El dolor sin pixelar de la infancia gazatí: la publicación de imágenes de niños muertos y heridos cuando no son de los ‘nuestros’

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Guillermo Gurrutxaga Rekondo, Periodista. Profesor de Periodismo., Universidad del País Vasco / Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea

El rostro de un niño asoma entre las sábanas azules que cubren parte de su pequeño cuerpo. No tendrá más de cinco años. En su cabeza aún son visibles las manchas de sangre que impregnan las vendas que rodean su cráneo. Cinco hombres sostienen la camilla metálica sobre la que yace en lo que parece la morgue de un hospital.

La fotografía, tomada en Gaza, es del pasado jueves 25 de septiembre y fue difundida por una agencia y publicada por medios internacionales, entre ellos, españoles. Es de esas fotos ante las que cuesta mostrarse indiferente, aunque la reacción que causa en quien la ve sea tan breve que, incluso con los ojos humedecidos, continúe con sus quehaceres diarios.

La escena recoge el funeral del pequeño, según indica el pie de foto. A falta, incluso, de féretro, se ve al detalle su cara. Difícilmente podrá saberse si su madre y su padre viven o forman parte, como él, de las 680 000 personas que, según la relatora especial de la ONU para los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados, Francesca Albanese, han fallecido a consecuencia de lo que la propia organización denomina genocidio.

Afortunadamente, en nuestro contexto no hay bombardeos que maten a niños o los dejen sin hogar. Pero esto último, salvadas las distancias, ocurrió también en la dana que el 29 de octubre de 2024 asoló a la Comunidad Valenciana. En ese caso no fueron bombas, sino la lluvia, la que convirtió sus viviendas en insalubres. No los vimos llorando frente a la cámara. No, al menos, con su rostro identificado.

Qué dice la legislación española

Por un lado, la legislación española impide la difusión de la imagen de un niño o niña incluso en situaciones tan cotidianas como una riña en el parque. Lo hacen desde la propia Constitución española hasta la Ley Orgánica 8/2021, cuyo artículo 3 incide en la protección de “la imagen del menor desde su nacimiento hasta después de su fallecimiento”.

Por otro, en los propios medios de comunicación españoles se imponen códigos éticos. Están recogidos en manuales y libros de estilo internos que todas las personas que conforman la redacción deben cumplir. Entre las directrices hay normas que, con frecuencia, van más allá, incluso, que las propias leyes.

Pero ni leyes ni códigos éticos se están cumpliendo en el actual contexto de violencia indiscriminada al que están sometidos estos niños y niñas por parte del Gobierno de Israel. Tampoco en lo relacionado con sus imágenes.

No es algo nuevo, ni siquiera en relación con Palestina. Una investigación halló que la mayoría de fotografías publicadas en la prensa generalista española durante 2010 sobre el conflicto palestino-israelí en las que aparecían bebés, niños y jóvenes transgredía la normativa legal y vulneraba principios de la deontología periodística.

Porque, por ejemplo, el Manual de Estilo de RTVE justifica la difusión de imágenes de menores, incluso en informaciones contrarias a sus intereses, siempre que se “empleen los medios precisos para garantizar su anonimato”, como no incluir su “su nombre ni su imagen” o “distorsionar su rostro”.

De Kim Phuc a Aylan

El mundo conserva en su retina el rostro de Kim Phuc, la niña vietnamita de 9 años que corría desnuda junto a otros niños ante la pasividad de unos soldados, mientras la piel se le caía afectada por las quemaduras ocasionadas por el napalm lanzado sobre civiles. Aquella fotografía le valió el Pulitzer al fotógrafo vietnamita Nick Ut, aunque hay controversia sobre su autoría.

Afortunadamente, la sociedad cuenta con el impagable trabajo de reporteras y reporteros gráficos que, en muchas ocasiones, se juegan la vida para trasladar al mundo el sufrimiento humano y, en concreto, el de las personas más vulnerables. Gracias a su labor, también las generaciones posteriores podemos vislumbrar, con una sola foto, la injusticia, el horror y el terror.

El 2 de septiembre se cumplían 10 años de la icónica imagen del niño sirio Aylan. La fotoperiodista turca Nilufer Demir inmortalizó su cuerpo de tres años postrado, boca abajo, en una orilla del Mediterráneo. Viajaba con su madre, su hermano y su padre en la huida a una Europa que les cerraba, como sigue cerrando, las puertas a quienes huyen de la guerra y el hambre. Su pequeña embarcación de madera volcó.

La publicación de la fotografía parecía romper la indiferencia de quienes en aquel entonces gobernaban Europa. El primer ministro británico entonces, David Cameron, se confesó “conmovido” y la canciller alemana, Angela Merkel, se mostró concernida por la tragedia que aquella imagen reflejaba.

Solo unos pocos medios pixelaron, es decir, difuminaron hasta hacerla borrosa, la cara del pequeño Aylan, a quien su padre tuvo que enterrar, al igual que a la madre y a otro hermano del pequeño.

