Some companies claim they can ‘resurrect’ species. Does that make people more comfortable with extinction?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Christopher Lean, Research Fellow in Philosophy, Centre of Excellence in Synthetic Biology, Macquarie University

Ross Stone/Unsplash

Less than a year ago, United States company Colossal Biosciences announced it had “resurrected” the dire wolf, a megafauna-hunting wolf species that had been extinct for 10,000 years.

Within two days of Colossal’s announcement, the Interior Secretary of the US, Doug Burgum, used the idea of resurrection to justify weakening environmental protection laws: “pick your favourite species and call up Colossal”.

His reasoning appeared to confirm critics’ fears about de-extinction technology. If we can bring any species back, why protect them to begin with?

In a new study published in Biological Conservation, we put this idea to the test. We found no evidence people will accept extinction more readily if they’re promised de-extinction. But it’s important to communicate about de-extinction efforts with care.

The ‘moral hazard’ of de-extinction

Since the emergence of de-extinction technology, critics have argued it potentially undermines support for conserving existing species.

In other words, de-extinction technology poses a “moral hazard”. This is a situation in which someone is willing to behave in riskier ways than they would otherwise, because someone or something else will bear the cost or deal with the consequences. Behaving recklessly because you have health insurance is a classic example.

The moral hazard of de-extinction technology is that if we believe extinct species can be brought back, we may be more willing to let species go extinct in the first place.

Photo of a white wolf with the word extinct crossed out above it.
TIME magazine cover featuring the dire wolf ‘de-extinction’ story.
TIME

This concern mirrors debates in other areas of environmental policy. For example, critics of carbon capture and solar radiation modification worry that believing we can later fix climate change may weaken the incentive to reduce emissions now. However, most studies investigating this claim found these technologies don’t reduce people’s support for also cutting back carbon emissions.

Our study is the first to investigate whether de-extinction technology reduces people’s concern about the extinction of existing species.

What we found

We presented 363 people from a wide range of backgrounds with several scenarios. These described a company doing something that yields an economic or public benefit, but results in the extinction of an existing endangered species.

For example, in one scenario a company intended to build a highway for a new port through the last habitat of the dusky gopher frog, a critically endangered species. The construction would lead to the frog’s extinction.

A medium sized spotted frog with golden eyes held up to a camera.
Endemic to the southern United States, the dusky gopher frog is critically endangered because its native habitat, longleaf-pine forests, are almost entirely destroyed.
ememu/iNaturalist, CC BY-NC

There were two versions of each scenario, differing in how the company would compensate for the species’ extinction.

In the “environmental compensation” version, a large investment would be made to preserve other species. In the “de-extinction” version, de-extinction technology would be used to reintroduce the DNA of the extinct species into a related species at a later date.

For each scenario, people were asked: did they think the project was good for the public? Was the species extinction justified? Did compensation make the company less blameworthy for causing the species extinction? Should we allow projects like this one in the future?

Finally, in cases where de-extinction was proposed, we asked if the respondent believed the companies’ claims that genetic engineering could be used to successfully recreate the extinct species.

A warning against spin

We found no evidence that proposing de-extinction makes people more accepting of extinction than compensation for environmental destruction would.

Therefore, moral hazard alone is not a reason to outright reject the ethical deployment of de-extinction technology. Further, overemphasising potential but unsubstantiated hazards of de-extinction research may undermine the development of effective tools for preserving current species.

We did, however, find one reason for caution.

There was a correlation between a person’s belief that de-extinction could resurrect the species and the belief that causing its extinction would be acceptable.

This is a correlation, so we can’t tell which belief comes first. It could be that these people already think extinction is justified to gain access to economic benefits, and then adopt the view that de-extinction is possible to excuse that belief.

A more worrying possibility is the reverse: believing that de-extinction is possible could have led to these individuals viewing extinction as acceptable. A strong belief in de-extinction’s success could either act as an excuse for extinction, or a reason for extinction.

This creates a major risk if those who develop de-extinction technology overstate or mislead the public about what this tech can achieve.

Avoid misleading claims

It’s crucial the companies and scientists working on de-extinction efforts communicate accurately and without hype. Claims that de-extinction can reverse extinction are misleading. Genetic engineering can introduce lost traits from an extinct species into a closely related living species and restore lost ecological functions, but it can’t re-create the extinct species.

Problems arise when companies present these limits cautiously within the scientific community but make stronger claims in public-facing communication.

Doing so encourages the false belief that extinction is fully reversible. This risks undermining the ethical justification for any de-extinction efforts.

This risk can be avoided. For example, the de-extinction project attempting to restore aurochs (ancient cattle) to Europe clearly states it’s creating aurochs 2.0. It’s an ecological proxy for the extinct species, not the species itself.

Colossal Biosciences attracts widespread controversy for publicising its projects, which include “resurrection” of the woolly mammoth, the dodo, and the thylacine.

Our results show claims that de-extinction will necessarily create a moral hazard are unjustified.

However, de-extinction advocates bear a burden to be cautious and clear in their communication about what their technology offers – and what it can’t do.

The Conversation

Christopher Lean receives funding from the Australian Government through the ARC Centre of Excellence in Synthetic Biology (project number CE200100029).

Andrew James Latham has been supported by a Marie Skłodowska-Curie Postdoctoral Fellowship.

Annie Sandrussi receives funding from the Australian Government through the ARC Centre of Excellence in Synthetic Biology (project number CE200100029).

Wendy Rogers receives funding from The Australian Research Council. She is a Chief Investigator in the ARC Centre of Excellence in Synthetic Biology (project number CE200100029), funded by the Australian Government.

ref. Some companies claim they can ‘resurrect’ species. Does that make people more comfortable with extinction? – https://theconversation.com/some-companies-claim-they-can-resurrect-species-does-that-make-people-more-comfortable-with-extinction-273583

Over 100 deaths linked to January storms – here’s how to stay safe when cold, snowy weather moves in

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Brett Robertson, Associate Professor and Associate Director of the Hazards Vulnerability and Resilience Institute, University of South Carolina

Powerful winter storms that left hundreds of thousands of people across the U.S. without power for days in freezing temperatures in late January 2026 have been linked to more than 100 deaths, and the cold weather is forecast to continue into February.

The causes of the deaths and injuries have varied. Some people died from exposure to cold inside their homes. Others fell outside or suffered heart attacks while shoveling snow. Three young brothers died after falling through ice on a Texas pond. Dozens of children were treated for carbon monoxide poisoning from improperly used generators or heaters.

These tragedies and others share a common theme: Winter storms pose multiple dangers at once, and people often underestimate how quickly conditions can become life-threatening.

A man stands by the open door of a car stuck on a road with deep snow.
If you plan to drive in a winter storm, be prepared to be stranded, as this driver was in Little Rock, Ark., on Jan. 24, 2026. Cars can slide off roads, slide into each other or get stuck in snow drifts. Having warm winter gear, boots and a charged cell phone can help you deal with the cold.
Will Newton/Getty Images

I’m the associate director of the Hazards Vulnerability and Resilience Institute at the University of South Carolina, where we work on ways to improve emergency preparedness and response. Here is what people need to know to reduce their risk of injury during severe winter weather.

Prepare before the storm arrives

Preparation makes the biggest difference when temperatures drop, and services fail. Many winter storm injuries happen after power outages knock out heat, lighting or medical equipment.

Start by assembling a basic emergency kit. The Federal Emergency Management Agency recommends having water, food that does not require cooking, a flashlight, a battery-powered radio, extra batteries and a first-aid kit, at minimum.

Some basics to go into an emergency kit
In addition to these basics, a winter emergency kit should have plenty of warm clothes and snacks to provide energy to produce body heat.
National Institute of Aging

In wintertime, you’ll also need warm clothing, blankets, hats and gloves. When you go out, even in a vehicle, make sure you dress for the weather. Keep a blanket in the car in case you get stranded, as hundreds of people did for hours overnight on a Mississippi highway on Jan. 27 in freezing, snowy weather.

Portable phone chargers matter more than many people realize. During emergencies, phones become lifelines for updates, help and contact with family. Keep devices charged ahead of the storm and conserve battery power once the storm begins.

If anyone in your home depends on electrically powered medical equipment, make a plan now. Know where you can go if the power goes out for an extended period. Contact your utility provider in advance to ask about outage planning, including whether they offer priority restoration or guidance for customers who rely on powered medical equipment.

What to do if the power goes out

Loss of heat is one of the most serious dangers of winter storms. Hypothermia can occur indoors when temperatures drop, especially overnight.

