Supplements for menopause: here’s what the evidence actually says

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dipa Kamdar, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy Practice, Kingston University

All sorts of supplements are marketed online as being able to improve symptoms of the menopause. Pixel-Shot/ Shutterstock

Social media is saturated with menopause solutions: powders for brain fog, gummies for sleep or capsules promising hormonal balance. Supplements such as magnesium, lion’s mane, creatine and collagen are being marketed as must-haves for perimenopause and menopause. But how much of this is actually grounded in science?

During perimenopause and menopause, fluctuating and declining oestrogen levels can trigger symptoms such as hot flushes, night sweats, sleep disruption, anxiety, brain fog, joint pain and changes in muscle mass and body composition.

Hormone replacement therapy (HRT) remains the most effective treatment for many symptoms, but not everyone can or wants to use it. This is why alternative remedies attract so much attention.

Magnesium

Magnesium plays a role in more than 300 metabolic processes, including muscle relaxation, nerve signalling and blood pressure regulation. Several menopause-related symptoms overlap with areas where magnesium has effects.

For instance, many menopausal women experience sleep problems. Clinical trials in adults, including older women, show magnesium can improve how fast you fall asleep and reduce insomnia severity.

Anxiety can also be an issue for menopausal women. Meta analyses show magnesium supplements can modestly reduce anxiety symptoms – particularly in people with low magnesium levels. However, this research wasn’t specifically done in menopausal women.

Menopause also places women at higher risk of osteoporosis (weakened bones). As oestrogen levels fall during menopause, certain bone cells become more active, causing bone to be lost faster than it’s rebuilt.

But magnesium contributes to bone density by encouraging the formation of new bone. Given some older women may have low magnesium levels and low bone density, this supplement may help address this menopause-related issue.

However, magnesium has not shown benefit for hot flushes, weight changes or cognitive symptoms.

The type of magnesium you take matters. Magnesium citrate and glycinate tend to be better absorbed by the body, while magnesium oxide is absorbed less efficiently.

It’s also important to note high doses can cause diarrhoea and may affect the heart and nervous system. People with kidney disease should avoid supplementation unless medically supervised.

Lion’s mane mushrooms

Lion’s mane mushroom is promoted to help with brain fog, a common complaint for women going through the menopause.

Animal studies suggest lion’s mane extract may stimulate new brain cell growth and support the hippocampus – the brain structure involved in memory and emotional regulation.

A different animal study also showed the supplement reduced depressive-like behaviour in menopausal rats.

An bunch of lion's mane mushrooms arranged on a counter next to a dozen or so lion's mane mushroom supplements.
Evidence from human trials has shown mixed results.
vetre/ Shutterstock

But the small human trials that have been done show mixed results – with only some reporting mood improvements. Importantly, none of these studies involved menopausal women.

If you’re still keen to try the supplement, it’s usually well tolerated – though those with mushroom allergies should avoid it.

Creatine

Although researchers have studied creatine for decades, most of that work has focused on men. But emerging research suggests it has many benefits for women in perimenopause and menopause.

A 14-week study found creatine supplementation significantly increased lower body strength and improved sleep quality in perimenopausal women. These improvements in muscle strength are notable, given the increased risk of sarcopenia (loss of muscle mass and function) during menopause.

However, evidence in post-menopausal women is mixed. One review found creatine may offer minor short-term benefits in post-menopausal women, but sustained supplementation didn’t produce significant muscle or bone health improvements.

Creatine may also support the brain. Growing evidence suggests it may support memory, focus and mood – particularly during periods of hormonal fluctuation or mental fatigue. However, more research is needed specifically in menopausal women.

Perimenopausal women have about a 40% higher risk of developing depressive symptoms or receiving a depression diagnosis than premenopausal women (premenopause is the period before any menopausal changes; perimenopause is the transition phase leading to menopause, when symptoms begin to appear). Some limited data suggests that taking creatine alongside an antidepressant can accelerate symptom improvement in women.

Creatine is generally safe, though those with kidney disease should seek medical advice before taking it.

Collagen

Collagen supplements are widely marketed for skin elasticity, joint health and healthy ageing.

Collagen is the body’s most abundant protein, giving structure to bones, cartilage, tendons, ligaments, muscles and skin. As we age, collagen-producing cells become less active. This contributes to visible skin ageing and weaker bones that are more prone to fracture.

A year-long trial in postmenopausal women found daily collagen supplementation led to small but significant increases in bone mineral density compared with a placebo. This suggests collagen supplements may help counter age-related bone loss in postmenopausal women.

Research also indicates collagen supplements may ease joint discomfort and stiffness, particularly in people with osteoarthritis. This could be relevant for menopausal women as many experience the onset or worsening of joint issues during this time. However, more robust research in needed in menopausal women.

It’s important to note that collagen supplements differ widely due to how they’re produced and the source they come from. This makes the evidence hard to interpret.

This means different products can behave very differently in the body. Grouping them together can therefore obscure important differences in how they work. For instance, hydrolysed collagen is absorbed far more easily than the collagen molecules found in food. This means collagen is more likely to reach tissues where they may support skin, joint and muscle health.

Side effects tend to be minimal, although people with liver or kidney conditions should consult a doctor or pharmacist first.

Final verdict

So, are supplements worth it? Based on the current evidence out there, magnesium and creatine seem to be the most beneficial. However, it’s clear more research is needed. Supplements can also be expensive – and their quality can vary widely.

While supplements can feel empowering, until stronger evidence emerges proving their benefits, a healthy lifestyle remains the best, evidence-based way to navigate perimenopause and menopause.

Regular exercise (especially strength training), good sleep habits, balanced nutrition, limiting alcohol and managing stress all support menopausal wellbeing. These approaches also improve long-term health outcomes, including heart and bone health.

The Conversation

Dipa Kamdar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Supplements for menopause: here’s what the evidence actually says – https://theconversation.com/supplements-for-menopause-heres-what-the-evidence-actually-says-279892

Joan Eardley: ‘she would set up her canvas on the shore and paint in the lashing wind and rain like a woman possessed’

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Blane Savage, Lecturer in MA Creative Media Practice, University of the West of Scotland

Joan Eardley was one of the most unique and celebrated artists of her generation, but the international acclaim and recognition that her work deserves eluded her. Her paintings are not only foundational in Scotland’s cultural history, but continue to influence its creative landscape, particularly with those concerning dialogue around community and the poetics of place.

Currently on view in the National Galleries Scotland: Modern Two until June 28, Joan Eardley: The Nature of Painting, explores this popular post-war artist’s relationship to her predecessors and contemporaries.

Joan Kathleen Harding Eardley was born to a Scottish mother and English father in Sussex in 1921, and studied at Blackheath School of Art in London for a year before moving with her mother and sister to Glasgow during the outbreak of the second world war in 1939. She continued her studies at Glasgow School of Art and Hospitalfield in Arbroath, known as Scotland’s first school of fine art.

It was during this time that she began to shape her preference for painting everyday subjects. She used an RSA Carnegie Travelling Scholarship to travel through Italy and France in 1948 and 1949. On her return to Glasgow she spent time drawing and painting the industrial landscape of Port Glasgow, and Gourock. Eardley rented a studio in the city centre of Glasgow, and a few years later moved to Townhead in the east end, where local children became her favourite artistic subjects.

More than 30 of Eardley’s artworks are juxtaposed at Modern Two alongside figures of international renown including Claude Monet, Marc Chagall, John Constable, Jean Dubuffet and Antoni Tàpies, together with her contemporaries Henry Moore, Bet Low and William McTaggart.

It places Eardley within an international art world which blends post-impressionism, social realism and abstraction. Jackson Pollok and the French Tachistes were known to have influenced her practice.