Pocas cosas habrá tan íntimas como el recuerdo de un hijo muerto. Pero el padre de Aylan no podrá borrar de su memoria la cabeza del pequeño, con su pelo corto, la camiseta roja y el pantaloncito azul, al igual que los zapatitos sin calcetines que vestía aquel fatídico 2 de septiembre.

Argumentos a favor

La publicación de rostros de niñas y niños sin un retoque que impida su identificación tiene argumentos a favor. Entre ellos, y sobre todo, dar a a conocer para concienciar y cambiar las cosas por su capacidad de impactar.

Desde aquella fotografía de Aylan, otras 30 000 personas han muerto en el Mediterráneo. Muchas de ellas, niñas y niños como él. Como los de Gaza, a quienes con frecuencia se retrata sin preservar su rostro con el alma y el cuerpo castigados por las bombas y el hambre. Tan niños y niñas como los nuestros, pero a los que los medios de comunicación, al igual que la injusticia, tratan de manera diferente. ¿Será que no tienen futuro?

The Conversation

Guillermo Gurrutxaga Rekondo no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. El dolor sin pixelar de la infancia gazatí: la publicación de imágenes de niños muertos y heridos cuando no son de los ‘nuestros’ – https://theconversation.com/el-dolor-sin-pixelar-de-la-infancia-gazati-la-publicacion-de-imagenes-de-ninos-muertos-y-heridos-cuando-no-son-de-los-nuestros-265951

La industria audiovisual convierte a Turquía en un destino de telenovela

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Juan Martín Flores Almendárez, PTC Asociado "B"; Especialista en Capital Humano e integrante del CA en Gestión, Innovación Educativa y Tecnología, Universidad de Guadalajara

Imagen de la serie turca _Aski Hatirla_ (Recuerda el amor). IMDB

En la era digital, la información y el entretenimiento viajan a la velocidad de un clic. Un fenómeno cultural logra trascender fronteras y, sorprendentemente, convertirse en motor económico: así ha ocurrido con el auge de las series de televisión y telenovelas turcas.

Lo que en principio fue una forma de escape y drama para millones de personas, se transformó en puente que conecta la ficción con la realidad, impulsando un inesperado movimiento de turismo internacional hacia Turquía.

Para entender este fenómeno, debemos hablar del concepto de soft power (“poder blando”), una herramienta cultural y política que un país utiliza de manera sutil para influir en otros. A diferencia del hard power, en el que el país se basa en la fuerza militar o económica, el soft power se centra en la atracción y la persuasión. Turquía ha dominado esta estrategia a través de sus producciones televisivas.

Un viaje sin salir de casa

Las series turcas no son solo historias de amor y desamor. Son, en esencia, ventanas a un mundo fascinante.

Cuando un espectador se sienta a ver, por ejemplo, Binbir Gece o Kara Sevda, no solo se sumerge en la trama de los personajes, sino que también es testigo de la imponente belleza de Estambul, la mística Capadocia o la historia de Ankara.

Una pareja habla delante de unas ruinas.
Una escena de la serie turca Atiye con los yacimientos arqueológicos de Anatolia como telón de fondo.
IMDB

Los majestuosos paisajes, los bazares llenos de vida y los monumentos históricos se convierten en el telón de fondo de cada escena, generando en los espectadores una conexión visual y emocional tan fuerte que despierta en ellos un deseo profundo de conocer esos lugares.

Esta experiencia se asemeja a un déjà vu, una sensación de haber caminado ya por esas calles o de haber contemplado esos atardeceres. Las series actúan como una especie de “teletransportador” visual, que reduce la distancia y hace que destinos que antes parecían lejanos e inaccesibles, se sientan cercanos y alcanzables.

Este vínculo entre la ficción y la realidad no es causal, es el resultado de una estrategia deliberada y exitosa.

El salto de espectador a turista

Algunos estudios y datos económicos han confirmado la relación directa entre el crecimiento de las exportaciones de series turcas con el aumento del turismo internacional en el país.

La correlación entre los picos de audiencia y el incremento en las búsquedas de vuelos y reservas de hoteles es innegable. Pero ¿cómo se logra este salto de ser un simple espectador a convertirse en un turista? Existen varios mecanismos clave:

  1. El imaginario espacial: la televisión tiene el poder de hacer que lugares lejanos se sientan familiares. Al ver continuamente la belleza del Bósforo o las cúpulas de la Mezquita Azul, estos sitios se graban en la mente de los espectadores y se convierten en “sueños alcanzables”.

  2. La identificación emocional: los espectadores se enamoran de los personajes, sus historias y vidas, y desean replicar sus experiencias. Surge el deseo de visitar el café donde se conocieron, el bazar donde compraron el regalo o el puente donde se declararon su amor. Estos deseos se transforman en metas de viaje concretas que dan forma a un itinerario.