If the power goes out, choose one room to stay in and close its doors to keep the warmth inside. Cover windows with curtains or blankets. Wear loose layers and a knit hat to keep your own body heat in, even indoors. Remember to also eat regular snacks and drink warm fluids when possible, since the body uses energy to stay warm.

Five people sit around a table, each wrapped up in warm clothes and hats. Two children are studying.
Wearing knit caps, lots of layers and staying together in one room can help with warmth. If you light candles, use them carefully to avoid fires.
SimpleImages/Moment via Getty Images

It might seem tempting, but don’t use camp stoves, outdoor grills or generators inside a home. These can quickly produce carbon monoxide, an odorless and deadly gas. During the January storm, one Nashville hospital saw more than 40 children with carbon monoxide poisoning linked to unsafe heating practices.

If you must use a generator, keep it outdoors and far from windows and doors. Make sure your home’s carbon monoxide detectors are working before storms arrive.

If your home becomes too cold, go to a warmer place, such as a friend’s home, a warming center or a public shelter. You can call 2-1-1, a nationwide hotline, to find local options. The American Red Cross and the Salvation Army also list open shelters on their websites. Several states maintain online maps for finding warming centers and emergency services during winter storms, including Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, New York, Tennessee, and Texas.

Be careful outside – ice changes things

Winter storms make everyday activities dangerous. Ice turns sidewalks into slippery hazards. Snow shoveling strains the heart.
Frozen ponds and lakes might look solid but often are not as the ice can change quickly with weather conditions.

Walking on icy surfaces, even your own sidewalk, requires slow steps, proper footwear and full attention to what you’re doing. Falls can cause head injuries or broken bones, and it can happen with your first step out the door.

A group of kids scream as they sled down a hillside, legs flying in the air.
Playing in the snow, like this group was at Cherokee Park in Louisville, Ky., can be the best part of winter, but be sure to do it safely. At least three people died in accidents while being towed on sleds behind vehicles on icy streets during the January 2026 storm.
Jon Cherry/Getty Images

Shoveling snow is a common risk that people often overlook, but it deserves special caution. The actions of shoveling in cold weather can place intense strain on the heart. For people with heart conditions, it that extra strain can trigger heart attacks.

Why shoveling snow is more stressful on your heart than mowing your lawn. Mayo Clinic.

If you’re shoveling, take frequent breaks. Push snow instead of lifting when possible. And stop immediately if you feel chest pain, dizziness, or shortness of breath.

Communication saves time and lives

Winter storms disrupt information flows. Cell service fails. Internet access drops. Power outages silence televisions.

In my research on heat and storm emergencies, people frequently rely on personal networks to share updates, resources, and safety information. With that in mind, check on family, friends and neighbors, especially older adults and people who live alone.

Research I have conducted shows that nearby social ties matter during disasters because they help people share information and act more quickly when services are disrupted. Make sure that the information you’re sharing is coming from reliable sources – not everything on social media is. Also, let others know where you plan to go if conditions worsen.

A woman in a puffy jacket, hat and scarf walks up snow-covered subway stairs.
Walk carefully on snow and ice, particularly stairs like these in a New York subway station on Jan. 25, 2026. At home, be sure to clear snow off your steps soon after a storm so ice doesn’t build up.
Spencer Platt/Getty Images

Use multiple sources for information. Battery-powered radios remain critical during winter storms. Sign up for local emergency alerts by email or text. Studies have found that in regions accustomed to frequent hazardous weather, people often take actions in response to risks more slowly when they don’t have reliable local updates or clear alerts.

Practice matters

Many injuries happen because people delay actions they know they need to take. They wait to leave a house that’s getting too cold or at risk of damage by weather, such as flooding. They wait to ask for help. They wait to adjust plans.

In research I contributed to on evacuation drills involving wildfires, people who practiced their evacuation plan in advance were more likely to react quickly when conditions changed. Talking through evacuation plans for any type of emergency, whether a hurricane or a winter storm, builds people’s confidence and reduces their hesitation.

Take time each winter to review your emergency supplies, communication plans, and heating options.

Winter storms will test your preparation, judgment, and patience. You cannot control when the next one arrives, but you can decide how ready you will be when it does.

This article, originally published Jan. 29, 2026, has been updated with additional details on the new storm.

The Conversation

Brett Robertson receives funding from the National Science Foundation (Award #2316128). Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation.

ref. Over 100 deaths linked to January storms – here’s how to stay safe when cold, snowy weather moves in – https://theconversation.com/over-100-deaths-linked-to-january-storms-heres-how-to-stay-safe-when-cold-snowy-weather-moves-in-274605

The only remaining US-Russia nuclear treaty expires this week. Could a new arms race soon accelerate?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Tilman Ruff, Honorary Principal Fellow, School of Population and Global Health, The University of Melbourne

The New START treaty, the last remaining agreement constraining Russian and US nuclear weapons, is due to lapse on February 4.

There are no negotiations to extend the terms of the treaty, either. As US President Donald Trump said dismissively in a recent interview, “if it expires, it expires”.

The importance of the New START treaty is hard to overstate. As other nuclear treaties have been abrogated in recent years, this was the only deal left with notification, inspection, verification and treaty compliance mechanisms between Russia and the US. Between them, they possess 87% of the world’s nuclear weapons.

The demise of the treaty will bring a definitive and alarming end to nuclear restraint between the two powers. It may very well accelerate the global nuclear arms race, too.

What is New START?

The New START or Prague Treaty was signed by then-US President Barack Obama and his Russian counterpart, Dimitri Medvedev, in Prague on April 8, 2010. It entered into force the following year.

It superseded a 2002 treaty that obligated Russia and the United States to reduce their operationally deployed, strategic nuclear warheads to between 1,700 and 2,200 by the end of 2012.

The New START Treaty called for further reductions on long-range nuclear weapons and provided greater specificity about different types of launchers. The new limits were:

  • 700 deployed intercontinental and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (together with heavy bombers)
  • 1,550 nuclear warheads deployed on those platforms, and
  • 800 launchers (both deployed and non-deployed).

These reductions were achieved by February 5, 2018.

The treaty included mechanisms for compliance and verification, which have worked effectively. It provided for twice-yearly exchanges of data and ongoing mutual notification about the movement of strategic nuclear forces, which in practice occurred on a nearly daily basis.

Importantly, the treaty also mandated short-notice, on-site inspections of missiles, warheads and launchers covered by the treaty, providing valuable and stabilising insights into the other’s nuclear deployments.

Lastly, the treaty established a bilateral consultative commission and clear procedures to resolve questions or disputes.

Limitations of the deal

The treaty was criticised at the time for its modest reductions and the limited types of nuclear weapons it covered.

But the most enduring downside was the political price Obama paid to achieve ratification by the US Senate.

To secure sufficient Republican support, he agreed to a long-term program of renewal and modernisation of the entire US nuclear arsenal – in addition to the facilities and programs that produce and maintain nuclear weapons. The overall pricetag was estimated to reach well over US$2 trillion.

This has arguably done more harm by entrenching the United States’ possession of nuclear weapons and thwarting prospects for disarmament.

As the New START treaty was about to expire in 2021, Russia offered to extend it for another five years, as allowed under the terms. US President Donald Trump, however, refused to reciprocate.

After winning the 2020 US presidential election, Joe Biden did agree to extend the treaty on February 3, 2021, just two days before it would have expired. The treaty does not provide for any further extensions.

In February 2023, Russia suspended its implementation of key aspects of the treaty, including stockpile data exchange and on-site inspections. It did not formally withdraw, however, and committed to continue to abide by the treaty’s numerical limits on warheads, missiles and launchers.

What could happen next

With the imminent expiry of the treaty this year, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced in September 2025 that he was prepared to continue observing the numerical limits for one more year if the US acted similarly.

Besides an off-the-cuff comment by Trump – “it sounds like a good idea to me” – the US did not formally respond to the Russian offer.

Trump has further complicated matters by insisting that negotiations on any future nuclear arms control agreements include China. However, China has consistently refused this. There is also no precedent for such trilateral nuclear control or disarmament negotiations, which would no doubt be long and complex. Though growing, China’s arsenal is still less than 12% the size of the US arsenal and less than 11% the size of Russia’s.

The New START treaty now looks set to expire without any agreement to continue to observe its limits until a successor treaty is negotiated.

This means Russia and the US could increase their deployed warheads by 60% and 110%, respectively, within a matter of months. This is because both have the capacity to load a larger number of warheads on their missiles and bombers than they currently do. Both countries also have large numbers of warheads in reserve or slated for dismantlement, but still intact.