The exhibition is further enriched by a selection of archival and photographic materials containing a range of sketches, photographs and personal artefacts giving a glimpse into the life behind the artworks which are on display in the adjoining Keiller Library.

There are also several of her large works situated in Paolozzi’s Kitchen restaurant adjacent to the two exhibition spaces, alongside the likes of Scottish artist and contemporary Anne Redpath.

Connections with painters

The first exhibition space includes several of Eardley’s social-realist figure depictions of 1950s inner-city Glaswegian children. The works have a joyful, raw, playful spirit to them, in spite of the squalid slum environment the children were living in. No artist has painted Glasgow’s “weans” (a local word for children) in the way that Eardley has.

In Children and Chalked Wall No.3 (1962-63), sisters Mary and Pat Samson are painted in Eardley’s signature bold unsparing style, with their affectionate, endearing smiles, both huddled together. Their cheery faces, animated by Eardley’s blocks of colour, emerge from a background layered with graffiti and collage, anchoring her work in social reality.

Her work is surrounded by portraits by Rembrandt van Rijn, Jean-Francois Millet, Jean Dubuffet, Edward Hornel and Bet Low. Children and Chalked Wall No.3’s highly prized neighbour in the exhibition is Marc Chagall’s The Horse Rider (1949-53), a surreal gouache painted work with a block of azure-blue textured background with three figures and a horse, set within a Paris circus. Like Eardley’s work, it is also social-realist and figurative, with abstract elements incorporated within it. The female horse rider is a recurring theme for Chagall.

Eardley’s Street Kids (1949–51) captures a fleeting moment of camaraderie among three local boys. It is quiet and reflective, telling the stories of real Glasgow children who lived close to Eardley’s studio in Townhead, and captures the friendliness and community spirit that Eardley admired.

She does not shy away from the material conditions of post-war urban life, alluding to poverty, dirt and the presence of neglect. Again, colour is blocked in with minimum detail and repeating patterns of brickwork ground the piece. There is a respect of their resilience in her portraiture.

Exhibition space two is focused on Eardley’s relationship with Catterline, a small coastal village in the north east of Scotland near Stonehaven. In 1954, she bought a cottage to work there. Catterline’s rugged coastal landscapes and dynamic seascapes were central to many of Eardley’s paintings, providing the perfect stage setting for her expressive creativity to flourish.

Eardley worked between Glasgow and Catterline for several years and there are stories during that time of Eardley leaving Glasgow when she heard a storm was coming. Like tornado chasers, she travelled across the country to capture the coming storm’s power on the shore front where she would set up hardboard canvases to paint in its centre amid the lashing wind and rain like a woman possessed.

Her beautiful atmospheric painting Catterline in Winter (1963) set with a grey sky and full moon lighting up the snow-covered landscape is positioned next to Claude Monet’s Grainstacks: Snow Effect (1891). Both have an otherworldly sense about them, evoking a still and silent feeling of deep winter muffled by the frozen earth.

Eardley’s Summer Fields near Catterline (about 1961) with its expressive brushstrokes, shows stalks of corn in a bright golden cornfield set by a grey and black background is the highlight of the show.

She was elected an Academician of the Royal Scottish Academy of Art in 1963, just prior to her untimely passing from cancer later that year aged 42. Eardley’s ashes were scattered on the beach at Catterline, creating a lasting connection between the artist and the place which inspired her later works.

By situating her practice within a collaboration of artistic significance, the exhibition highlights the extent to which her work contributes to the central concerns of 20th-century painting. Not least the tension between representation and abstraction in her work and the enduring challenge of responding to the world, whether urban or elemental.

Joan Eardley: The Nature of Painting is on at the National Galleries Modern Two in Edinburgh until June 28

The Conversation

Blane Savage does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Joan Eardley: ‘she would set up her canvas on the shore and paint in the lashing wind and rain like a woman possessed’ – https://theconversation.com/joan-eardley-she-would-set-up-her-canvas-on-the-shore-and-paint-in-the-lashing-wind-and-rain-like-a-woman-possessed-281174

What Mandelson vetting row reveals about escalating tensions between ministers and civil servants

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Patrick Diamond, Professor of Public Policy, Queen Mary University of London

Nigel Harris/Shutterstock

Keir Starmer’s decision to fire Foreign Office chief Olly Robbins has contributed to “one of the worst crises in relations” between ministers and civil servants in modern times. The words of former cabinet secretary Gus O’Donnell, writing after Robbins was sacked for declining to inform Starmer that Peter Mandelson failed vetting for his ambassador role, are a stark warning for the prime minister.

Such a crisis has been building for some time. Historically, British civil servants and ministers had a strong bond based on a mutually beneficial partnership. Yet that partnership is badly frayed, and in its place a “them v us” relationship is emerging.

Under the previous Conservative government, ties between ministers and civil servants atrophied. A major source of tension was Brexit, amid frustration that officials were allegedly conspiring to derail Britain’s departure from the European Union.

More uncompromising figures, notably Boris Johnson’s chief strategist Dominic Cummings, believed that the permanent civil service was “an idea for the history books”. In his view, it was time to cut back the permanent bureaucracy, and bring in outsiders to rewire the state. Cummings threatened that a “hard rain” would fall. Ministerial relations with civil servants sank to a new low.

The expectation within Whitehall was that the election of a new government under Starmer would restore order and civility. After all, Starmer was himself a former permanent secretary at the Crown Prosecution Service, who believed in the ethic of public service. The fractured ties between officials and ministers would be repaired.

It has not, so far, worked out that way. In key respects, relationships appear to have deteriorated further. This has now been exacerbated by the summary dismissal of Robbins over the Mandelson affair.




Read more:
Why have relations between civil servants and ministers turned so sour – and can they be repaired?


Why do such tensions between officials and ministers in Whitehall persist? A key factor is that civil servants clearly believe they are less equipped to support ministers than they were 20 years ago. This has come up frequently in my interviews and private conversations with current and former civil servants.

Increasingly, the civil service lacks the experience and tools to advise ministers on policy. This problem began in the 1980s, with the rise of new public management – government reforms in several countries emphasising efficiency through markets and competition. Attention shifted towards operational delivery, away from policy-making. There has been a marked loss of intellectual capacity, while some civil servants bemoan the absence of creative policy thinkers in Whitehall.

Another issue is that the civil service appears less willing to look outwards, exacerbating what political scientists Ivor Crewe and Anthony King describe as “operational and cultural disconnect”. Officials in government departments appear more detached than ever from frontline professionals (the so-called “street-level bureaucrats” who manage public services), as well as from citizens and communities.

Who is responsible?

To blame the civil service for the current malaise is surely mistaken. After all, politicians are elected to lead and provide a coherent sense of direction. Civil servants support ministers’ ambitions by faithfully implementing the government’s agenda.

The Starmer administration came to office without a credible governing strategy. Apart from woolly rhetoric about “missions”, incoming ministers had no clear conception of how to strengthen government effectiveness.

A particular gap related to improving performance in public services, notably education, health, criminal justice and public transport. Most governments arrive in Whitehall with instincts about how to achieve change. Some use the central state alongside targets to mandate improvement. Others adopt bottom-up mechanisms including giving citizens more of a voice in shaping public services, while extending choice and competition in the organisation of provision.

Yet Starmer’s ministers appear to have no consistent approach. For example, NHS policy combines top-down directives with exhortation about creating a “community-led” service. The result is widespread confusion. In turn, slowness to deliver change breeds frustration among ministers, leading almost inevitably to attacks on the capability of civil servants, escalating tensions further.

It was the prime minister himself who declared that “too many people in Whitehall are comfortable in the tepid bath of managed decline”, setting the tone for the rest of his government. Yet, inexperienced politicians are naive about the time it takes to secure sustainable improvement.