  3. La viralidad en redes sociales: la popularidad de las series ha generado comunidades de seguidores en línea que, a través de hashtags, vídeos e historias, amplifican la belleza de Turquía. La promoción boca a boca o, en este caso, de pantalla a pantalla, convierte locaciones específicas en “lugares imperdibles” para tomarse una foto para Instagram, transformando un simple destino en un punto de visita obligada para los fans.

  4. El efecto “celebridad”: la fama de los actores y las historias detrás de los rodajes han inspirado la creación de “tours de locaciones”, un concepto similar a los que existen para sagas como Harry Potter o series como Emily en París. La gente viaja para seguir los pasos de sus personajes favoritos, creando itinerarios temáticos que profundizan su conexión con la historia y el lugar, y que incluso les permiten sentir que son parte de la narrativa.

Un hombre y una mujer hablan en un parque.
Escena de la serie turca Kara Sevda.
IMDB

Un fenómeno con lecciones globales

Si bien es difícil cuantificar con exactitud cuántos turistas viajan a Turquía impulsados únicamente por las telenovelas, la ficción televisiva ha demostrado ser un “impulsor de demanda turística”. No se reemplazan otras motivaciones para viajar, pero sí aumenta significativamente el número de visitantes y el gasto que éstos realizan en el destino.

En resumen, este fenómeno nos enseña una lección valiosa sobre la economía y la cultura en el siglo XXI. Revela que una audiencia que a menudo se considera pasiva puede convertirse en la fuerza motriz de un movimiento transnacional. Más allá de las tramas de amor y desamor, las series turcas han demostrado que la cultura también viaja. Al hacerlo, deja una huella imborrable en la economía global.

Así que, la próxima vez que se siente a ver una serie, recuerde que no solo está viendo una historia; está, sin saberlo, soñando con un nuevo destino. Y tal vez, solo tal vez, ese sueño lleve a su próxima gran aventura, donde el protagonista será usted.


Diana Laura Núñez Ornelas, estudiante de Negocios Internacionales y becaria honorífica, ha participado en la redacción de este artículo.

The Conversation

Juan Martín Flores Almendárez no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. La industria audiovisual convierte a Turquía en un destino de telenovela – https://theconversation.com/la-industria-audiovisual-convierte-a-turquia-en-un-destino-de-telenovela-264948

Del punk a los memes: la risa rebelde que sigue cuestionando las narrativas oficiales

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Sebastian Silva C., Profesor de Comunicación Social, Universidad de La Sabana

Concierto de Green Day en Berlín en 2009. Gillyberlin/Flickr, CC BY

El punk enseñó que reírse del sistema era también resistirlo. Ese gesto, lejos de ser un vestigio contracultural del pasado, sigue vivo en la cultura digital. La risa rebelde que todavía se canta en conciertos ahora circula en pantallas y timelines de Instagram y TikTok. Unas formas de expresión que cuestionan lo políticamente correcto y recuerdan que la comunicación auténtica es un acto de libertad humanista, porque permite reír, cuestionar y crear vínculos sin filtros, en pleno auge de la inteligencia artificial.

En los años setenta, una generación de jóvenes en Londres y Nueva York levantó su voz –y su guitarra eléctrica– contra el sistema. No lo hicieron con solemnidad, sino con una carcajada inconforme, una estética estridente y una ideología que defendía la libertad individual, la crítica al consumismo, el rechazo a las jerarquías hegemónicas y la incorrección política. Así nació el punk: una filosofía que transformó la música, la moda y que hoy sirve de metáfora para entender el papel de la risa y la resistencia en la cultura digital.

Del garaje a los macroconciertos

El punk no fue únicamente un género musical nacido del rock; fue una declaración política y cultural. Inspirado por el hartazgo frente a la crisis económica, el desempleo juvenil y la rigidez de las instituciones, defendió valores como el do it yourself (hazlo tú mismo), la horizontalidad, la crítica al poder y la desconfianza hacia los discursos dominantes.

En los setenta, los Sex Pistols fueron pioneros en convertir la inconformidad y la incorrección en discurso mainstream, como lo relata el investigador Jon Savage en el libro England’s Dreaming: Sex Pistols and Punk Rock. The Clash, por su parte, expandió ese gesto con fusiones musicales y contenido político consciente. Hoy, sus lecciones resuenan de forma análoga a un meme. Este puede ser tan revelador como un riff de guitarra para cuestionar estructuras de poder.

The Clash interpretan ‘Should I Stay or Should I Go’ en directo en Nueva York.

En los noventas y los dos mil, bandas como Green Day llevaron el “hazlo tú mismo” y la crítica social a audiencias masivas, mostrando que la rabia juvenil podía también escalar a la cultura del entretenimiento y lo aparentemente insignificante.

Concierto de Green Day en el festival de Reading (1995).

Por su parte, los integrantes de NOFX, activos desde 1983, tradujeron la irreverencia punk en un lenguaje cotidiano y humorístico, mezclando melodías pegajosas con una sátira que cuestionaba el orden social desde lo cotidiano.