If they took these steps, both countries could effectively double their deployed strategic nuclear arsenals.

The end of the treaty’s verification, data exchanges, and compliance and notification processes would also lead to increased uncertainty and distrust. This, in turn, could lead to a further build-up of both countries’ already gargantuan military capabilities.

An ominous warning

The most unsettling part of this development: it means nuclear disarmament, and even more modest arms control, is now moribund.

No new negotiations for disarmament or even reducing nuclear risks are currently under way. None are scheduled to begin.

At a minimum, after New START expires this week, both Russia and the US should agree to stick to its limits until they negotiate further reductions.

And, 56 years after making a binding commitment in the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty to achieve nuclear disarmament, both nations should work to implement a verifiable agreement among all nuclear-armed states to eliminate their arsenals.

But Russia, the US and and other nuclear-armed states are moving in the opposite direction.

Trump’s actions since taking office a second time – from bombing Iran to toppling Venezuela’s leader – show his general disdain for international law and treaties. They also affirm his desire to use any instrument of power to assert US (and his personal) interests and supremacy.

Putin, meanwhile, has used of a nuclear-capable intermediate-range ballistic missile to strike Ukraine, made repeated threats to use nuclear weapons against Kyiv and the West, and continued his unprecedented and profoundly dangerous weaponisation of Ukraine’s nuclear power plants.

These moves signal a more aggressive Russian stance that rides roughshod over the UN Charter, as well.

All of this bodes ill for preventing nuclear war and making progress on nuclear disarmament.

The Conversation

Tilman Ruff is affiliated with International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, the Medical Association for Prevention of War, Doctors for the Environment Australia and the Public Health Association of Australia.

ref. The only remaining US-Russia nuclear treaty expires this week. Could a new arms race soon accelerate? – https://theconversation.com/the-only-remaining-us-russia-nuclear-treaty-expires-this-week-could-a-new-arms-race-soon-accelerate-269508

Pierre Poilievre aces leadership review: Why the Conservatives opted to stand by their man

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sam Routley, PhD Candidate, Political Science, Western University

With the support of almost 90 per cent of party delegates, Pierre Poilievre’s Conservative party leadership review results are clear and decisive.

These results not only demonstrate that the party continues to believe that he is their best option to win the next federal election, but that a large majority of Conservatives remain broadly united behind his leadership and message.

Post-election reflection

Poilievre entered the review following a period of assessment and recovery. As is typical after an election loss, this phase involved internal debate, intense media scrutiny and renewed attention to the leader’s perceived weaknesses.

Critics pointed to a familiar set of concerns: Poilievre’s attack-dog political style, his strained relationship with much of the national media and his perceived alignment with American populism, particularly Donald Trump.

His approach, they argued, had been designed for Justin Trudeau and was less effective against the former prime minister’s replacement, Mark Carney. Polling reinforced the sense of unease. While the Conservative Party continues to be seen as a better economic manager, Poilievre also lags behind Carney in personal popularity.

Organizational concerns also compounded these doubts. Controversies over nomination processes and strained relationships with other Conservative politicians, particularly Ontario Premier Doug Ford, raised questions about party management and coalition-building.

Within conservative intellectual circles, there has also been extensive ideological debate about tone, strategy and the party’s electoral ceiling.

Poilievre, after all, had to win an Alberta by-election after he lost his Ottawa seat in the federal election and has faced high-profile floor crossings over the past several months.

Yet this moment of reflection proved more cathartic than transformative. Much of the criticism levelled against Poilievre by Conservatives proved fleeting, an emotional response to loss rather than a durable movement to replace him. Instead, it reflected a familiar post-election pattern: disappointment amplified by punditry and frustration rather than a genuine collapse of confidence within the party.

Election results

How did Poilievre survive? Likely because the election results themselves were ambiguous. Although the Conservatives failed to form government, they were otherwise successful by many other measures.

They increased their vote share, expanded their support to new voter constituencies — especially young adults and recent immigrants — and demonstrated strength on core issues such as affordability, housing and cost of living. From the conservative perspective, this suggests incompletion — an inability to seal the final deal — rather than total rejection.

With the largest share of the popular vote for any Conservative party in Canada since 1988, the only thing that stood between the party and governing was a few percentage points.

This creates a powerful argument for continuity. Replacing Poilievre would have required the party to gamble that a new leader could quickly unify the coalition, define themselves nationally and outperform an already familiar figure in Carney — all without the benefit of incumbency or clear front-runner status.

Compounding this, of course, was the absence of a clear successor. No alternative candidate commanded widespread loyalty or offered an obviously superior electoral profile. In such circumstances, continuity becomes the least risky option.

The broader political and electoral context also matters. While Carney may be more personally popular than Poilievre, he governs on top of a coalition that is internally complex, undefined and potentially short-lived.

Carney’s electoral success depended heavily on the collapse of the NDP vote and the broader political disruption caused by Trump’s threats to annex Canada. With a new NDP leader, the New Democrats could recover and cut into Liberal margins.

Meanwhile, the government’s more mixed response to issues such as pipeline development, housing and the cost-of-living crisis could push enough voters toward the Conservatives by the next federal election campaign.

Young voters like Poilievre

All this said, however, Poilievre’s support cannot be explained solely by institutional inertia or a lack of alternative leadership candidates. His leadership has and continues to generate genuine enthusiasm among some voters — especially those who are young, recently immigrated or working in trades. This support is fuelled by economic frustration, declining living standards and the sense of a lost promise.

At a moment when centre-right parties elsewhere are struggling with internal upheaval and fragmentation, Poilievre’s Conservative Party has remained cohesive and even expanded by organizing around what former communications director Ben Woodfinden calls the “locked-out:” voters who feel shut out of prosperity amid weak growth and chronic productivity problems.

In this context, Poilievre’s orthodox centre-right agenda — cutting regulatory burdens, boosting competition and removing interprovincial trade barriers — continues to attract broad, cross-class support that transcends cultural and regional divides.

The success of this can be seen from the fact that, throughout his keynote address at the Conservative Party convention, Poilievre’s core message and policy proposals haven’t changed substantively.




Read more:
Why does Pierre Poilievre appeal to young Canadians? It’s all about economics


But there has been a shift in style. Poilievre has begun to pair his combative style with a more personal, reflective and occasionally vulnerable public persona, an adjustment aimed at consolidating support while expanding appeal among undecided voters.

Finally, although Poilievre’s coalition wasn’t large enough to win the 2025 election, Canadian electoral history suggests that his prospects aren’t bleak. There’s a long history of decisive results or shifts playing out across two electoral successes, as coalitions are consolidated and expanded. Both John Diefenbaker and Stephen Harper, for example, endured defeats before securing durable governing mandates.

By endorsing Poilievre so decisively, Conservatives signalled their belief that he remains on an upward trajectory. The leadership review was less about absolution than affirmation: a collective judgment that the party is closer to power with Poilievre than without him.

The Conversation

Sam Routley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Pierre Poilievre aces leadership review: Why the Conservatives opted to stand by their man – https://theconversation.com/pierre-poilievre-aces-leadership-review-why-the-conservatives-opted-to-stand-by-their-man-274159

16 Oscar nods for ‘Sinners’ signals a broader appetite for imaginative Black cinema

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Cornel Grey, Assistant Professor in Department of Gender, Sexuality, and Women’s Studies, Western University

When Sinners recently received a record-breaking 16 Oscar nominations, the response was overwhelmingly celebratory, but not uncomplicated.

The nominations capped a year in which the film had already defied expectations at the box office. An original horror film with no built-in franchise, Sinners broke multiple domestic and international records and earned more than US$300 million during its theatrical run.

Critics also responded strongly, praising Ryan Coogler’s direction and the film’s blend of spectacle and social commentary. Those reviews helped cement Sinners as both a commercial hit and a critical success.

Sinners doesn’t resolve longstanding debates about Black recognition or racial equity in Hollywood. However, its nominations arrive at a moment that suggests wider audience interest — and possible film industry openness — to Black films that are culturally specific, formally ambitious and uninterested in proving their importance through suffering alone.

Questions of popular success and excellence

The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences — the group of just over 10,000 film industry professionals who vote on Oscar nominations and winners — has long grappled with how to balance popular success and its self-image as an arbiter of artistic excellence.

In the wake of declining viewership, the academy proposed a new category in 2018 for “Outstanding Achievement in Popular Film.”

The plan was met with significant backlash from commentators who were offended by the implication that commercially successful films couldn’t also be great art. The idea was shelved amid concerns that it would undermine the Oscars’ standards instead of bridging the gap between popular taste and critical recognition.