The dismissal of Robbins appears to be a continuation of the recent era in which ministers treated their relationships with officials with casual disregard. When crises erupt or policies appear to fail, civil servants are made culpable.

Yet such blame games are destructive, not least because they make it harder for civil servants to discharge their essential constitutional function of “speaking truth to power”.

In an atmosphere of growing distrust, officials are less likely to highlight problems in proposed policies. Where career promotion relies on doing what ministers are perceived to want, the risk is that propriety and ethics are negated, having a “chilling effect” on the wider civil service.

A dominant characteristic of civil service reform in recent decades is making officials more “responsive” to ministers. For example, permanent secretaries are employed on time-limited contracts intended to create pressure to perform. Moreover, increasing the contestability of policy advice by turning to political advisers, thinktanks, NGOs and the private sector disrupts the monopoly which civil servants previously held in the policy-making process (although that was always something of a myth).

Such a dynamic increases the pressure on civil servants to comply with what ministers demand. Otherwise, in a more competitive policy landscape, they risk marginalisation. Consequently, the civil service is less likely to fulfil its crucial role in acting as a break on overweening executive power and unchecked authority. That is detrimental to the fulfilment of good government.

The Conversation

Patrick Diamond receives funding from the ESRC as part of the governance and institutions project at the Productivity Institute. He is a former government special adviser, a member of the Labour party and the Fabian Society.

ref. What Mandelson vetting row reveals about escalating tensions between ministers and civil servants – https://theconversation.com/what-mandelson-vetting-row-reveals-about-escalating-tensions-between-ministers-and-civil-servants-281254

Euphoria: thoughtless depictions of adults pretending to be sexualised infants are extremely harmful

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sophie King-Hill, Associate Professor at the Health Services Management Centre, University of Birmingham

There has been much talk about the sex work storylines in the recent series of the show Euphoria. One of the main characters, Cassie Howard (played by Sydney Sweeney), starts an OnlyFans account to fund her upcoming wedding. In the last two episodes, viewers have watched her create videos for different “audiences”.

In one video, for instance, she dresses up as a dog in a bid to attract those interested in the kink sub genre known as “pup play”. This is a form of fetishistic animal play in which canine traits are adopted through apparel and dog-like behaviours.

In another video, she acts sexually provocative while dressed as a baby with a dummy and pigtails. When explaining why to another character, she says it’s related to a subculture of people who want to dress as babies. She explains people want to see her with “teething rings, bassinets, some people even want to see me wear a diaper”.

This has drawn concern from viewers over the portrayal and potential normalisation and glamorisation of adult sexual content styled to evoke infancy. As researchers of harmful sexual behaviours and online sexual cultures, we shared their concerns over the scene.

The writer of the show, Sam Levison, has stated that this storyline was intended as a dark satire of the nature of online sexual content. For Euphoria, this is simply part of a shock tactic, nothing more. However, the implications and cultural impact are far more harmful and far-reaching than that.

Warped logic

Cassie’s storyline does highlight a growing normalisation of sexual content that blurs the boundaries of damaging sexual interests and behaviours. However, how it handles this seems to imply that content like Cassie’s is acceptable and even legitimate.

It is important to note that OnlyFans’ acceptable use policy prohibits “illegal activity including actual, claimed, or role-played: exploitation, abuse, or harm of individuals under the age of 18.”

What Cassie is creating is content that sexualises children and young people; she is dressing up as a baby and acting provocatively. In our research, we see some people use warped logic to present their consumption of such content as legitimate. If the content features an adult role-playing as a child, they argue, then it is an acceptable way to indulge their sexual interest. It is not, according to their logic, reflective of harmful sexual interests in children, but a totally separate thing.

However, what researchers have found is that this sort of thinking, and the content that caters to it, confuses the boundary between adulthood and childhood. It also perpetuates, instead of stops, the sexualisation of childhood.

Shows such like Euphoria, especially ones aimed at young people, should have cultural accountability. We know that repeated exposure to these issues reshapes norms around sexuality, power and protection, particularly for young audiences navigating already complex digital environments. So such storylines in mainstream shows like Euphoria do really run the risk of aiding the normalisation and escalation of exploitative viewing practices.

One in 20 children in the UK experiences sexual abuse each year, and there is extensive work being done by charities on prevention, recovery and early intervention. Cultural portrayals that bear no relation to the profound pain, trauma and lifelong impact experienced by survivors run the risk of aestheticising, glamourising or trivialising sexual harm and risks undermining the work.

This storyline must also be understood within a wider socio-cultural context shaped by the exposure to prolonged and systemic sexual exploitation of children by powerful men, most notably through the Jeffrey Epstein case. Epstein’s abuse was enabled not only by individual actions, but by a cultural environment in which sexual access to young people was normalised, aestheticised and shielded by wealth, influence and networks of protection.

In the aftermath of these revelations, public sensitivity to the sexualisation of children and young people has markedly increased, alongside a growing recognition of how harmful sexual interests can be obscured through narratives of consent, glamour or alternative lifestyles. Against this backdrop, Euphoria’s depiction of sexualised infantilisation is especially troubling.

Rather than engaging critically with the conditions that allow exploitation to be disguised or legitimised, the series risks reproducing the very mechanisms of normalisation, desensitisation and commercialisation through which sexual abuse has historically flourished. In doing so, it reflects a failure to learn from recent, widely documented harm, reinforcing the need for greater ethical accountability in cultural production.

The Conversation

Sophie King-Hill receives funding from ESRC.

Kieran McCartan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Euphoria: thoughtless depictions of adults pretending to be sexualised infants are extremely harmful – https://theconversation.com/euphoria-thoughtless-depictions-of-adults-pretending-to-be-sexualised-infants-are-extremely-harmful-281172

Ban on phones in schools: support for headteachers or unnecessary legislation?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andy Phippen, Professor of IT Ethics and Digital Rights, Bournemouth University

LightField Studios/Shutterstock

The announcement by the government that a legal ban will be placed on mobile phones in English schools marks a continued shift in tone, if not necessarily in substance, around the control of devices in educational settings.

What is being presented as a decisive intervention into children’s wellbeing is, in practice, the legal amplification of a reality that already exists across most schools. According to research last year by the Children’s Commissioner, around 90% of secondary schools and almost all primary schools already restrict phone use in some form.

These restrictions range from outright bans to locking phones away or “not seen, not heard” approaches (where phones are allowed on school premises, and may be kept in pupils’ bags, but must not be used). The ban will make existing guidance for schools statutory.

This raises an immediate question: if the practice is already widespread, why make it law?

There are, on the surface, reasonable arguments for moving from guidance to legislation. First, this gives school leaders clarity. A statutory footing removes ambiguity and may strengthen schools’ position when challenged by parents.

Second, it provides consistency between schools. A legal requirement creates a baseline expectation across the system, reducing variation between schools.

And finally, there is political signalling. The government is able to demonstrate action on an issue that resonates strongly with public concern.

However, the policy also illustrates a dynamic in education and online safety policy I have written about at length – a move from practice to performance.

If nearly all schools already restrict phones, then the legal change risks being largely symbolic. Sector leaders have acknowledged that “a statutory ban… doesn’t really change very much”.

More critically, it reframes a question of professional judgement as one of compliance. Since 2011, headteachers have had the authority to discipline pupils and set behaviour policies, including banning phones. What changes here is not capability, but the removal of discretion or, arguably, trust in school leadership.

Need for clarity

And, paradoxically but predictably, while the policy may be unnecessary for some, it is insufficient for others. Campaigners and politicians have already criticised the move for potentially retaining flexibility – particularly the “not seen, not heard” model – which they argue fails to meaningfully remove phones from the school day.

