recognized constraints of the establishment clause.

Where does that get the country?

I fear where it goes if the progression continues. The proponents of this kind of behavior ask, “What’s wrong with a little of that good old-time religion in the public square?”

They never appear to contemplate the fact that in generations hence, America could, for example, be a predominately Muslim population. Suppose that became the favored religion in a country, or any religion that may be embraced by some but be disfavored by others became the favored religion. The establishment clause is meant to protect everyone, including, by the way, nonbelievers and atheists.

There’s nothing in the establishment clause that says that you can’t worship – or not – as you see fit. And that’s the beauty of this country. The founders knew that if there was a move towards a favored or national religion in the eyes of the government, that could replicate what took place in Great Britain, where religion and politics mixed with occasionally terrible results.

Failure to adhere to the dictates of the church could render you a second-class citizen, or worse. My hope is that judges will be very, very careful about a systemic creep that totally eviscerates the purpose and intent of the establishment clause.

The Conversation

John E. Jones III does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why Pete Hegseth’s Pentagon prayer services challenge traditional notions of separation of church and state – but might be blessed by the Roberts Supreme Court – https://theconversation.com/why-pete-hegseths-pentagon-prayer-services-challenge-traditional-notions-of-separation-of-church-and-state-but-might-be-blessed-by-the-roberts-supreme-court-280535

Your local fishing hole is getting browner, changing which fish species thrive and which ones struggle

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Allison M. Roth, Assistant Professor of Biological Sciences, University of Missouri-Columbia

Increased carbon in runoff from land is turning freshwaters darker. Andrew P. Hendry via Flickr

The lakes, streams and ponds you’ve visited for years are likely looking more brown than they used to. And people who are fishing those waters are likely catching different species and sizes of fish than in the past.

Our research has identified a link between those two developments, which means that trout, bass, perch and whitefish may become less common in unstocked lakes. But pike and walleye anglers may be in for a trophy-sized surprise.

In the past several decades, across much of northeastern North America and northern Europe, many freshwater ecosystems are getting darker, and they are changing in other ways as a result.

What is freshwater browning?

The specific phenomenon of darkening water, called “freshwater browning,” is driven by a few factors. Among the reasons are climate change, as higher temperatures and increased runoff are combining to increase the amount and types of carbon compounds that move from soil and land into bodies of water.

Similarly, as people have taken steps to reduce acidic emissions coming from smokestacks and other sources, less acid has fallen as precipitation, changing the chemistry of soils. Those chemical changes are also increasing the flow of carbon to bodies of water.

Higher levels of carbon make water look brown because it’s basically dissolved plant matter that stains the water like tea leaves would.

Underwater visibility

It’s harder to see in browner waters, which makes it harder for fish to locate prey, escape from predators and find suitable habitat to live in.

Our recent study combined a review of past research with some new analyses to examine how different kinds of fish do in darker water. Working with a large team of experts, we tallied findings from previous studies that looked at the relationship between the darkness of a body of water and fish growth rates in that same body of water.

We found that in browner waters, fish often grow more slowly. The decreased growth rate in individual fish appears to reduce the population sizes of these fish, which may, in turn, change the quantities and proportions of different kinds of fish in a lake.

But freshwater browning doesn’t affect all species of fish equally.

A person's hands hold a fish with large eyes and an open mouth.
Walleyes are among the fish species that seem to thrive in browner waters.
AP Photo/Daniel Miller

Unsurprisingly, we found that vision appeared to be quite important for navigating browner waters. When we studied fish communities in 303 Canadian lakes, we found that in lakes with darker water, fish species with larger eyes were more common.

When we looked at data on populations of eight economically important fish in 871 lakes across North America and Europe, we found that browning was associated with smaller populations of several species, including lake trout, lake whitefish, yellow perch, largemouth bass and smallmouth bass. Brook trout abundance was not affected by freshwater browning.

Browning was associated with larger populations of northern pike and walleye.

We believe that’s because walleye, for example, have a specialized retina that helps them see in browner waters with poorer visibility.
Similarly, pike have a well-developed lateral-line sensory system that allows them to sense vibration, movement and pressure changes in the water.