Sinners is not a traditional prestige drama designed for the awards circuit. It is a piece of work that refuses easy classification, blending elements of horror, musical, Southern Gothic and Black folklore into a form that balances excess and control.

As director Ryan Coogler has said, the film resists categorical conventions, dubbing it “genre-fluid.”

‘Sinners’ official trailer.

Directorial innovation

Coogler’s directorial innovation is central to the cultural significance of the film’s nominations.

Historically, the Oscars have rewarded Black films that conform to a narrow range of familiar narratives. Stories centred on racial trauma, historical injustice, moral redemption or social pathology have been far more likely to receive acknowledgement than films that foreground pleasure and fantasy.

Best Picture winners like 12 Years a Slave and Green Book, along with heavily awarded films such as Precious and The Help, illustrate this pattern, as does Halle Berry’s Best Actress win for Monster’s Ball, a performance structured around sexualized suffering and endurance.

Acclaimed Black films that don’t focus on trauma or suffering have been long overlooked by the academy.

Movies like Do the Right Thing, Eve’s Bayou, Girls Trip and Sorry to Bother You received strong critical and cultural support, but were largely ignored during Oscar voting.

Rather than critiquing those films or performances, this pattern points to how Hollywood taste — reflecting racialized assumptions and values — shapes what kinds of Black stories are recognized as important and deserving of reward.

Black creative achievement and possibility

Sinners does something different. It bends and unsettles the frames that tell audiences how to read a film. Vampires, music, violence, sex and history are woven together in a way that invites audiences in, without stopping to explain or defend each choice.

The film draws on familiar genre esthetics that white audiences recognize (like horror, spectacle, supernatural myth) but it refuses to translate its cultural references or soften its Black specificity.

Viewers unfamiliar with Black Southern folklore, diasporic spiritual traditions or the film’s musical and historical cues may miss things. The film does not slow down to catch them up.

Award bodies’ reception

The film’s success also raises questions about how awards bodies respond when Black creative experimentation gains critical acclaim.

A recent example comes from the Recording Academy. After Beyoncé won Best Country Album in 2025, the Grammys split the category into “traditional” and “contemporary” — a change that expanded recognition while also reintroducing distinctions.




Read more:
Beyoncé’s ‘Cowboy Carter’ transmits joy, honours legends and challenges a segregated industry


The move echoed earlier controversies around genre-labelling, including debates over the now-retired “urban” category. It also underscored how recognition can be followed by new forms of sorting rather than lasting structural change.

Wider shift in Black creative possibility

The risk is that Sinners is celebrated as a one-off, rather than understood as part of a wider shift in Black creative possibility.

Some conservative responses have framed Sinners less as an artistic achievement and more as an example of cultural overreach, reading its genre play and historical remixing as ideological provocation rather than creative labour.

Alongside this, the film’s record-breaking nominations are likely to be interpreted by some viewers or critics as further evidence of a so-called “woke era” in awards culture, a framing that tends to downplay the craft, ambition and substance of works featuring Black talent.

These reactions reveal ongoing anxieties over who gets to reshape tradition, and how recognition by industry powerbrokers is interpreted when it is attached to Black cultural production.

Reputational weight, star power

Sinners could take these creative risks in part because of the reputational weight behind it.

Coogler’s track record of commercially successful films, combined with the star power of Michael B. Jordan and their history of delivering profitable collaborations, created a level of confidence among funding studios that is rarely extended to Black filmmakers more broadly.

The uneven distribution of that creative latitude and resourcing remains visible across the industry, where many Black directors continue to face funding barriers for innovative or less conventional projects.

Challenging esthetic norms

The academy recently introduced representation and inclusion standards for Best Picture eligibility that require films to meet benchmarks for on-screen representation, creative leadership, industry access or audience outreach to be considered for nomination.

These measures are aimed at expanding opportunities for underrepresented groups, yet they focus on who appears in and works on films rather than on how films innovate or challenge esthetic norms.

As a result, longstanding assumptions about genre bias and what counts as quality cinema are largely unexamined, even as the rules change around how films qualify for consideration.

Works that trust audiences

The recognition of Sinners by the academy points to a widening space for Black films rooted in lived experience, place and history. Similar dynamics are visible elsewhere.

Recent global successes like K-Pop Demon Hunters show that viewers are drawn to genre-blended, culturally grounded stories that stimulate the imagination rather than explain themselves away. These works trust audiences to enter unfamiliar worlds without constant translation.




Read more:
With _KPop Demon Hunters_, Korean women hold the sword, the microphone — and possibly an Oscar


Sinners belongs to this moment. Its record-breaking nominations expand the range of Black cinema visible at the highest levels of recognition and quietly signal greater room for formal experimentation. The film treats Black creativity as something that can include visual excess, genre experimentation and narrative openness, and still be recognized as artistically rigorous work.

The Conversation

Cornel Grey does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. 16 Oscar nods for ‘Sinners’ signals a broader appetite for imaginative Black cinema – https://theconversation.com/16-oscar-nods-for-sinners-signals-a-broader-appetite-for-imaginative-black-cinema-274191

Menstruación y parto en la Edad Media: entre el miedo y la superstición

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Anna Peirats, Catedrática de Humanidades, Universidad Católica de Valencia

Manuscrito medieval _Aurora Consurgens_. GAllegre/Biblioteca Central de Zúrich.

En la Edad Media, la sangre femenina no se entendía como un hecho natural, sino como un signo de peligro y sospecha. La menstruación se veía como impura, el embarazo se cargaba de supersticiones y el parto se interpretaba como castigo divino. Medicina, teología y literatura coincidieron en asociar el cuerpo de la mujer al miedo, el control y el pecado.

Sangre tóxica

El punto de partida se encuentra en los textos bíblicos. El Antiguo Testamento, concretamente el Levítico, estableció que la mujer en período de menstruación quedaba impura durante siete días, en los que no podía entrar al templo.

El imaginario naturalista reforzó esta idea. En el siglo I, Plinio el Viejo reunió en su Historia natural afirmaciones que hoy resultan inverosímiles: la sangre menstrual arruinaba cosechas, oxidaba el hierro y provocaba la rabia en los perros, entre otros efectos destructores. San Isidoro de Sevilla incorporó estas creencias al libro de las Etimologías, en el siglo VII, y las transfirió a la cultura cristiana.

La medicina humoral, desarrollada en la antigua Grecia y cuyos máximos defensores fueron Hipócrates y Galeno, entendió la sangre del período como exceso de humores en el cuerpo frío y húmedo de la mujer. La regla pasó a figurar como prueba de inferioridad fisiológica. De esta creencia se explican las prohibiciones de acceso al culto, así como las recetas para “corregir” sangrados irregulares, entre otros aspectos.

La teología, a su vez, potenció el vínculo entre cuerpo y culpa. En el siglo XII, Inocencio III, en el De miseria conditionis humanae (también conocido como De contemptu mundi), describió al ser humano como nacido de la inmundicia del pecado, y de la sangre impura retenida de la menstruación.

El mito de la sangre impura, con raíces en la antigüedad, se reelaboró y difundió ampliamente en la tradición medieval. Así, también se popularizó la leyenda de la doncella venenosa que asociaba la muerte de Alejandro Magno al contacto con una joven curandera durante su menstruación y reforzaba la idea de una feminidad peligrosa por naturaleza.

La literatura también popularizó la desconfianza. En el Espill, Jaume Roig, en el siglo XV, ridiculizó el cuerpo femenino con un repertorio de escenas hiperbólicas en las que la menstruación se asociaba a efectos mágicos y demoníacos, además de provocar repugnancia. Se entendía que la mujer tenía en su interior el veneno de su sangre.

El origen: placer y concepción

La anatomía medieval reforzó la jerarquía entre hombre y mujer. Los tratados describían la vulva como un “miembro viril hacia dentro”. Los órganos genitales, como los ovarios, se entendían como “testículos femeninos”, la vagina como canal pasivo y el útero como recipiente frío. El sistema de “canales espermáticos” completaba el cuadro. Solo en el siglo XVI Gabriele Fallopio detalló las trompas que hoy llevan su nombre y abrió la puerta a la comprensión científica del aparato reproductor femenino.