Olivia Bailey, parliamentary under-secretary of state in the Department of Education, insisted in the most recent debate that “We are categorically crystal clear that there is no access to phones at any point during the school day”, and that references to “not seen, not heard” approaches had been removed from guidance.

But she also stated: “It is not for me to determine how a headteacher enforces their discipline and behaviour policies in their school.” Therefore, there is a chance a school adopting such an approach might not be challenged without a particularly fastidious Ofsted inspection.

Group of children in school uniforms looking at phones
The majority of schools already restrict phone use.
Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

Perhaps the most significant gap in the policy, therefore, is not its intent, but its execution, which has resulted in professionals asking for more guidance. Schools currently use a range of methods: confiscation, lockers, locked pouches, or behavioural rules. These approaches carry costs – financial, logistical, and in how they affect relationships between staff and pupils. Sector leaders have already pointed to the need for funding to support secure storage systems. Enforcement, too, remains ambiguous.

A legal requirement does not eliminate the day-to-day realities of managing compliance. This includes managing pupils concealing devices, disputes with parents, uneven application across staff and varying support from senior leaders around classroom discipline.

Facing pressure

The government had previously resisted calls for a statutory ban, arguing it was unnecessary. The new announcement appears to have been driven less by new evidence and more by political pressure in the House of Lords and from campaign groups.

There is a broader cultural push toward restriction, whether school phone bans or proposals for wider social media limits. Some countries have already put social media bans in place, although their effectiveness remains to be seen.

Banning phones in classrooms is not, in itself, particularly controversial. Many schools have done so for years with little fuss. What is new is not the ban, but the decision to legislate it.

That shift tells us less about phones and more about the current policy climate: one in which guidance becomes law, discretion becomes compliance, and familiar practices are recast as solutions to increasingly expansive problems.

The Conversation

Andy Phippen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Ban on phones in schools: support for headteachers or unnecessary legislation? – https://theconversation.com/ban-on-phones-in-schools-support-for-headteachers-or-unnecessary-legislation-281249

The Duolingo taxi test – could being rude to the driver cost you your dream job?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Janina Steinmetz, Professor in Marketing, Bayes Business School, City St George’s, University of London

GBJSTOCK/Shutterstock

Duolingo recently revealed a seemingly genius trick to assess candidates for a senior position. Hiring managers at the language-learning app read applications and cover letters, scheduled phone interviews and asked all the usual questions about skills and ambitions. But they also found out about how the candidates behaved in the taxi ride to the interview – and it cost one candidate a senior position.

The idea behind the recruitment approach is that if someone is rude to a taxi driver, they might be rude at work – especially to those who are junior to them. In the Duolingo case, the candidate ticked lots of boxes for the role. But when the company heard how they treated the driver, the candidate wasn’t offered the job.

This resonates with research that found that people will work hard to make a good impression in a job interview and that these efforts can mask what they are genuinely like.

After all, most people can avoid being rude in a one-off, high-stakes situation. But being friendly at all times can probably only be achieved by those who are genuinely warm people. By assessing people when they are not aware they are being monitored, Duolingo hoped to filter out the truly friendly from those who work hard to fake it.

Duolingo is not the first company to come up with the idea of looking at candidates’ behaviour outside the interview room. Companies look at prospective employees’ social media for exactly the same reason. People might reveal more of their true selves on social media when they don’t know they are being watched by potential employers.




Read more:
Putting your CV together? Complete honesty might not be the best policy


But from the candidate’s perspective, there are several issues with Duolingo’s taxi driver test. First, it may not be ethical to use behaviour to make a hiring decision that is outside of the candidate’s consent.

Second, it is unclear what a taxi driver is evaluating when they judge a passenger’s behaviour. Maybe someone is nervous about the interview or is stressed because getting to the interview on time on top of their other responsibilities made them rush. Under these circumstances, candidates might seem less friendly than they otherwise would be.

Other candidates might prefer to quietly review their interview notes instead of chatting with the driver. Again, this does not signal a rude person – maybe just an introverted one.

Fake only goes so far

But still, are behaviour tests like these a good idea in principle for a hiring manager?

Research suggests that Duolingo might be going overboard in its efforts to detect those who are faking being friendly to make a good impression. Although people have been shown to use a variety of strategies to impress in job interviews and beyond (flattery or “humblebragging”, for example), my research has found that many of these tactics are not particularly effective.

male candidate sitting on a chair at the end of a row while waiting for a job interview.
Don’t forget to thank the interviewer.
Studio Romantic/Shutterstock

This is because people can generally see through insincere efforts to make a good impression. For example, people often forget that in job interviews, discussing their hard work will make them relatable and increase their job prospects. This is because people like to discuss their talents and achievements to make themselves seem competent, but they forget that success usually comes from hard work as well. Discussing it actually makes their success stories seem more sincere and relatable.

And the same is true for thanking others and asking the interviewer questions. If a candidate mainly brags about themselves and treats the conversation as a one-way street, no taxi driver test is needed to identify them as a poor candidate.

People are generally not savvy self-presenters who can fake a good impression consistently. A regular job interview with an experienced hiring manager who can ask about the skills they would bring to the organisation should be enough to identify those who just fake being friendly.

As clever as the taxi driver test sounds, a coffee and a chat with the candidate can probably reveal more crucial information to make sure the right person is hired.

The Conversation

Janina Steinmetz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The Duolingo taxi test – could being rude to the driver cost you your dream job? – https://theconversation.com/the-duolingo-taxi-test-could-being-rude-to-the-driver-cost-you-your-dream-job-280975

Turner prize 2026 shortlist points to sculpture as a way of thinking about power, ecology and belief

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Martin Lang, Senior Lecturer and Programme Leader in Fine Art , University of Lincoln

The shortlist for the Turner prize 2026 brings together four artists whose practices are firmly rooted in sculpture and installation. Their work, in diverse ways, tests how material form can carry political, ecological and symbolic meaning.

This year’s Turner prize jury (chaired by Alex Farquharson, director of Tate Britain) is composed of Sarah Allen (South London Gallery), Joe Hill (Yorkshire Sculpture Park), Sook-Kyung Lee (The Whitworth) and Alona Pardo (Arts Council Collection). They praised the shortlisted artists for their material intelligence and their capacity to link sculptural language to wider systems of power, memory and belief. Here is a round up of this year’s shortlisted artists.

Simeon Barclay: performance, place and British ruin

Simeon Barclay is nominated for The Ruin, shown at the Institute of Contemporary Arts (ICA), London in January 2025 and later at the Hepworth Wakefield in Yorkshire. His work combines performance, sculptural installation, spoken word and live brass music. This combination nods obliquely to the industrial and musical traditions of his Yorkshire upbringing.

Barclay’s practice frequently returns to British national identity as something shaped by labour, landscape and decay. In The Ruin, industrial materials become resonant rather than merely symbolic: scaffolding, sound and breath are choreographed to produce an atmosphere that feels both ceremonial and unstable. The presence of brass instruments (historically tied to civic pride and working-class culture) introduces a solemnity that is repeatedly undermined by fragmentation and collapse.

Barclay’s work stages Britishness as something assembled and disassembled in real time. Spoken language slips between declaration and hesitation, while the sculptural setting refuses to settle into monumentality. It is a practice less concerned with nostalgia than with the ways national identity is continually rehearsed, strained and repaired.

Marguerite Humeau: sculpting belief systems

Marguerite Humeau is nominated for Orisons (2023), originally produced for the Black Cube Nomadic Art Museum, and for her subsequent exhibition Torches at ARKEN Museum in Denmark. Her contribution to the shortlist brings an overtly speculative dimension into dialogue with sculpture.

Humeau’s work often begins with research into non-human intelligence and biological communication systems. In Orisons, a large-scale sculptural elephant emerges as a central figure. However, it is not as an image of wildlife, but a stand-in for matriarchal knowledge and collective memory. Elsewhere in her practice, attention shifts dramatically in scale, from insects and wasps to ecosystems that exceed human comprehension.