El meme es el mensaje

Si entre los setenta y los dos mil el escenario era el garaje o el concierto improvisado, hoy ese escenario es el “ambiente digital”. Este lo conforman las redes sociales, los medios e internet en general, según la definición del teórico de la comunicación Sergio Roncallo-Dow.

La risa rebelde heredada del punk se ha transformado en un lenguaje universal basado en memes, hilos virales y vídeos irónicos que ridiculizan las narrativas oficiales. Además de la guitarra distorsionada, ahora circula un gif que desarma al político de turno o un meme que expone con humor lo absurdo de ciertas políticas públicas.

Marshall McLuhan, gran teórico de la comunicación, advirtió que el medio no solo transmite mensajes, sino que moldea la forma en que vivimos. En la cultura digital, los memes y las plataformas funcionan como los nuevos entornos donde se juega la inconformidad frente a las narrativas que dominan la opinión pública. La risa cuestionadora es hoy un acto comunicativo que humaniza, conecta y genera conversaciones genuinas sobre las realidades desnudas de la política y el poder.

Conexión cultural pop

Como dejó escrito Sergio Roncallo-Dow y recogen otros autores, la comunicación auténtica no puede desligarse de la cultura que la produce. La cultura pop y los entornos mediáticos no son simples distracciones, sino escenarios donde se configuran sensibilidades y formas de pensamiento. Desde esta mirada, la risa rebelde del punk y su eco en las formas actuales de interacción entre personas son una muestra de cómo la comunicación puede y debe tener una conexión cultural profunda, entendiendo que la cultura no es sólo lo “culto” de las élites, sino también lo popular.

En palabras de Roncallo-Dow: “La cultura pop piensa, y lo hace desde sus propios lenguajes, generando formas de sensibilidad y de conocimiento que no deben ser subestimadas”.

El arte de la incorrección política

La fuerza del punk no radicaba solo en la estridencia de su música, sino en la capacidad de reírse del sistema, de ridiculizar lo solemne y de transformar la incomodidad en un espectáculo colectivo.

En la cultura digital, los memes (visuales, rápidos, con humor ácido y sátira viral) representan la continuidad de esa tradición. Se ríen de presidentes, de algoritmos y de instituciones. Parafraseando a Roncallo-Dow, “la cultura pop piensa” y, podríamos añadir, también ríe.

En ese sentido, un meme político no es un chiste banal: es un gesto artístico que revela contradicciones y hace visibles tensiones sociales que otros discursos prefieren silenciar.

El arte, ya sea un pogo (baile) en un concierto punk o un gif que recorre timelines, humaniza porque nos permite reconocernos en la risa compartida. La incorrección política es su combustible: un recordatorio de que no todo debe ser solemne, de que el humor es una manera de pensar y de resistir. En tiempos donde las narrativas oficiales buscan imponer extremos ideológicos y uniformidad, el arte de reírse del poder es un acto de libertad y, sobre todo, de humanidad.

The Conversation

Sebastian Silva C. no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Del punk a los memes: la risa rebelde que sigue cuestionando las narrativas oficiales – https://theconversation.com/del-punk-a-los-memes-la-risa-rebelde-que-sigue-cuestionando-las-narrativas-oficiales-266045

Ontario’s colleges were founded to serve local and regional needs — have we forgotten that?

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Emilda Thavaratnam, PhD student, Leadership and Higher Education, University of Toronto

The establishment of Ontario’s colleges of applied arts and technology 60 years ago marked a pivotal moment in the province’s educational history. The founding vision was based on principles of accessibility and community, as colleges were designed to strengthen Ontario’s growing social and economic fabric.

Today, this promise is unravelling. Students now face limited program choices with the cancellation or suspension of 600 programs over the past year, rising fees and mounting debt, while faculty and staff contend with precarious contracts and widespread layoffs.

As students settle into fall semesters, it’s essential to reflect on the history of Ontario’s colleges in order to envision a future that safeguards the public mission on which these institutions were founded.

Founding vision

Ontario redefined post-secondary education in 1965 by creating a new college system under the leadership of William G. Davis, then the province’s education minister, later its premier. This marked a turning point in Ontario’s educational history and the birth of the college system.

In response to the province’s rapid demographic and economic shifts, Davis proposed a model of affordable, accessible vocational education aimed at preparing students for the workforce.

The foundational principles emphasized that college programs should be “occupation-oriented” and “designed to meet the needs of the local community”;
Additionally, the plans highlighted there should be a “close relationship between any college program and the long-term economic development plans for a particular region” to respond to immediate labour market demands and broader societal needs, including arts, health, science and technical fields.

This approach ensured that the founding vision was connected to regional development, allowing colleges to address Ontario’s diverse social, economic and cultural needs across multiple sectors.

In a 1967 Department of Education publication, Davis cited an earlier 1964 report that named the unique role that colleges would play:

“In the present crisis .. we must turn our attention to the post-secondary level, where we must create a new kind of institution that will provide, in the interests of students for whom a university course is unsuitable, a type of training which universities are not designed to offer.”