Folio 14r del compendio médico _Bodleian Libraries MS Ashmole 399_, del siglo XIII, con un diagrama del útero.
Folio 14r del compendio médico Bodleian Libraries MS Ashmole 399, del siglo XIII, con un diagrama del útero.
Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford, CC BY-NC

El debate sobre la concepción definió el papel de la mujer. Aristóteles había negado la existencia de semen femenino y había reservado al varón la “forma”, mientras la mujer aportaba la “materia”. De ahí la célebre definición de la mujer como mas occasionatus (“hombre imperfecto”). Galeno había propuesto otra lectura: la mujer emitía un semen menos perfecto y su placer favorecía la fecundación. Siglos después, el médico andalusí Averroes redujo la relevancia del placer femenino. Tras estas fórmulas se planteaba una cuestión de autoridad sobre el cuerpo de la mujer: deseo con valor fisiológico o deseo como problema.

En cuanto a la imposibilidad de concebir, el aspecto clínico convivió con una lectura religiosa. La infertilidad se interpretó a menudo como prueba enviada por Dios o como castigo.

A fin de servir de ayuda en estos temas, en el siglo XI la italiana Trotula de Salerno reunió en la Trotula maior remedios para desarreglos menstruales, pruebas de fertilidad y tratamientos con hierbas. Sus textos circularon por toda Europa y legitimaron una voz técnica cercana a la experiencia femenina.

El Lilium medicinae de Bernardo de Gordon señaló causas de esterilidad en ambos sexos: semen demasiado líquido o frío, útero poco cálido, obstrucciones internas, debilidad de los órganos principales, etc. La culpa no recaía siempre sobre la mujer, aunque la cultura así lo acentuó. Los diagnósticos sobre la fertilidad femenina incluyeron pruebas que hoy nos resultan pintorescas, como la práctica de meter un ajo bajo la almohada de una mujer: si a la mañana siguiente su aliento no olía a ese bulbo era una señal de que estaba embarazada.

¿Niño o niña?

Folio 14r del compendio médico Bodleian Libraries MS Ashmole 399, del siglo XIII, con diagramas del útero en diversas etapas del embarazo.
Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford, CC BY-NC

El embarazo recibió una capa simbólica precisa. La tradición aristotélica y pitagórica había asociado la parte derecha del útero a la calidez y la nobleza –por tanto, a los varones– y la parte izquierda a lo frío –y femenino–. A partir de ahí se interpretaban las señales o contracciones en la práctica: si había movimientos tempranos y vigorosos, nacería un niño; si eran tardíos y débiles, niña.

La imaginación materna también entraba en la ecuación. Se entendía que una mujer que pensaba en su marido durante el coito aseguraba el parecido del hijo con él. Esa misma idea sirvió para sospechar adulterio cuando el parecido apuntaba a otro hombre.

En este caso, se debía tener en cuenta la dimensión jurídica. El parecido del recién nacido alimentó pleitos de filiación y herencia. La sala del parto se convirtió en sala de reconocimiento del derecho, la moral y la fisiología.

El desenlace: parto entre dolor, miedo y ritual

La cadena de reproducción femenina tenía un desenlace también cargado de connotaciones y supersticiones. Desde el precepto del bíblico Génesis “parirás con dolor”, la teología leyó ese dolor como memoria del pecado original. El parto pasó a ser un umbral entre vida y salvación.

Los manuales describieron la escena precisa. La casa debía ofrecer calor moderado. La mujer se sentaba en la silla obstétrica. La partera, elegida por sus manos finas, untaba sus dedos con aceites de sésamo, lino o almendra. Otras mujeres sostenían y consolaban a la parturienta.

La prioridad consistía en acelerar la dilatación y evitar el agotamiento. Para ello, las recetas incluían baños con artemisa, malva o semillas de lino, ungüentos con mirra o trementina y masajes suaves. Trotula dejó pautas concretas de eficacia práctica. En el siglo XVI, Giovanni Marinello añadió dietas, purgas y pruebas discutibles, junto a un caudal de consejos útiles. Su decisión de escribir en lengua vulgar abrió el conocimiento a lectoras y lectores sin conocimientos de latín.

Dos matronas asistiendo un parto, de Eucharius Roeslin.
Dos matronas asistiendo un parto, de Eucharius Roeslin.
Wikimedia Commons

El dispositivo ritual añadió símbolos de protección. Muchas parteras conocían oraciones para casos difíciles. El bautismo sub conditione entró en escena cuando el bebé no ofrecía garantías de vida. Amuletos como el coral rojo o la piedra imán se consideraron ayudas legítimas. La criatura envuelta en la membrana placentaria recibió interpretaciones opuestas: señal de fortuna para unos, presagio inquietante para otros. El conjunto muestra una frontera porosa: remedios razonables, plegarias aceptadas y supersticiones resistentes.

La última capa fue inquisitorial. El Malleus maleficarum convirtió a sanadoras y comadres en sospechosas de maleficio. La partera pasó de “sapiens matrona” a blanco fácil. La misma cultura que necesitaba sus manos puso bajo sospecha su oficio.

La herencia de este sistema de lecturas no desapareció con los siglos. Tabúes sobre la regla, silencios sobre el placer y sospechas sobre la autonomía del cuerpo femenino siguen asomando en la vida pública y en conversaciones privadas. La mirada medieval no fue un accidente. Se apoyó en normas, autoridades y libros. La comunidad científica de entonces acomodó la fisiología a una moral. La teología y la literatura dieron a esa moral un lenguaje inolvidable.

Revisar ese archivo no exige indulgencia ni caricatura, sino precisión. La menstruación se asoció a impureza legal y superstición. La anatomía definió a la mujer como copia defectuosa y la concepción se vinculó a la imaginación y a la honra. El parto combinó clínica, oración y amuleto. Nombrar esa trama ayuda a entender el origen de ciertos reflejos culturales. También permite desmontarlos. La historia ilumina el camino cuando devuelve al cuerpo femenino su condición de realidad biológica digna de respeto, sin lastre de culpa ni sombra de sospecha.


¿Quiere recibir más artículos como este? Suscríbase a Suplemento Cultural y reciba la actualidad cultural y una selección de los mejores artículos de historia, literatura, cine, arte o música, seleccionados por nuestra editora de Cultura Claudia Lorenzo.


The Conversation

Anna Peirats no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Menstruación y parto en la Edad Media: entre el miedo y la superstición – https://theconversation.com/menstruacion-y-parto-en-la-edad-media-entre-el-miedo-y-la-supersticion-267258

¿Poner notas antes de los seis años? Qué y cómo evaluar en aulas de infantil

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Elena Escolano Pérez, Profesora Titular. Área de Psicología Evolutiva y de la Educación, Universidad de Zaragoza

SeventyFour/Shutterstock

Imaginemos el último día del trimestre en cualquier colegio. Las familias están esperando en la puerta y los niños de cuatro años salen corriendo con un sobre bajo el brazo. Dentro está la famosa “cartilla”: una cuadrícula llena de cruces que nos dicen si nuestro hijo “identifica los colores”, “mantiene el equilibrio” o “se relaciona con sus iguales”. Y nos lo dicen con un “sí/no/a veces” o “progresa adecuadamente”.

A primera vista, esas cruces parecen claras y objetivas. Pero tras ellas se esconde una realidad mucho más compleja. ¿Qué significa realmente que un niño de cuatro años “se relaciona con sus iguales”? ¿Quiere decir que no pelea por un juguete? ¿O que ha aprendido a pedir permiso? ¿Bajo qué criterio decidimos que un niño va “mejor” que otro?

Un niño puede saberse todos los nombres de los dinosaurios (capacidad de memoria), pero a lo mejor se echa a llorar si pierde un lápiz (gestión de emociones). Otra niña puede saltar a la pata coja perfectamente (desarrollo motor), pero le cuesta pedir las cosas por favor (habilidades sociales). ¿Cuál de los dos merece “mejores” calificaciones? Ninguno.

A estas edades, el desarrollo y aprendizaje son explosivos, rápidos y, sobre todo, diferentes en cada niño. El desarrollo y el aprendizaje no son como subir una escalera peldaño a peldaño. Son más bien como montar un rompecabezas. Y cada niño puede estar completando una parte distinta de su “puzle” personal.

Evaluación en infantil

La evaluación es un elemento muy importante en la educación, y pese a lo que podríamos pensar, en la etapa infantil también tiene su papel. No es clasificar sino actuar como una brújula. Para que esa brújula guíe bien, la evaluación debe tener en cuenta tres aspectos fundamentales: ¿qué sabe hacer el niño? ¿Está siguiendo el camino correcto? ¿Y qué necesita para seguir mejorando?

Responder a ello nos permite entender el desarrollo físico, mental y emocional de cada niño. Es lo que nos da las pistas necesarias para saber qué pieza del puzle le falta a cada niño. No se trata de medir cuánto saben, sino de captar cómo descubren el mundo para poder acompañarlos mejor.