The jury highlighted Humeau’s “cinematic” approach, and this is apt. Her installations are immersive, carefully lit and choreographed, producing a sense of narrative without storyline. Yet the work resists being pinned down. Instead, sculpture becomes a speculative tool for imagining belief systems that sit outside rationality: an attempt to materialise what cannot be directly known, only inferred.

Kira Freije: softness, armour and the human figure

Kira Freije is nominated for Unspeak the Chorus, her exhibition at the Hepworth Wakefield in Yorkshire. Her sculptures take the form of life-size hybrid beings – part animal, part human, part automaton – constructed from fabric, metal and aluminium casts taken from her body and the faces of people close to her.

Freije’s work consistently plays hardness against softness. Industrial materials such as aluminium are used not for rigidity, but for their capacity to receive impressions through casting. The results are surfaces that appear armoured yet vulnerable. Faces emerge as partial traces, embedded within bodies that refuse stable identity categories.

These figures don’t dominate space so much as inhabit it uneasily. Suspended between animation and stillness, they suggest forms of collectivity that are fragile, negotiated and embodied. The jury noted her transformation of everyday and industrial materials, but it is the emotional economy of the work – its careful calibration of exposure and defence – that gives it weight.

Tanoa Sasraku: sculpture and petro-politics

Tanoa Sasraku completes the shortlist with Morale Patch, exhibited at the ICA in 2025. Her work looks at oil as a system of power, examining how petro-politics shapes corporate identity, military culture and national symbolism.

In Morale Patch, Sasraku disrupts minimalist sculptural grids by inserting objects laden with meaning: paperweights awarded to mark milestones in oil extraction, flags mounted on crates that evoke pallets or coffins, and repeated references to military terminology. The title points to the symbolic language used to maintain cohesion within structures of extraction and violence.

Sasraku juxtaposes American and Scottish flags, drawing attention to unexpected national entanglements within global energy systems. Sculpture here operates as a critical inventory, cataloguing how abstract economic forces find expression in objects designed to reassure, reward or commemorate.

Sculpture and the institutions that shape it

This year’s prize arrives at a moment when sculpture, funding structures and art education are becoming unusually entangled. For the first time, the prize will be hosted within a university setting, Middlesbrough Institute of Modern Art (known as MIMA, part of Teesside University). The Turner prize is run by Tate, an Arts Council England (ACE) National Portfolio Organisation (NPO) – as is MIMA. This means that ACE funds a national prize presented in an ACE-funded space, which also functions as a teaching and research environment.

In recent years, there have been clear connections between funding and nomination with some shortlisted artists holding NPO status. This is a pattern that my research has identified as part of the wider instrumentalisation of British art funding.

Then there are the concerns raised by the Independent Review of Arts Council England’s critical assessment of ACE’s increasing institutionalisation and its sidelining of artistic quality.

Together, these issues raise questions about how closely programming, funding frameworks and art education may begin to mirror one another. Universities, some of which are NPOs or host NPO-adjacent arts centres (as we do at the University of Lincoln), risk reproducing rather than challenging dominant artistic norms.

Yet this year’s shortlist complicates that concern. It’s notably strong on artistic grounds, driven less by identity-led rationales than by a renewed commitment to sculpture as a way of thinking about power, ecology and belief.

Marguerite Humeau stands out as a possible winner. Her work exemplifies a post-postmodern sensibility shaped by new materialist thought: sculpture no longer represents the world so much as participates in it, modelling forms of non-human intelligence and agency through matter itself.

Humeau’s ability to combine speculative research with rigorous fabrication gives her work both intellectual ambition and genuine aesthetic appeal. These are qualities that suggest the Turner Prize, for all its institutional entanglements, still has the capacity to reward artistic excellence.

An exhibition of the shortlisted work will open at Middlesbrough Institute of Modern Art (MIMA) on September 26 2026.

The Conversation

Martin Lang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Turner prize 2026 shortlist points to sculpture as a way of thinking about power, ecology and belief – https://theconversation.com/turner-prize-2026-shortlist-points-to-sculpture-as-a-way-of-thinking-about-power-ecology-and-belief-281368

Hazel Kyrk, l’économiste méconnue qui anticipa notre société de consommation moderne

Source: The Conversation – in French – By David Philippy, Maître de conférences en économie, Institut catholique de Paris (ICP)

Dès le début du XXᵉ siècle, Hazel Kyrk cherche à fournir aux consommateurs les outils de leur émancipation économique. Wikimediacommons

Dès 1923 dans sa Théorie de la consommation, Hazel Kyrk (1886-1957) anticipe l’émergence de la société de consommation en cherchant à analyser les raisons pour lesquelles les ménages états-uniens achètent des biens ou des services. Loin de se cantonner à l’étude du foyer et de la famille, comme beaucoup de femmes économistes de l’époque, son travail visionnaire influence encore aujourd’hui notre façon de penser la consommation.


Une question inutile, sans intérêt. Jusqu’aux années 1920, c’est ainsi que les économistes perçoivent l’étude de la consommation… Pour Adam Smith, le père fondateur de l’économie au XVIIIᵉ siècle, la consommation est seulement le « but ultime » de la production. Il n’y a donc pas lieu de l’étudier pour elle-même. À la fin du XIXᵉ siècle, les quelques rares économistes qui s’intéressent à l’étude de la consommation, comme Thorstein Veblen, sont peu entendus.

C’est dans ce contexte que, en 1923, Hazel Kyrk (1886-1957) publie son tout premier livre, Théorie de la consommation (A Theory of Consumption). Née dans une famille rurale modeste au cœur de l’État d’Ohio aux États-Unis, elle travaille un temps comme aide familiale chez l’économiste Leon Carroll Marshall (1879-1966). Rencontre décisive puisqu’elle conduit Hazel Kyrk à poursuivre ses études à l’Université de Chicago, où elle obtient son doctorat d’économie en 1920.

Tout au long de sa vie, la question qu’elle pose est la suivante : dans quelle mesure les consommateurs sont-ils libres de leurs choix ?

« Les consommateurs sont des animaux sociaux »

Dans sa Théorie de la consommation, Hazel Kyrk formule une critique audacieuse au concept du libre marché. Afin d’appréhender correctement comment les individus font leurs choix de consommation, nous dit-elle, il faut prendre en compte l’ensemble de leur environnement de décision, et ne pas se limiter à la seule loi de l’offre et de la demande. Selon l’économiste, les avancées en psychologie permettent de montrer que :

« Les consommateurs sont des animaux sociaux, membres de groupes sociaux, au sein d’une organisation sociale complexe. »

Pour ce faire, elle développe une théorie novatrice de la liberté du choix, prenant en compte les facteurs sociologiques, psychologiques et l’influence de la publicité. En l’articulant avec la question du pouvoir d’influence des entreprises, elle pose un regard attentif sur le développement du marketing.

L’une des pistes qu’elle suggère est notamment d’éduquer les consommateurs à reconnaître les mécanismes utilisés par les professionnels du marketing afin « de développer des défenses contre les méthodes indésirables en vogue ».

Le genre comme élément déterminant

Théorie de la consommation, publié en 1923.
McMaster University

Hazel Kyrk contribue de façon significative au développement du champ de l’économie de la consommation, dont elle est désormais devenue la figure de proue. Elle élabore des enquêtes nationales et d’analyses statistiques de grande ampleur sur la consommation des ménages états-uniens au sein de l’administration fédérale. Ses travaux nous permettent d’appréhender la façon dont le genre apparaît comme un élément déterminant dans la construction de la science économique comme discipline.