This mandate gave colleges their distinctive purpose of filling gaps that universities were never meant to address.

Economic and social development

There are now 24 colleges with campuses in 200 communities throughout Ontario. This college system plays a vital role in the province’s education and economy.

Davis’s legacy is evident in the generations of students who have attended these institutions. Since 2018, an average of 140,000 people have graduated annually from Ontario’s colleges.

It is reported that an average of 83 per cent of Ontario college graduates are employed within six months of graduation. These outcomes highlight the pivotal role that colleges play in contributing to Ontario’s economic and social development.

Shifts in funding

The financial foundation of Ontario colleges has shifted dramatically over the past six decades. When colleges were first established most operating expenses were financed by the province, with tuition contributing to a lesser extent.

By the late 1980s, however, per-student funding had already fallen by roughly one-third. The trend accelerated in 1995 when $120 million was cut. Rather than raising tuition directly, colleges responded by introducing ancillary fees, expanding international student enrolment, postponing capital projects and turning to private funding.




Read more:
International students’ stories are vital in shaping Canada’s future


From the 1990s onward, tuition increasingly replaced public investment as the financial backbone of the college system. Data from the Higher Education Quality Council of Ontario illustrates that between 1992 and 2008, total college revenue rose from $972 million to $1.6 billion, but this growth was driven primarily by student fees. Tuition revenue more than tripled during this period, while government funding shrank as a proportion of overall revenue.

This reliance on student-paid fees deepened in the following decade. Between 2010-11 and 2022-23, provincial grants per student operating revenue (adjusted for inflation) declined by 29 per cent, while tuition revenue once again tripled.

By 2022-23, Ontario colleges received approximately $11,081 per full-time-equivalent student, compared to the national average of $19,292. This figure is just 56 per cent of the Canadian average across provinces.

A 2023 provincial report, Ensuring Financial Sustainability for Ontario’s Post-Secondary Sector, confirms the crisis surrounding underfunding.

What does this mean for students?

These funding changes have reshaped the classroom experience. For students, this means higher tuition and shifted program priorities that limit access and opportunity.

For the public, it’s the loss of an original promise of accessible vocational education. Rising tuition fees have created barriers to access, especially for low-income, first-generation Canadian students.

At the same time, the Ontario government has framed college funding heavily around immediate provincial and national economic pressures, for example in trades and construction, as well as STEM and health care.




Read more:
YouTube shapes young people’s political education, but the site simplifies complex issues


While public funding of colleges has been eroded, the Ontario Public Service Employees Union reports that Ontario has also spent significant funds cultivating “non-college training providers and projects” through a Skills Development Fund.

It also notes that while public colleges are required to disclose a great deal about their funding and outcomes:

“… very little is known about the funding levels, training quality or employment outcomes of SDF-funded projects. Instead, the province relies on campaign-style funding announcements, often showcasing private companies receiving multi-million dollar training grants.”

Move away from founding vision

Davis’s founding vision was rooted in regional development. Programs were designed to serve the long-term needs of communities, including the arts, local culture and community services. The goal was to strengthen entire regions and broaden opportunities through a balanced system that reflected both economic and social priorities.

This shift reflects the broader marketization of higher education. Education is valued less for cultivating critical thinking, civic participation and community life and more for producing workers to meet short-term market needs.

For students, this means diminishing autonomy as their choices are increasingly shaped by labour market pressures rather than broader civic needs and personal vocational interests. These funding trends raise concerns about the fate of a broader range of programs that sustain the social fabric of communities.

Ongoing college support staff strike

Finally, these policy shifts ignore the immediate impact on students, faculty and staff. The ongoing support staff strike at Ontario colleges is one expression of these pressures, and its complexity deserves discussion beyond the scope of this piece.

The question remains: where is our government in all this, and what will be done to save our colleges?

Today, Davis’s legacy is being dismantled by chronic underfunding. The future of our colleges depends on renewal. We must reclaim these values and call on our federal and provincial leaders to support a truly public system of higher education that serves the communities it was created to serve.

The Conversation

Emilda Thavaratnam does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Ontario’s colleges were founded to serve local and regional needs — have we forgotten that? – https://theconversation.com/ontarios-colleges-were-founded-to-serve-local-and-regional-needs-have-we-forgotten-that-262760

Nasa’s Artemis II mission is crucial as doubts build that America can beat China back to the Moon

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jessie Osborne, Research Assistant, RAND Europe

Nasa/Frank Michaux

For the first time in half a century, America stands on the threshold of sending astronauts back to the Moon. Slated for launch no earlier than February 2026, Artemis II will not land on the lunar surface, but it will carry four astronauts on a flyby of Earth’s only natural satellite.

The ten day mission will take the crew further from Earth than any human has travelled since the Apollo missions. It’s a crucial test of Nasa’s Orion spacecraft and Space Launch System (SLS) rocket, determining whether the United States can safely push beyond low Earth orbit once again. The stakes are immense: technical risks, billions in financial commitments and an increasingly competitive international race for lunar leadership.