A person holding a fishing rod uses a float to remain above the surface of a body of water.
Anglers may want to use different types of lures in darker waters.
AP Photo/Ted S. Warren

A change for anglers

People fishing in browner lakes may consider appealing to the senses of the fish that are likely to be in the water. For example, rather than using colorful or shiny lures to attract their visual attention, when fishing in darker water, consider using vibrating lures that a fish’s lateral line system can detect, or scented lures that trigger an olfactory response.

By examining what’s happening to the water and in it, both scientists and people who enjoy fishing can understand the changes we’re seeing and what they mean in practical terms.

The Conversation

Allison M. Roth received funding to conduct this work from the Groupe de recherche interuniversitaire en limnologie/the Interuniversity Research Group in Limnology (GRIL; https://doi.org/10.69777/341034), which is funded by the Fonds de recherche du Québec Nature et Technologie (FRQNT).

This contribution was made possible by a working group grant, led by A. M. R., from the Groupe de Recherche Interuniversitaire
en Limnologie/the Interuniversity Research Group in Limnology (GRIL; https://doi.org/10.69777/341034), which is funded by the Fonds de recherche du Québec Nature et Technologie (FRQNT).

ref. Your local fishing hole is getting browner, changing which fish species thrive and which ones struggle – https://theconversation.com/your-local-fishing-hole-is-getting-browner-changing-which-fish-species-thrive-and-which-ones-struggle-279259

Why women in groups face a ‘collaboration penalty’ that solo female stars like Taylor Swift and Coco Gauff escape

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By David Hekman, Associate Professor of Organizational Leadership, University of Colorado Boulder

Whether in sports, music or business, all-women teams earn less. Minnesota Lynx guard Renee Montgomery drives between Indiana Fever guards Layshia Clarendon, left, and Shenise Johnson at a WNBA game in Minneapolis. AP Photo/Stacy Bengs

When Taylor Swift’s Eras Tour became the highest-grossing concert tour of all time in 2024, hauling in more than US$2 billion, it was hailed as a breakthrough for women in music.

But Swift’s success, it turns out, didn’t translate into broader gains for female artists. A closer look at the list of top-earning tours shows a clear pattern: Among the top 27 highest-grossing tours ever, there are no all-women ensembles, while 14 are all-male.

The same discrepancy appears in album sales: No all-women groups crack the top 100 bestselling artists of all time, while 41 all-men groups do.

Does Swift’s success stem from her status as a solo artist? As scholars of management who have researched organizational behavior and workplace bias, we argue that it did. And it points to a broader conclusion: Women working in same-gender groups face a “collaboration penalty” that solo women escape. Our work found that this pattern holds across venture capital, professional sports, health care and entertainment.

Why? Our research suggests it’s because all-women groups are seen as more threatening, as they’re more likely to challenge power structures through collective action. Notably, this perception was shared by male and female study participants alike – that is, women applied this bias to all-female groups just as men did.

A giant image of Taylor Swift on a screen looms over a concert crowd while she performs on stage during her Eras tour in Foxborough, Mass.
Taylor Swift performs at Gillette Stadium in Foxboro, Mass., in August 2023.
Stephen Mease on Unsplash, CC BY

The venture capital disappearing act

The starkest evidence appears in startup funding.

Despite years of diversity initiatives, all-women founding teams receive just 2.4% of venture capital dollars – a figure that has barely budged in three decades.

What explains this dramatic gap? We designed an experiment in which participants evaluated venture capital pitches that were identical in substance but varied by gender and solo vs. team status. The study’s participants described all-women investor groups as much more likely to engage in “social competition” – that is, challenging existing power structures through collective action. All-men groups faced no such perception, even when making identical investment decisions prioritizing diversity.

This prejudgment mattered. Those perceived as “socially competitive” were judged as less deserving of funding and resources, our research found. The penalty wasn’t about competence or performance, because the pitches were the same. It was about how group composition triggers assumptions about motivation. All-women teams were seen as pushing an agenda; all-men teams were just doing business.

Why women on teams pay a penalty

The music industry tells the same story.