Dans les années 1920, la science économique est clairement une affaire d’hommes. Aux États-Unis, des femmes sont diplômées d’un doctorat en économie dès les années 1900. Les thèmes de leurs recherches sont à cette époque, encore très différents de ceux de leurs homologues masculins. Elles sont plutôt encouragées à se diriger vers les questions domestiques, le travail des femmes et des enfants et, bien entendu, la consommation. L’économiste Richard T. Ely souligne en 1936 :

« Ma femme s’était penchée sur l’économie de Patten. Elle sentait qu’elle devait faire sa part pour contribuer à une bonne consommation. »

À la fin du XIXᵉ siècle, la science économique s’institutionnalise comme discipline académique à part entière, notamment lors de la création de l’American Economic Association en 1885. Ce mouvement va de pair avec l’exclusion de certains thèmes de recherche, dont fait notamment partie l’étude de la consommation. Il existe l’idée d’une « séparation des sphères » (masculine/publique vs féminine/privée). La consommation (et donc son étude) était alors associée à une image féminine, et jugée peu scientifique ou objective.

Au-delà de l’économie domestique


« The Journal of Home Economics », Février 1909, 1(1)

Au tournant du XXᵉ siècle, un groupe de femmes progressistes se rassemble et développe autour du « mouvement d’économie domestique » (« Home Economics Movement ») qui aboutit en 1909 à la création de l’American Home Economics Association.

Selon elles, le progrès doit passer par l’amélioration, voire la rationalisation, du foyer et des différentes tâches domestiques. En 1920, la majorité des femmes aux États-Unis n’exerce pas d’activité lucrative – c’est le cas pour seulement 22,4 % des femmes entre 25 et 44 ans. À ce titre, la consommation apparaît de façon croissante comme une nouvelle activité dont le périmètre dépend directement des femmes, en tant que gestionnaires des dépenses de consommation.

Comme beaucoup de femmes pourtant diplômées d’un doctorat en économie, Hazel Kyrk est systématiquement rappelée à cet héritage intellectuel duquel elle cherche à se distancer. Pourtant, dans son livre Economics Problems of the Family paru en 1933, sa perspective est celle d’une économiste, et non celle d’une économiste domestique. Elle le souligne dans sa lettre à Dorothy Dickens, datée du 29 janvier 1946 :

« Lorsqu’on m’a demandé à moi, économiste de formation, avec tout l’enseignement que j’ai reçu, de rejoindre un département d’économie domestique pour donner des cours en économie, j’ai supposé que c’était “en économie” comme les économistes utilisent le terme. Je ne suis pas compétente pour donner autre chose. »

Cet effet de rappel fut particulièrement visible lorsqu’elle obtint son poste à l’Université de Chicago en 1925•; elle accepte à la seule condition d’être également affiliée au département d’économie. Cette double affiliation ne lui est finalement donnée que cinq ans plus tard, en 1929.

Consommer devient une identité

Aux États-Unis, le contexte socio-économique au début du XXᵉ siècle est caractérisé par trois éléments importants :

  • la transformation de la place des femmes dans la société ;

  • l’émergence du consumérisme moderne ;

  • le problème croissant de la vie chère.

Face à cette triple transformation, Hazel Kyrk cherche à proposer une théorie à la fois réaliste (permettant d’expliquer correctement la réalité) et utile au plus grand nombre. Ce faisant, elle cherche explicitement à répondre au problème du coût de la vie chère, à une époque où se développe la consommation des ménages, au détriment de l’autoconsommation – comme la production domestique des biens comme les habits.

Pendant l’entre-deux-guerres, un changement social important se met en place : les ménages (et donc les individus qui les composent) se définissent de plus en plus à travers les biens et les services qu’ils consomment. Consommer n’est plus simplement une tâche, une activité banale, mais devient progressivement un élément structurant de l’identité.

Dans cette perspective, Hazel Kyrk propose une étude approfondie des « standards de vie » afin de comprendre comment évolue la perception que les ménages ont de leur propre position socioéconomique. Son objectif est de déterminer de quelle façon cela impacte leurs décisions de consommation.

Bien consommer n’est pas chose aisée, tant les influences auxquelles le consommateur est confronté sont multiples. Selon Hazel Kyrk, le rôle de l’expert de la consommation doit être de fournir aux consommateurs les outils de son émancipation économique en promouvant les sources de son autonomie :

« L’éducation dont le consommateur a le plus besoin est celle qui le libérera de son conformisme aveugle. Il doit apprendre à consulter ses besoins propres, à former ses propres jugements, à désirer pour lui-même. »

Le champ de recherche inauguré par Hazel Kyrk dans sa Théorie de la consommation de 1923 sera suivi de multiples postérités intellectuelles, en particulier à travers plusieurs de ses doctorantes à Chicago. Ce sera notamment le cas de Margaret G. Reid (1896-1991) dont les travaux inspireront directement plusieurs Prix Nobel d’économie comme Franco Modigliani ou Gary Becker.

The Conversation

David Philippy ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Hazel Kyrk, l’économiste méconnue qui anticipa notre société de consommation moderne – https://theconversation.com/hazel-kyrk-leconomiste-meconnue-qui-anticipa-notre-societe-de-consommation-moderne-276199

La presse française sous l’Occupation vue par le film « les Rayons et les Ombres »

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Patrick Eveno, Professeur émérite en histoire des médias, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne

Jean Dujardin interprète Jean Luchaire dans le film de Xavier Giannoli. Allociné/Curiosa films

À travers le portrait d’un Jean Luchaire, collaborateur notoire, qui semble jouir de son libre arbitre dans l’exercice de sa profession, le film de Xavier Giannoli montre les compromissions, mais ne rend pas compte fidèlement des réalités de la presse française sous l’Occupation.


Le film de Xavier Giannoli, les Rayons et les Ombres, a suscité une bataille médiatique entre le réalisateur et des historiens de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

J’aborde cette querelle sous un autre angle, celui de l’histoire de la presse. J’ai quelques munitions pour ce faire, ayant participé au Groupement de recherche (GDR) « Les entreprises françaises sous l’Occupation ». Nous avons tenu des colloques et publié des livres. Pour ma part, j’ai communiqué sur les archives des médias sous l’Occupation, puis sur la Corporation nationale de la presse française, sur le marché de la presse, enfin sur l’épuration à la Libération. En outre, j’ai publié un article sur Jean Luchaire, repris dans le livre collectif Ils ont fait la presse.

J’ai vu le film avec plaisir, parce que c’est un bon film, et j’ai compris les débats : d’un côté des historiens dépossédés de leur objet (l’Occupation, la collaboration), de l’autre un cinéaste campé sur ses certitudes, le droit au détournement fictionnel. Je ne m’attarderais pas sur la question de l’antisémitisme ou du nazisme supposés de Jean Luchaire, Laurent Joly en parle mieux que moi. Ce qui m’intéresse ici, c’est l’histoire de la presse.

Pour qui connaît mal cette période, le film rend accessible les compromissions, mais il aurait pu être plus développé, quitte à être moins romanesque. Xavier Giannoli ignore les réalités de la presse sous l’Occupation, ce qui le conduit à des travestissements malvenus, sans doute afin de rendre ses personnages plus romanesques, voir romantiques. A de nombreuses reprises, il cherche à faire croire que Luchaire, et les autres, sont libres de leurs choix éditoriaux. Ce qui est parfaitement faux.