Objetividad y rigor

Para que la evaluación sea útil, la información que recogemos debe ser información objetiva (es decir, ajustada a lo que vemos sin prejuicios ni ideas previas). Además, tenemos que recoger esta información de modo organizado y riguroso (es decir, de manera detallada y cuidadosa, siguiendo un plan). Para ayudarnos en todo ello, existe una herramienta fundamental: la observación sistemática.

La observación sistemática supone ir más allá de una mirada general o esporádica; implica que el docente observe de forma atenta y organizada mientras los niños juegan o realizan actividades de manera libre y espontánea.




Leer más:
Jean Piaget y las fases del desarrollo cognitivo infantil


Observar al niño mientras se comporta tal cual él es permite recoger información valiosa y real sobre cómo interactúa, cómo resuelve problemas y cómo aprende día a día. Por ejemplo, no es suficiente decir: “Jorge se porta mal”. Para que el niño mejore su comportamiento tenemos que recoger información más detallada y precisa que nos permita diseñar estrategias de respuesta.

¿Cómo se realiza la observación sistemática?

Antes de empezar a observar al niño, deberíamos elaborar un plan que responda a las cuatro preguntas siguientes:

  • ¿Qué voy a observar? Es decir, ¿en qué conductas concretas y detalladas voy a fijarme? Para que la observación sea útil, debemos huir de etiquetas genéricas. No basta con anotar que el niño “se porta bien” o “es muy creativo”. Debemos desglosar la realidad en conductas mínimas observables: ¿está en silencio cuando la maestra explica?, ¿utiliza materiales del aula de forma inusual (por ejemplo, usa una tela como si fuera un río o un bosque)?

    Este listado de conductas a observar se llama instrumento de observación. Es como nuestro mapa. Determina a qué tenemos que prestar atención. Estos indicadores concretos son los que transforman una impresión subjetiva en un dato pedagógico riguroso.

  • ¿Dónde lo observaré? Es importante que la observación se realice en un lugar conocido y habitual para el niño, sin alterar ese contexto. Ello favorece que el niño se comporte de manera espontánea, demostrando así todas sus capacidades.

    Por ejemplo, si queremos evaluar la motricidad fina y la autonomía, no tendría sentido pedirle al niño de forma artificial que haga una lazada con una cuerda sobre una mesa, ni preguntarle directamente si sabe atarse las zapatillas (que, probablemente, serán de velcro). En su lugar, la observación sistemática se realiza de forma “invisible”, por ejemplo, en el rincón del juego simbólico: mientras el niño viste a la mascota de la clase para salir de paseo y se concentra en atarle sus pequeños zapatos. Es en ese momento de juego real, sin presiones ni nervios, donde el docente puede registrar de forma objetiva el nivel real de destreza y coordinación del alumno.

    Por el contrario, si el niño se siente evaluado u observado, podría cambiar su comportamiento habitual. Es el llamado “sesgo de reactividad”, y nos puede llevar a conclusiones erróneas sobre su desarrollo y aprendizaje.

  • ¿Cómo lo voy a medir? No es suficiente decir “habla mucho” o “muchas veces Jorge habla mientras la maestra explica”. Hay que precisar exactamente cuántas veces sucede, durante cuántos segundos o minutos… Por ejemplo: “El 75 % de las ocasiones en las que la maestra está explicando, el niño está hablando con su compañero de al lado”. Al sustituir el “habla mucho” o “habla muchas veces” por un dato concreto (el 75 % de las ocasiones en las que la maestra está explicando), logramos tres objetivos fundamentales: objetivar la realidad, evitando por ejemplo que el cansancio del docente nuble su percepción; establecer un punto de partida real para comprobar si nuestras estrategias de aula están funcionando; y proporcionar una información transparente y profesional a las familias.

  • ¿Cuándo lo observaré? Se debe observar de manera regular a lo largo del tiempo para poder identificar el ritmo de desarrollo y la evolución de cada niño. Por ejemplo: “Lo observaré cada 15 días, los martes al inicio de la clase de motricidad, durante 10 minutos, de 10 h a 10:15, durante todo el curso”.

Esta sistematización hace la evaluación fiable, de manera que si dos personas evalúan al mismo niño con el mismo instrumento de observación, el resultado tiene que ser muy similar.




Leer más:
Por qué los grupos de infantil no deberían ser de más de 10 niños


Una evaluación que ayude y no juzgue

La observación sistemática es la mejor herramienta para comprender y potenciar el desarrollo y aprendizaje del alumnado en Educación Infantil. Permite dejar de lado las impresiones y los juicios subjetivos, y evita que el niño se sienta juzgado.

Por ejemplo, si anotamos que Jorge se levanta de su silla 10 veces en una mañana, o que Ana tropieza con los materiales del suelo cuatro veces al día, descubrimos que el problema no es su personalidad. En el caso de Jorge, puede ser una necesidad de movimiento; en el de Ana, un reto en su coordinación motriz.

¿Qué haríamos en estos casos? En lugar de ir a lo fácil, que es el castigo (dejar a Jorge sin recreo porque no para quieto o echar la bronca a Ana por “descuidada”) optamos por respuestas pedagógicas, es decir, estrategias de aula. A Jorge, que tiene energía de sobra, le damos una responsabilidad: ser el encargado de repartir el material. Así, su necesidad de moverse se convierte en algo útil y positivo para la clase. A Ana, le proponemos retos y juegos de equilibrio. Así, poco a poco, irá ganando la seguridad que le falta sin sentirse señalada.

La diferencia es enorme: el castigo hace que el niño se sienta mal o inseguro. En cambio, observar lo que pasa sirve para entender qué necesita cada uno y ayudarle a confiar en sí mismo. Pasamos de “ser jueces que ponen multas” a ser “entrenadores que ayudan a mejorar”.

The Conversation

Elena Escolano Pérez no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. ¿Poner notas antes de los seis años? Qué y cómo evaluar en aulas de infantil – https://theconversation.com/poner-notas-antes-de-los-seis-anos-que-y-como-evaluar-en-aulas-de-infantil-266178

¿Qué pasa en Sudán? Política y geopolítica de un gran desastre humanitario

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Alicia Campos Serrano, Profesora Titular de Estudios Africanos y Antropología de las Relaciones Internacionales, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid

Decenas de refugiados sudaneses hacen fila para recibir comida en Kufrun (Chad) en 2023. EU Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid/Flickr, CC BY

A finales de la década pasada, la paz y la democracia parecieron aumentar sus posibilidades en la región del Nilo Blanco. En Sudán, un movimiento popular contribuía a la caída de la dictadura de Omar al-Bashir tras casi 30 años en el poder. Hoy, sin embargo, el país está fracturado y constituye el escenario de una de las peores crisis humanitarias del mundo según Naciones Unidas.

Estos son los principales actores y lógicas del conflicto que arrasa el país y algunas claves para explicarlo.

2019: el ejército depone al dictador

En abril de 2019, tras meses de protestas populares contra el largo gobierno autoritario de Omar al-Bashir, el ejército, liderado por el teniente-general Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, depuso al dictador y estableció un Consejo Militar Transitorio. Posteriormente, se creó un Consejo Soberano compuesto de miembros civiles y militares con el objetivo de organizar unos comicios para la elección de un nuevo gobierno.

Un nuevo golpe militar en octubre de 2021 puso en cuestión la participación civil en el Consejo, que se convirtió en plenamente militar cuando el primer ministro Abdalla Hamdok lo abandonó en 2022. Estas maniobras no dejaron de tener una fuerte contestación social en las calles, duramente reprimida.

En abril de 2023 estalló un cruento conflicto por el control del país entre antiguos aliados: el ejército regular (Fuerzas Armadas de Sudán-SAF) y las Fuerzas de Apoyo Rápido (RFS) dirigidas por el general Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo Hemetti. Las RFS son los herederos de la milicia paramilitar janjaweed creada por al-Bashir durante la guerra de Darfur (2003-2020), que luchó junto con el ejército contra el Movimiento de Liberación de Sudán y el Movimiento Justicia e Igualdad.

Ambos grupos, apoyados por otras milicias locales, tratan de mantener estructuras estatales en los territorios que controlan: las SAF en la parte oriental desde Puerto Sudán y las RFS en la parte occidental. Al mismo tiempo, tanto las RFS como las SAF son responsables de masacres contra población civil considerada hostil sobre bases étnicas, como es el caso de aquellos no identificados como árabes en las regiones de Darfur y Kurdufán, al este del país.