Indeed, even vocal supporters of America’s effort are now expressing doubts that Nasa will be able to beat the Chinese space agency in the race to send humans back to the lunar surface. China has been making great strides in its lunar effort and is targeting a Moon landing by 2030. America’s programme, on the other hand, is beset with problems, including the lack of a working lunar landing system and lunar surface spacesuits that are behind schedule.

Further underlining the US’ now precarious hopes of returning first to the Moon, China completed a critical landing and take off test of its crewed lunar lander in August.

The astronauts aboard Artemis II will test critical systems required to perform in the harsh deep space environment. After separation from the core stage of their rocket, they will confront an extreme environment where deep space rescue is impossible.

During the uncrewed Artemis I mission in 2022, the Orion crew module sustained unexpectedly high levels of damage to its heat shield, during the return through Earth’s atmosphere. The heat shield protects the occupants of the spacecraft from the superheated gases around the spacecraft during re entry.

Nasa has been working hard to resolve this problem ahead of Orion’s first mission with humans aboard. The problem highlights the complexity of returning to lunar travel after a 50-year hiatus.

The Orion heat shield after the Artemis I mission, showing cavities from the loss of large chunks during re entry.
Nasa

Landing challenges

Even if Artemis II is successful, major uncertainties surround the next mission: Artemis III. This is intended to be the first American mission to return to the lunar surface since 1972. The landing vehicle will be based on SpaceX’s Starship vehicle and is known as the Starship Human Landing System (HLS). SpaceX has been carrying out test flights of Starship from its launch site in southern Texas. While the most recent of these was successful, several previous flights resulted in spectacular explosions.

However, Starship faces many further challenges before it can be used to carry astronauts down to the lunar surface. The vehicle must demonstrate that it can refuel in orbit, connecting to another Starship that acts solely as a tanker. The 50 metres tall spacecraft must also be able to land vertically on the Moon. Its ability to act as a lunar habitat for the astronauts creates opportunities for extended missions, but its size and complexity creates risk too.

While these hurdles remain unresolved, Nasa faces the possibility of having to reimagine Artemis III, including the possibility that the mission becomes another lunar flyby rather than the long-awaited return to the surface.

Artemis is ambitious, but also precarious. Each SLS rocket costs US $2 billion (£1.4 billion) to launch. This extraordinary cost has already raised questions in Congress about long term sustainability. As such, some US lawmakers are pushing for a transition to cheaper commercial rockets after Artemis III. For now, funding is secured through the 2025 “One Big Beautiful Bill Act”, but the political consensus may not last.

International competition adds urgency to the financial considerations. The implications of lunar leadership extend beyond national prestige. They include access to lunar resources, such as the water ice locked up at the lunar poles, which could be used to support a Moon base. Nasa’s acting administrator Sean Duffy has asserted that “we are going to beat the Chinese to the Moon” , echoing the cold war narrative 63 years on from John F Kennedy’s “we choose to go to the Moon” speech in 1962.

But Nasa must also demonstrate that Artemis delivers scientific value beyond national prestige. It must justify the massive investment through discoveries that benefit humanity’s understanding of the Moon, Earth and solar system.

Lunar space station

The intended impact of the lunar return extends far beyond individual missions. A space station around the Moon called the The Lunar Gateway represents Nasa’s commitment to a sustained presence rather than Apollo-style flags-and-footprints landings. The Gateway’s first modules, scheduled for a 2027 launch, will create a staging point for future lunar operations and deep space exploration.

The Artemis IV mission will deliver additional Gateway modules in 2028, while Artemis V in 2030 will introduce Blue Origin’s competing lunar lander, reducing dependence on SpaceX as a single contractor. The cargo version of Blue Origin’s lander could be ready long before that, as the company is hoping to launch the uncrewed vehicle on a mission to the lunar surface sometime this year.

Next year’s Artemis II mission is not just another spaceflight, it is the proving ground for America’s return to the Moon. It is the test of whether the United States can sustain its most ambitious exploration program since Apollo. It is also the foundation for future voyages to Mars. Success will reaffirm American leadership in space. Failure could cede it to others.

The Conversation

Jessie Osborne does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Nasa’s Artemis II mission is crucial as doubts build that America can beat China back to the Moon – https://theconversation.com/nasas-artemis-ii-mission-is-crucial-as-doubts-build-that-america-can-beat-china-back-to-the-moon-266385

First woman archbishop of Canterbury can’t preside over communion in hundreds of churches

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sharon Jagger, Lecturer in Religion, York St John University

As an academic specialising in gender and the church, the news that Bishop Sarah Mullally would be the next archbishop of Canterbury came as a pleasant shock to me. The announcement of a woman as leader of the Church of England and the “first among equals” in the worldwide Anglican communion came as a surprise to others too. One woman priest told me she was “stunned but pleased”.