Le parcours d’un opportuniste

Né en 1901, Jean Luchaire est issu d’une dynastie d’universitaires (son père, son grand-père et son arrière-grand-père sont inspecteurs généraux de l’instruction publique, membres de l’Institut). Dès 1920, il débute en journalisme, puis fonde et dirige de 1927 à 1934 le journal Notre temps, partisan du rapprochement franco-allemand, subventionné par les fonds secrets du ministère des Affaires étrangères puis par les fonds nazis. À la fin des années 1930, en dépit de ses réseaux, Luchaire est un marginal sans influence ; la guerre lui donne l’occasion d’occuper une place de premier plan. Les Mémoires de la fille de Jean Luchaire, Corinne, dont se sert Xavier Giannoli, sont bien pauvres en révélations et en analyse, ; elles ont été publiées en 1949, et s’intitulent Ma drôle de vie, (réédité en 2026).

Jean Luchaire, grâce à ses connaissances (Otto Abetz, Pierre Laval, Paul Marion, Henri Lafont de la Gestapo française du 93 rue Lauriston, le Dr Eich, Marcel Déat, Marcel Bucard, et beaucoup d’autres), grâce à son entregent, grâce à son goût du faste, des réceptions, des bons repas et des parties fines, s’impose rapidement comme l’incontournable patron de l’ensemble de la presse française en zone occupée, ainsi que des entreprises connexes (distribution, papier, publicité, etc.).

Surnommé le « Führer de la presse française » ou « Louche Herr », il profite de cette situation, à la rencontre des ambitions allemandes ou vichyssoises mais également de celles des patrons et des salariés de la presse, pour mener à bien trois tâches : la propagation du collaborationnisme ; la protection de la presse, de ses patrons, de ses ouvriers, employés et rédacteurs ; enfin un enrichissement personnel extrêmement rapide. Ces trois tâches qu’il s’est assignées sont confondues dans sa démarche.

Une presse totalement inféodée à l’occupant nazi

Xavier Giannoli nous présente un Luchaire maître de ses décisions dans les affaires de presse. Or il n’en est rien. En effet, en zone occupée, la Propaganda Abteilung, subordonnée à la section IC (renseignements militaires) du gouverneur militaire en France, est installée à l’hôtel Majestic. Constituée d’éléments de la Wehrmacht, elle dépend du ministère de l’information et de la propagande du Reich dirigé par Joseph Goebbels. Le Presse Gruppe, dirigée par Eich, encadre plusieurs sous-groupes : surveillance du papier, presse provinciale, Agence française d’information de presse, Bureau d’information et surtout Censure.

C’est cette censure qui dicte ce que les journalistes peuvent ou doivent écrire. Ainsi Giannoli montre un Luchaire refusant d’écrire un éditorial sur le statut des juifs du 4 octobre 1940. Or, sur ce statut, comme sur sa deuxième mouture du 15 juin 1941, la censure allemande interdit aux quotidiens d’écrire un éditorial.

Le 25 septembre 1940, sur incitation des autorités allemandes (plusieurs pièces dans le dossier du procès Luchaire en témoignent aux Archives Nationales, AN, AJ40 1001 à 1016, Propaganda Abteilung Frankreich, Propagandastaffel Paris, 1938-1944), est créé en zone occupée le Groupement corporatif de la presse quotidienne parisienne (GCPQP), présidé par Luchaire, alors rédacteur en chef du Matin et bientôt directeur des Nouveaux Temps. Le 9 juin 1941, ce groupement se transforme en Corporation nationale de la presse française.

Le scandale de la Corporation

Luchaire utilise cette position pour constituer en quelques années une belle fortune et pour vivre, lui et sa famille, sur un grand pied. Entre septembre 1940 et août 1944, il achète à bas prix un hôtel particulier avenue des Ternes, une propriété à Barbizon et le château Saint-Lazare à Vernon. Les notes de frais des repas pris dans ses deux cantines favorites, Maxim’s et la Tour d’argent révèlent le train de vie de Luchaire. Par exemple, un repas pour trois convives à la Tour d’argent, le 20 mai 1943 : trois foie gras, trois tournedos, trois légumes, deux fromages et un sorbet, trois desserts, deux cafés, un armagnac 1893 et un cognac 1875, sept bouteilles de Pichon Longueville (un grand cru de Bordeaux) 1924, pour un total de 3 500 francs de l’époque, soit le salaire mensuel d’un rédacteur en chef d’un quotidien parisien. Cinq des bouteilles ainsi que deux paquets de cigarettes anglaises sont emportés par Luchaire…

Le mécanisme passe par la société des Éditions Lutétia, 31 rue du Louvre, qui édite le quotidien les Nouveaux Temps dont le premier numéro sort le 31 octobre 1940 et le dernier le 17 août 1944 (AN, 2AR). Lutétia est une entreprise en déficit structurel, à cause de la faiblesse des ventes (entre 50 000 et 60 000 exemplaires par jour, dont une part non négligeable est achetée par les administrations d’Occupation), mais surtout à cause du train de vie de Luchaire, qui est révélé par l’importance du poste « frais généraux », qui représente plus de 40 % des dépenses du journal, contre moins de 20 % dans des entreprises de presse comparables.

Le déficit est comblé par les Allemands, sous la forme d’annonces publicitaires : elles représentent 50 % du chiffre d’affaires dès 1941 et ne cessent d’augmenter pour atteindre 65 % en 1943, alors que dans le même temps, celles des autres quotidiens tombent de 35 à 18 %. Le déficit est aussi comblé par des augmentations de capital, souscrites par l’ambassade d’Allemagne, puis par Gerhard Hibbelen qui s’occupe de racheter pour l’occupant des éditeurs et des journaux.

En outre, à plusieurs reprises Luchaire encaisse personnellement les chèques des Allemands, tout en faisant inscrire les augmentations de capital au compte de la société. En ajoutant les salaires et les frais, qui atteignent 4 millions de francs en quatre ans et les augmentations de capital, qui dépassent les 6 millions de francs, Luchaire a ponctionné plus de 10 millions de francs à la société, ce qui représente 20 % de son chiffre d’affaires total durant la période. A cela s’ajoutent les notes de frais payées par la Corporation.

Le paradoxe est que les Allemands ne sont pas dupes. Ainsi, la Propaganda Staffel porte sur Luchaire une appréciation acerbe : « Si Luchaire a usé beaucoup d’encre en faveur d’une collaboration à 100 %, c’est moins par conviction honnête que parce qu’il spécule sur l’avenir. Luchaire n’a pas un tempérament combatif, c’est un combinart en [français dans le texte]. Il ne cache pas ses ambitions de devenir le Goebbels français. » (Pariser Journalisten, 1941, AN, AJ40 1008). Et nombre de journalistes et de patrons de presse de Paris ont dénoncé le scandale de la Corporation.

The Conversation

Patrick Eveno ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. La presse française sous l’Occupation vue par le film « les Rayons et les Ombres » – https://theconversation.com/la-presse-francaise-sous-loccupation-vue-par-le-film-les-rayons-et-les-ombres-281358

De l’oubli à la lumière : Monique Wittig, théoricienne du lesbianisme politique

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Ilana Eloit, Professeure en études de genre, Université de Genève

À quelques jours de la journée de la visibilité lesbienne, le 26 avril, retour sur l’œuvre de Monique Wittig (1935–2003). Icône lesbienne, cette écrivaine et intellectuelle est longtemps tombée dans l’oubli après avoir été écartée du mouvement féministe français. Depuis quelques années, sa pensée connaît un retour fulgurant dans le paysage féministe. Théoricienne du lesbianisme politique, elle analyse l’hétérosexualité comme un régime politique de domination soumettant les femmes aux hommes et auquel le lesbianisme permet d’échapper.


En 2014, au moment où j’entamais une thèse de doctorat consacrée à l’histoire politique du lesbianisme en France dans les années 1970, Monique Wittig était encore peu connue. Figure majeure du Mouvement de libération des femmes (MLF), elle était pourtant à l’origine d’une pensée lesbienne qui a profondément bouleversé l’histoire des idées féministes.