La última de dichas matanzas, calificada de genocida, ha tenido lugar durante el asedio y ocupación de la ciudad de El-Fasher por las RFS, donde se calcula que han sido asesinados o desaparecidos decenas de miles de civiles.

Integración forzosa en un orden político discriminatorio

La guerra ha conformado parte de la historia política de la región desde la independencia de Sudán en 1956. La primera guerra civil sudanesa (1955-1972) ya se planteaba en torno a la independencia del sur del país, que se reprodujo entre 1985 y 2005 y propició la independencia de Sudán del Sur en 2011.

Dos años más tarde estalló otra guerra en Darfur, en la que se enfrentaron milicias surgidas de poblaciones agrícolas con las milicias janjaweed, procedentes de poblaciones mayoritariamente ganaderas y apoyadas por mismo gobierno sudanés.

Una de las claves de estos conflictos ha sido la integración forzosa de diferentes poblaciones y regiones en un orden profundamente jerárquico y desigual. El predominio de la élite arabizada de la capital, Jartum, y la ausencia de políticas de redistribución del poder y la riqueza han generado profundos agravios, interpretados a menudo en clave étnica y aprovechados por élites alternativas.

La fragmentación y la segmentación alcanzan a los mismos grupos que ocupan el poder, como vemos actualmente. También en Sudán del Sur el movimiento independentista se fracturó muy pronto entre el Ejército Popular de Liberación de Sudán (SPLA) y una facción de este (SPLA In Opposition).

Un fenómeno que contribuye a la violencia de los conflictos sociales, aquí y en muchos otros lugares en África, es la existencia de milicias locales armadas de distinto perfil que participan en coaliciones complejas con las fuerzas del gobierno o contra las mismas. Líderes políticos, en el gobierno y en la oposición, alimentan a grupos armados paralelos a los ejércitos y las policías nacionales, formados por jóvenes que no encuentran proyectos vitales y económicos alternativos.

Con recursos naturales, pero en la cola del desarrollo

La extracción y comercialización de recursos naturales en mercados internacionales constituyen un elemento clave del mantenimiento de la guerra, aunque también se han visto muy afectadas por la misma. Las áreas de producción de petróleo están en la región atravesadas por la frontera con Sudán del Sur y se transporta a través de oleoductos hasta Puerto Sudán. El destino de este petróleo incluye Malasia, Italia, China, Singapur y Alemania.

El principal actor local beneficiario del petróleo es el gobierno, junto con las grandes operadoras, que son de capital indio, chino, malasio y sudanés. Pero en el caso del oro, extraído a través de minería artesanal, no solo las SAF sino también las RSF se lucran con su venta, mayoritariamente hacia Emiratos Árabes Unidos.

A pesar de la riqueza mineral e hidrocarburífera, el Índice de Desarrollo Humano de Sudán es de los más bajos del mundo, ocupando el puesto 176 de 193 países. Lejos de ser una paradoja, la abundancia de recursos que adquieren su valor a través de la exportación contribuye al desempoderamiento de la mayoría de la población y a la debilidad de los contratos sociales. A su vez, la pobreza proporciona un caldo de cultivo fructífero para los grupos armados en conflicto.

Geopolítica de la guerra

En Sudán se llevan a cabo proxy wars o guerras subsidiarias donde los contendientes de otros conflictos se enfrentan indirectamente apoyando a uno u otro de los bandos.

El gobierno sudsudanés de SPLA parece estar apoyando a las RSF, que ha llegado a enfrentarse directamente con las milicias opositoras del SPLA-IO. Ello no ha impedido un acuerdo entre todas las partes para que el ejército de Sudán del Sur garantice la neutralidad del área petrolífera de Hegling.

El gobierno de Etiopía también ha intervenido en el conflicto en Sudán financiando a las guerrillas contra el gobierno, al que acusa de haber apoyado a las autoridades insurgentes en la guerra en la región etíope de Tigray (2020-2022).

El principal apoyo tanto diplomático como militar de las SAF de Sudán es el gobierno de Egipto, que actualmente mantiene una tensión regional con el de Etiopía por la construcción de la Presa del Milenio en el curso alto del Nilo. Otros gobiernos de la región como los de Chad, República Centroafricana, el Ejército Nacional Libio, Kenia, Uganda y el ya mencionado de Etiopía, han facilitado la llegada de armas a las RSF e incluso tropas o entrenamiento militar.

Uno de los actores externos más relevantes son los Emiratos Árabes Unidos, que importan la mayor parte del oro sudanés y son el principal proveedor de armas al RSF. Por su parte, Irán, Catar, Arabia Saudí y Turquía se han posicionado a favor del gobierno sudanés, aunque estos dos últimos de manera menos explícita, y tratando de convertirse también en facilitadores de un posible acuerdo de paz.

Por último, las grandes potencias están presentes en el conflicto de Sudán con posicionamientos menos unívocos. Mientras Putin apoya oficialmente a Puerto Sudán, también lo hace a grupos alineados con RSF en las zonas de producción de oro. Por su parte, Ucrania también apoya a las SAF en su conflicto con estos grupos. La misma paradoja se da con China, que al tiempo en que se manifiesta a favor del gobierno sudanés, produce las armas que llegan a las RSF.

Washington ha intentado jugar un papel relevante en los intentos de acabar con el conflicto liderando la iniciativa Quad, planteada en septiembre de 2025 por Estados Unidos, Arabia Saudí, Egipto y Emiratos Árabes Unidos con una ruta para la paz sin mayores efectos. Lo que sí está teniendo consecuencias devastadoras para millones de refugiados es la drástica reducción de ayuda humanitaria realizada por la administración Trump.

Muchos actores y pocas normas

Las causas y dinámicas del conflicto en Sudán son complejas, y no se derivan directamente de las estrategias y enfrentamientos entre las grandes o medianas potencias. Pero actores tanto locales como extranjeros tratan de sacar provecho de una situación donde millones de personas sufren violaciones sistemáticas de sus derechos. Los múltiples actores internos y externos dificultan enormemente el éxito de las propuestas de acuerdo.

El contexto belicista internacional, en el que están reduciendo su poder las instituciones de seguridad colectiva y se cuestionan principios básicos de derecho internacional en torno a la soberanía y los derechos humanos, contribuye de manera decisiva al mantenimiento de conflictos devastadores.

The Conversation

Alicia Campos Serrano es socia de varias ONG: ACNUR, Amnistía Internacional, Comisión Española de Ayuda al Refugiado, Ecologistas en Acción, Madre África y UNICEF.

ref. ¿Qué pasa en Sudán? Política y geopolítica de un gran desastre humanitario – https://theconversation.com/que-pasa-en-sudan-politica-y-geopolitica-de-un-gran-desastre-humanitario-273791

Por qué la ciencia forense no siempre puede dar respuestas inmediatas y concluyentes: el caso de México

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Rafael Uriel González Lozano, Perito profesional de Química Forense, Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Morelos

PeopleImages.com /Shutterstock

Durante años, la ciencia forense se ha presentado ante el público como una herramienta casi infalible. Series de televisión, documentales y titulares periodísticos han reforzado la idea de que basta una prueba de laboratorio para resolver cualquier caso de forma rápida y concluyente. En ese relato, el análisis químico aparece como una especie de árbitro final: objetivo, inmediato y definitivo. La realidad del trabajo forense, sin embargo, es mucho más compleja.

Quienes trabajamos en laboratorios forenses sabemos que los resultados no dependen únicamente de la técnica utilizada o del equipo disponible. Cada análisis está condicionado por una cadena de factores que comienza en el lugar de los hechos, continúa con la recolección y conservación de la muestra, y culmina con la interpretación de los resultados dentro de un marco legal específico. La ciencia forense no es lenta por falta de capacidad, sino porque su rigor exige tiempo y cautela.

El tiempo no es un lujo, es una necesidad

Uno de los principales malentendidos tiene que ver con los tiempos de análisis. Existen pruebas rápidas, como los ensayos colorimétricos utilizados para la detección preliminar de drogas o ciertas sustancias químicas, pero su función es orientativa. Un cambio de color puede sugerir la presencia de un compuesto, pero no confirma su identidad ni su pureza.

Las técnicas confirmatorias –como la cromatografía de gases o la espectroscopía infrarroja– requieren preparación de la muestra, controles de calidad, calibraciones y, en muchos casos, análisis comparativos con patrones certificados. Este proceso no puede acelerarse sin comprometer la confiabilidad del resultado. En contextos judiciales, donde la presión por obtener respuestas es alta, esta diferencia entre urgencia institucional y tiempos científicos suele generar tensiones.