What is not surprising, though, is the immediate condemnation from church conservatives, many outside the Church of England. Social media naysayers made their views known too – I read comments arguing that a female archbishop makes a “mockery of tradition” and that such “feminist rebellion” spells the death of the church.

This type of abusive commentary has been aimed at women priests for years. My own research explores the gendered abuse faced by women in the church.

The appointment of a woman as archbishop is a welcome show of resistance by the church against such misogyny. But it is by no means a panacea for the sexism and misogyny built into the church’s structure.

Before 1993, women were not permitted to be ordained in the Church of England. The campaign for women’s ordination has a long history, gathering pace from the 1970s. Finally, in 1992, General Synod – the church’s governing council – voted in favour of allowing women to be priests. The vote was close, and many in the church remained opposed to the move.

To accommodate those who could not accept women in the priesthood, the Act of Synod (1993) facilitating the ordination of women established a dual structure, allowing individual parishes to refuse the ministry of women priests and to have pastoral oversight from a bishop who did not ordain women (nicknamed “flying bishops”).

In 2014, legislation was passed to allow women bishops. The House of Bishops agreed on a document detailing Five Guiding Principles. This document paradoxically states the church is unequivocal in its commitment to women’s ordination, while also committing to the continuing provision for those who do not accept women can or should be priests.

The discriminatory structure, with its no-go parishes for women clergy, was maintained. The church can do this because it is exempt from UK equality legislation in matters of belief and conscience.

Today, about 5% of Church of England parishes officially object to women priests, though there are also churches where women’s ministry is unofficially curtailed. The official number of parishes avoiding women’s ministry is a minority, but they have had a disproportionate impact on the structure of the church. The open disavowal of women’s priesthood will erode the authority and status of the next archbishop of Canterbury.

There are currently nearly 600 parishes that officially bar women priests. The Church of England must now deal with an extraordinary situation: the archbishop of Canterbury will not be able to preside over communion in these churches.

In my recent book, Women Priests, Symbolic Violence and Symbolic Resistance, I detail the damage this structural discrimination does to women priests. It affects them materially, emotionally, psychologically, and undermines their status by allowing some to claim they are not priests.

To that end, the historic appointment of a woman as archbishop of Canterbury is a bold and significant move by the church. And it may, to an extent, ameliorate the damage to women’s status and bring the church’s own discriminatory practices against women clergy back onto the agenda.

Structural inequality

With guarded optimism, Martine Oborne, the chair of Women and the Church, an organisation campaigning against the Five Guiding Principles, writes about the church’s need to challenge its institutional misogyny: “Hopefully, the appointment of our first female archbishop of Canterbury will be a big step towards this.” But without the dismantling of the current structure, the misogyny that infects the church will not be tackled.

I think it is unlikely that the new archbishop will instigate the end of the dual structure. Bishop Mullally may describe herself as a feminist, but it remains to be seen whether she will create the conditions for real change that is needed to give women priests dignity and equality.

British professor of theology Linda Woodhead has praised Mullally’s emphasis on unity in the church, saying it is “exactly what the church, and nation, needs right now”.

Yet, unity may still be a tall order for the soon-to-be archbishop. Conservatives and traditionalists within the Church of England and in the worldwide Anglican communion may have trouble dealing with a woman’s authority and leadership, precluding any dramatic structural change. And women in the church may be disappointed that their circumstances will not be improved greatly.

The Conversation

Sharon Jagger has received past funding from Women and the Church.

ref. First woman archbishop of Canterbury can’t preside over communion in hundreds of churches – https://theconversation.com/first-woman-archbishop-of-canterbury-cant-preside-over-communion-in-hundreds-of-churches-266719

Will Rachael Reeves’ youth unemployment scheme force her to bend her own rules?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Maha Rafi Atal, Adam Smith Senior Lecturer in Political Economy, School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Glasgow

Jacob Lund/Shutterstock

UK chancellor Rachel Reeves has set out a “youth guarantee” aimed at ending long-term unemployment among young people. Under the plan, a young person who has been out of work for 18 months would be offered a temporary job, apprenticeship or college place.

The UK has just under a million young people who are not in employment, education or training (Neet) – thought to be around 13% of the country’s 16- to 24-year-olds.

Under Reeves’ plans, those who refuse the offer could face benefit sanctions. The scheme is being positioned as a way to boost growth while keeping to Labour’s fiscal rules ahead of November’s budget.

The idea has some logic. Long-term youth unemployment has consequences that reach far beyond the individual. Research from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the Institute for Fiscal Studies shows that young people who are out of work for extended periods often face lower earnings for decades afterwards, as well as poorer health and social outcomes.

Economists sometimes describe this as “scarring” – that is, lasting negative economic effects. By contrast, job losses that come mid-career tend to have less lasting economic impact because these workers have more experience or skills that they can use to get their next job.

So the argument that tackling youth unemployment offers particularly high returns is, in theory, credible.