Près d’une décennie plus tard, sa présence s’est imposée avec une évidence fulgurante. Les références à son œuvre parsèment les manifestations féministes ; ses ouvrages s’affichent en tête de gondole dans les librairies ; colloques et journées d’étude se multiplient à l’université ; des créations scéniques font revivre sa pensée en lui conférant une actualité nouvelle – pour ne citer que quelques formes de ce « moment culturel » wittigien.

Comment expliquer l’oubli et l’effacement de sa critique, puis l’engouement qu’elle suscite quatre décennies plus tard ? Pourquoi résonne-t-elle tant aujourd’hui ? Retour sur l’histoire et l’actualité d’une pensée lesbienne.

Féministe révolutionnaire

C’est à 29 ans que Monique Wittig se fait connaître publiquement avec la publication de son premier roman, l’Opoponax, qui reçoit le prix Médicis en 1964. Dès cet ouvrage, elle entreprend d’éradiquer le genre – ou les catégories de sexe – dans la langue. La « marque du genre » est, selon elle, un stratagème par lequel « le sexe est forcé sur ses utilisateurs » et les femmes assignées à une catégorie subordonnée qui les prive d’accès à l’universel.

Elle poursuit cette entreprise politico-littéraire avec la publication, en 1969, de son poème épique les Guérillères, dans lequel elle emploie le pronom « elles » pour désigner une troupe de combattantes, conférant ainsi au féminin pluriel la force du générique, qu’elle dérobe au pronom « ils ». Quelques mois plus tard, à l’automne 1970, elle compte à Paris parmi les figures fondatrices du MLF et participe au collectif des Gouines rouges ainsi qu’au Front homosexuel d’action révolutionnaire.




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Elle contribue, aux côtés notamment de Christine Delphy ou de Colette Guillaumin, à l’émergence du féminisme matérialiste. Inspiré du marxisme, ce courant soutient que la division des individus en « hommes » et « femmes » n’est pas une donnée naturelle mais le produit – la « marque » – d’un rapport d’oppression, dont la naturalisation sert en retour à justifier la domination d’un groupe sur un autre.

Pour les féministes matérialistes, cette division des individus en « classes de sexe » repose sur un rapport d’exploitation domestique, c’est-à-dire sur l’appropriation, par la classe des hommes, du travail gratuit des femmes au sein du foyer.




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Ainsi, puisque les catégories de sexe – à l’instar des classes sociales – sont le produit d’un rapport d’exploitation, l’objectif du féminisme doit être, pour ces théoriciennes, l’abolition de ce rapport, dont la conséquence immédiate sera l’élimination des catégories de sexe – un projet qui rejoint, dans le champ de la théorie féministe, celui de Wittig d’abolition du genre dans la langue.

« Les lesbiennes ne sont pas des femmes » : politiser le lesbianisme

C’est dans la continuité de cette réflexion que Wittig élabore une pensée politique spécifiquement lesbienne, depuis les États-Unis où elle s’installe en 1976 en réponse aux résistances des féministes françaises à sa volonté de politiser le lesbianisme. Dans ses deux textes majeurs, « La pensée straight » et « On ne naît pas femme » (1980), Wittig met en évidence un angle mort du féminisme matérialiste : l’hétérosexualité comme régime politique, ou système social contraignant, qui institutionnalise l’appropriation des femmes par les hommes.

Surtout, elle affirme que c’est à travers ce régime qu’est produite la différence des sexes, articulant ainsi patriarcat et hétérosexualité, classes de sexe (ou genre) et sexualité. C’est à cette lumière qu’il faut comprendre sa phrase la plus célèbre, selon laquelle « les lesbiennes ne sont pas des femmes » car « ce qui fait une femme, c’est une relation sociale particulière à un homme […] relation à laquelle les lesbiennes échappent en refusant de devenir ou de rester hétérosexuelles ».

Dès lors, les lesbiennes incarnent, pour Wittig, cet au-delà des catégories de sexe que le féminisme matérialiste appelle de ses vœux. Alors que le MLF reposait sur l’identification collective à la catégorie « femmes », le lesbianisme politique de Wittig repose sur la désidentification aux catégories de sexe, comme pierre angulaire de la naturalisation de l’hétérosexualité.

À Paris, les féministes disqualifient cette pensée en l’accusant d’être « séparatiste », « dogmatique », « sectaire », voire « terroriste » et « totalitaire », en ce qu’elle politise l’hétérosexualité – et non plus seulement le patriarcat – comme norme oppressive, et substitue au sujet « femmes » le sujet « lesbiennes » comme figure de résistance : une violence dont Wittig ne se remettra jamais et qui contribue à effacer durablement le lesbianisme politique du paysage intellectuel féministe français.

Redécouverte tardive à la faveur de la 4ᵉ vague féministe

La vague de disqualification de sa pensée en France ainsi que son départ outre-Atlantique expliquent que son recueil d’essais théoriques, The Straight Mind, ait d’abord été publié aux États-Unis en 1992, avant de faire l’objet d’une première traduction française en 2001 (sous le titre la Pensée straight).

Mais c’est surtout depuis le début des années 2020 que sa pensée retrouve une place de premier plan. Outre la republication de l’ensemble de son œuvre et la publication d’écrits inédits, l’espace public irradie désormais de la présence spectrale de Wittig – un jardin Monique-Wittig a notamment été inauguré à Paris en 2021.

En 2023, l’Humanité consacrait sa une à Wittig avec le titre : « Monique Wittig, retour en grâce », à la suite d’autres portraits publiés dans le Monde ou Libération à l’occasion du vingtième anniversaire de sa disparition. La même année, j’organisais avec des collègues un double colloque international à l’Université de Genève et à l’Université de Berkeley sur l’actualité de son œuvre. Artistes, intellectuelles et intellectuels trouvent également, en Wittig, une source d’inspiration majeure, faisant résonner sur scène une œuvre tonitruante.

Cette redécouverte tardive mais foudroyante tient sans aucun doute au contexte politique actuel : celui d’une quatrième vague du féminisme, dans le sillage de #MeToo. Celle-ci a placé au cœur de la réflexion la dimension structurelle des violences sexistes et sexuelles et a, par ricochet, redonné un souffle nouveau au lesbianisme politique, lequel interroge la fonction politique et sociale de la contrainte à l’hétérosexualité en régime patriarcal, ainsi que les bénéfices d’une sortie du régime hétérosexuel d’un point de vue féministe.

D’autres raisons peuvent être invoquées : la contestation de la domination blanche au sein du féminisme, fortement bousculée par l’afroféminisme, participe de l’épuisement du paradigme universaliste et favorise la visibilité des minorités.

À cet égard, la non-mixité du lesbianisme politique et celle de l’afroféminisme se font éminemment écho, comme l’hostilité qu’elles provoquent en retour. Nulle coïncidence si les lesbiennes d’hier et les afroféministes d’aujourd’hui sont confrontées aux mêmes accusations de « séparatisme », mobilisées pour mieux disqualifier des regroupements qui interrogent des régimes d’oppression naturalisés, y compris au sein du féminisme : la race et l’hétérosexualité.

Enfin, il est clair que la proposition visionnaire d’un féminisme ne reposant pas sur la catégorie « femmes » et visant la destruction de l’épistémologie binaire de la différence des sexes trouve aujourd’hui son public parmi des individus qui refusent de se dire « hommes » ou « femmes » – catégories qui, comme l’écrivait Wittig, « contribu[ent] au maintien de l’hétérosexualité » – et préfèrent se dire non-binaires, queers, ou trans.

The Conversation

Ilana Eloit ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. De l’oubli à la lumière : Monique Wittig, théoricienne du lesbianisme politique – https://theconversation.com/de-loubli-a-la-lumiere-monique-wittig-theoricienne-du-lesbianisme-politique-280474