Según el Registro Nacional de Personas Desaparecidas y No Localizadas (RNPDNO) del Gobierno de México, existen en la actualidad 132 135 desaparecidos en el país. Solo en el estado de Jalisco se han encontrado 186 lugares de inhumación clandestina entre diciembre de 2018 y febrero de 2025. Las cifras oficiales contabilizaron, además, 20 674 homicidios dolosos durante el pasado año.

Estas cifras ilustran la complejidad a la que se enfrenta los servicios que hacen de puente necesario entre la ciencia forense y la impartición de justicia. A la saturación de los SEMEFO (Servicio Médico Forense) o INCIFO (Instituto Científico Forense), se suma la presión política y mediática que desencadenan los hallazgos de fosas y otras circunstancias relacionadas con el crimen organizado.

La calidad de la muestra condiciona el resultado

Otro límite poco visible para el público es la calidad de la evidencia analizada. A diferencia de la investigación académica, donde las condiciones pueden controlarse, el laboratorio forense trabaja con muestras reales: pequeñas, degradadas, contaminadas o mal conservadas. En ocasiones, la cantidad disponible es mínima o el material ha sufrido alteraciones por factores ambientales, manipulación previa o almacenamiento inadecuado.

Un análisis químico solo puede ser tan sólido como la muestra que lo sustenta. Cuando esta presenta interferencias o no cumple condiciones mínimas, el resultado puede ser inconcluso o limitado. Esto no implica una falla del laboratorio, sino una consecuencia directa de trabajar con evidencias que no siempre llegan en condiciones ideales.

Precisión técnica no equivale a certeza absoluta

También existe la idea de que un resultado instrumental es, por definición, incuestionable. Sin embargo, toda técnica analítica tiene límites de detección, márgenes de error y criterios de validación. Un espectro bien definido o un cromatograma claro no eliminan la necesidad de interpretación experta.

Muchas sustancias comparten estructuras químicas similares o generan productos de degradación que pueden inducir a conclusiones erróneas si no se analizan con cuidado. Por eso, el dictamen forense no es un simple reporte automático del equipo, sino una evaluación técnica que integra datos analíticos, controles de calidad y contexto del caso.

El peso del contexto legal y social

La ciencia forense no opera en el vacío. Sus conclusiones influyen en decisiones judiciales, administrativas y sociales que pueden afectar directamente la vida de las personas. Esta responsabilidad obliga a los peritos a ser especialmente prudentes en el alcance de sus afirmaciones.

En algunos casos, la conclusión más honesta es reconocer que no es posible determinar algo con certeza. Lejos de ser una debilidad, esta postura refleja un compromiso con el método científico. Sin embargo, en un entorno que espera respuestas claras y rápidas, las conclusiones condicionadas o negativas suelen generar frustración y desconfianza.

Reconocer que la ciencia forense tiene límites no la debilita; al contrario, la fortalece. La transparencia sobre lo que un análisis puede y no puede resolver protege tanto a los profesionales como a las instituciones, y reduce el riesgo de decisiones basadas en expectativas irreales.

The Conversation

Rafael Uriel González Lozano no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Por qué la ciencia forense no siempre puede dar respuestas inmediatas y concluyentes: el caso de México – https://theconversation.com/por-que-la-ciencia-forense-no-siempre-puede-dar-respuestas-inmediatas-y-concluyentes-el-caso-de-mexico-273515

Black women’s health-care experiences remain marked by structural racism — here’s how institutions should move forward

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Elizabeth Kusi Appiah, PhD Candidate, Faculty of Nursing, University of Alberta

Racism has long disrupted relationships, deepened social divisions and hindered collective action on global challenges. While modern societies strive to be just and advocate against social injustices, many still turn away from engaging in conversations surrounding racism, health inequities and racial tensions.

Yet these issues significantly impact health — including the care Black people receive and their health outcomes. Research shows that racism has many long-term effects on health, and is linked to both poorer mental and physical health overall.

Black History Month is an opportunity to reflect critically on the impact of racism in health care and how to address it. As researchers focused on Black women’s acute and critical care experiences, our recent review draws lessons from studies on Black women’s health-care experiences in high-income countries to propose an approach for addressing racism.

The review included 10 studies conducted in the United States between 1987 and 2024. We found that Black women’s experiences in health care continue to be marked by reports of structural racism, microaggressions and persistent mistrust of the care system and care providers. Such experiences reduced the chances for shared decision-making, early detection of health issues, adherence to treatments, pain management and person-centred care.

We revealed that the enduring legacy of racism in medicine contributes to suboptimal communication and poor-quality care for Black women. Some of the women did not receive appropriate followup for diagnostic tests or see a specialist because their physician dismissed their concerns. Most of the women felt invisible because their providers disregarded their concerns. As a result, they felt discouraged from seeking care.

For instance, in one of the studies included in our review, a woman described her experiences of arriving at the emergency department for care. She said:

“As a Black woman I was told that it was a female problem, instead of my heart….The head doctor took a look at me and said, she doesn’t have a heart problem, this is absolutely no heart problem, it’s some kind of female problem. It was in my head.”

Another described feeling dismissed by doctors due to the way she described her pain, stating:

“I called it a wrecking ball pain. That’s what I was experiencing … Then my doctor, who likes to joke about everything, would say ‘Oh! Here’s the lady with the wrecking ball disease.’”

This left the patient feeling like a medical novelty — rather than being seen as a person worthy of respect and care.

Our discussions also identified how some Black adult patients responded to racial tensions and unjust conditions in their care.

When feeling disregarded by clinicians, some people purposefully limited what they shared. Others changed how they spoke to clinicians to fit white-dominated medical culture. Some even disengaged from the care decision-making process entirely — while others chose to advocate for themselves.

Further, if the physician appeared dismissive or disrespectful, some people ignored their medical advice as they felt the doctor didn’t have their best interests at heart. Others became hyper-vigilant against injustices and were likely to interpret subsequent care encounters based on past experiences.

Impact of racism on health care work

Health-care staff are compassionate people who want to provide the best care for patients. But they may not always be sure how to avoid getting it wrong.

Research indicates that nurses worry about getting it wrong and coming across as disrespectful when caring for people from different cultural backgrounds. Likewise, many nurses fear being labelled as racist, as they say it implies they’re a terrible person. Yet many are unwilling to accept personal responsibility for their actions — or inactions — if such a label is given to them.

There’s also a lack of clarity among nurses regarding what constitutes racist practices. This causes them anxiety. Some find it upsetting to think that their actions have been perceived as racist when that wasn’t their intention. Others are hesitant to express their genuine opinions on issues of this nature due to the fear of being called racist.

A separate study on nurse-patient relationships found that racism hinders nurses’ ability to meet a patient’s care needs and threatens patients’ and nurses’ dignity in the care system. Racism from patients also increases nurses’ stress and causes emotional trauma.

Racism in health-care settings continues to have a detrimental effect on the care patients are receiving. It’s clear institutions need to do more to ensure patients aren’t being harmed when receiving care.

Inclusive and nurturing communities

We believe that building inclusive and nurturing communities that counter racism and celebrate our interdependence is how we can move forward and address racism in health care.

Inclusive and nurturing communities equip people to have difficult conversations about race — whether that’s in health care, the classroom, universities, workplaces and neighbourhoods.

This type of community teaches people the importance of listening and engaging authentically and open-mindedly, and of learning about racism through the experiences of others. It doesn’t see people who engage in racist practices as inherently racist — but as people who need more support in recognizing and addressing racism.

In such spaces, every person bears a social responsibility to combat racism in their own ways — whether by fostering conversations about racism in their homes, workplaces or shared community spaces.

We’re hoping to conduct research investigating how such spaces can be built — and how this framework can be used in health-care settings to address the racism patients experience there.

We’re all part of the bigger picture. When we create safe and brave spaces for thinking, analyzing and talking about racial tensions, we’re inviting everyone to authentically participate in problem-solving.

Research shows trust is essential in building strong and productive human relations. So in order to build inclusive and nurturing communities, we need to invest time and effort into restoring the broken trust of racialized communities through accountability, transparency, consistency and genuine efforts to address systemic racism.

The Conversation

Elizabeth Kusi Appiah is affiliated with the GROWW national mentorship program.

Elisavet Papathanasoglou receives funding from Women & Children health Research Institute (WHCRI).

ref. Black women’s health-care experiences remain marked by structural racism — here’s how institutions should move forward – https://theconversation.com/black-womens-health-care-experiences-remain-marked-by-structural-racism-heres-how-institutions-should-move-forward-250337