Solo women can reach the pinnacle. Taylor Swift, Beyoncé, Madonna and Pink all rank among the world’s top musical earners. But their success makes the absence of all-women groups even more glaring. If individual women can succeed at the highest levels, why can’t groups of women working together?

Our research on professional sports provides an insight. We analyzed prize money from 1,145 major international competitions across 44 sports from 2014-2021. Solo men and solo women earned similar amounts. But in team sports, a massive gap emerged: All-women teams earned less than half of their male counterparts.

This wasn’t about performance. The all-women teams in our dataset had won their competitions – they were literally champions. The gap also wasn’t about popularity or revenue generation, as we controlled for sport type and governing body. Something about the group composition itself triggered lower compensation.

To test this mechanism, we conducted another experiment. Study participants viewed identical athlete profiles, varying only by gender and whether the athlete competed solo or in a same-gender group. Once again, all-women groups were perceived as more socially competitive than all-men groups, and this perception predicted lower expected compensation – even when performance statistics were identical.

As a consequence, women team athletes pay an expensive penalty. For example, no women at all appear in Forbes’ top 50 highest-paid athletes in 2025. Notably, the highest-paid female athlete, tennis player Coco Gauff, plays an individual sport – but even her $33 million of earnings in 2025 would rank around 150th if compared with men. And only one of the top 15 highest-paid female athletes plays a team sport: basketball star Caitlin Clark, who earned just $119,000 in WNBA salary her rookie year, compared to $16 million in individual endorsements. Even Clark’s success comes from being valued as an individual brand, not for her team play.

Tennis player Coco Gauff pumps her fist with joy after winning a point against Karolina Muchova at the Miami Open tennis tournament.
Coco Gauff celebrates a point against Karolina Muchova in the semifinals of the Miami Open tennis tournament in March 2026 in Miami Gardens, Fla.
AP Photo/Jim Rassol

It’s not just elite athletes

These patterns don’t apply just to high-profile industries. We found the same effect in a conventional workplace: a large health maintenance organization in the northwestern United States.

We analyzed salary data for 682 medical providers across 18 clinic locations. Among solo practitioners, men and women earned similar salaries. But providers working in same-gender groups showed dramatic pay gaps. Men in all-men groups earned the most ($111,004 on average), while women in all-women groups earned the least ($52,497) – less than half. This held even after controlling for age, experience, credentials, specialty, patient satisfaction scores and clinic location.

These weren’t cherry-picked cases but licensed medical professionals with quantifiable performance metrics, working for an organization with formal human resources policies and pay scales. Yet the gender composition of their immediate work group somehow predicted a $58,000 annual salary difference – despite women’s higher average patient satisfaction scores.

Perhaps the most striking illustration comes from professional sports cheerleading. NFL cheerleaders earn approximately $150-$500 for performing at the Super Bowl, while the minimum NFL player salary is $885,000.

Even players on the losing Super Bowl team who never leave the bench earn $103,000 each – roughly 687 times what cheerleaders make for performing the entire game. Both groups face high injury risk. Both perform at the same event. The difference? One is an all-men team, the other an all-women team.

What can be done?

To counter this deeply entrenched bias, organizations could look at their compensation data not just to detect individual gender gaps but to see whether all-women teams systematically receive smaller bonuses and raises than all-men teams. Likewise, investors and funders could examine whether a team’s gender composition influences the evaluation of proposals, separate from actual team qualifications and business potential. Manager training could also explicitly call out this misconception as inaccurate, unconscious and costly.

Most importantly, it should be understood that employees rarely control their team’s gender composition. Women are being economically penalized for something shaped by organizational demographics, project needs and scheduling – factors entirely outside their control.

Women can succeed alone. Taylor Swift, Beyoncé and Coco Gauff prove that. But until all-women groups receive the same legitimacy, funding and compensation as all-men groups, enormous talent and economic potential will be left on the table. As our research shows, the collaboration penalty isn’t just unfair – it’s economically irrational.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why women in groups face a ‘collaboration penalty’ that solo female stars like Taylor Swift and Coco Gauff escape – https://theconversation.com/why-women-in-groups-face-a-collaboration-penalty-that-solo-female-stars-like-taylor-swift-and-coco-gauff-escape-280317