Long-term future

The difficulty is whether the guarantee, as outlined by Reeves, can deliver anything more than temporary relief. It is not yet clear where the promised jobs will come from.

If the government pays firms to create placements, they will have been specially created for the scheme, rather than representing real gaps that the firms need to fill to grow their business. When the government subsidy ends, the firms may have no reason to keep the young person on. And a short placement may not provide enough skills development to allow the young person to get a job elsewhere.

What’s more, the government is not proposing to pay the full cost of these placements. If the onus falls on businesses to absorb additional young workers in newly created roles at their own expense, the effect may be negligible. This is because Labour’s wider programme – from higher employer national insurance contributions to new employment rights – already imposes extra costs on employers.

That tension points to a broader issue in Reeves’ strategy. She has pledged not to increase headline tax rates. Instead she is seeking to expand the overall tax base by growing employment and productivity.

Yet that kind of growth usually requires sustained public investment in skills, infrastructure and industrial policy. A scheme that subsidises wages for 12 months may help individuals back into work, but it is unlikely to shift the productivity dial or generate lasting fiscal dividends without a wide programme of investment.

For Reeves, the challenge is that the guarantee must be large enough to create real career pathways and business growth. But to do so requires precisely the kind of government expenditure that is made difficult by her own “non-negotiable” fiscal rules.

Instead of a way to grow within the rules then, the youth guarantee may be added to the list of promises the government cannot fulfil without bending them.

The Conversation

Maha Rafi Atal does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Will Rachael Reeves’ youth unemployment scheme force her to bend her own rules? – https://theconversation.com/will-rachael-reeves-youth-unemployment-scheme-force-her-to-bend-her-own-rules-266716

Haiti is enlisting the help of mercenaries in its battle against gang violence

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nicolas Forsans, Professor of Management and Co-director of the Centre for Latin American & Caribbean Studies, University of Essex

When state institutions crumble under the weight of chaos, desperate governments sometimes turn to controversial solutions. In Haiti, where gang violence has transformed the capital, Port-au-Prince, into a war zone and left over 5,600 people dead in 2024 alone, the government has made a striking decision to hire a private army to restore order.

Haiti’s interim government signed a deal in March with Vectus Global, a firm founded by American private security contractor Erik Prince, that has seen mercenaries help battle the gangs. Vectus operatives have reportedly served as instructors to Haitian security forces, while also coordinating drone strikes against gang-controlled areas and criminal leaders.

The firm is thought to have deployed nearly 200 personnel in Haiti, from the US, Europe and El Salvador. It plans to have stabilised major roads and pushed gangs out of their territory within about a year. In an interview with the Reuters news agency in August, Prince said the measure of success for him “will be when you can drive from Port-au-Prince to [the northern city of] Cap-Haïtien” without being stopped by gangs.

The arrangement, while having done little to curb the power of the gangs so far, represents a dramatic escalation in the privatisation of state security. It raises profound questions about sovereignty, accountability and the risks of ceding control of security to private military personnel.

A map of Haiti.
Prince says he’ll declare victory when anyone can ‘drive from Port-au-Prince to Cap-Haïtien’ and not be stopped by criminal gangs.
Rainer Lesniewski / Shutterstock

Vectus Global is reportedly operating in Haiti under two parallel arrangements. The first involves a one-year contract in which Vectus staff will help Haiti restore order. Haiti’s government has not commented on the involvement of Vectus Global specifically, though it confirmed in June that it was using foreign contractors.

The second arrangement, which remains unconfirmed by the Haitian government, will supposedly see Prince’s firm play a role in restructuring Haiti’s customs and immigration services over a ten-year period. Haiti has long struggled to prevent gangs from exploiting its porous border with neighbouring Dominican Republic.

This move would represent an extraordinary transfer of sovereign functions. Reports indicate that Vectus Global will receive a performance-based commission of 20% of customs revenue increases in the first three years and 15% thereafter. It will also receive a fixed fee of 3% on import volumes regardless of performance.

Haiti’s security collapse provides context for such extreme solutions. Criminal groups now control 90% of Port-au-Prince and possess more firepower and manpower than national security forces. A Kenyan-led multinational security support mission was deployed to Haiti in 2024, but it remains understaffed and underfunded with only 1,000 of the 2,500 personnel envisioned initially.

And despite the assistance now being provided by private security personnel, the gangs have continued to expand their reach in the provinces. At least 1,520 people were killed and 600 were injured between April and the end of June across the country. The UN says more than 60% of these killings and injuries occurred during operations by security forces against the gangs.

Criminal groups united under the “Viv Ansanm” coalition continue to dictate events, maintain control over major areas of the capital and launch attacks in a bid to control more territory. There has been no significant territorial loss by gangs in recent months and essential supply chains, trade routes and public safety remain heavily disrupted.

A complex set of factors make combating gang violence in Haiti extremely difficult. Gangs have deep-rooted relationships with certain factions in local police and government, making it hard for external security personnel to dismantle their operations. At the same time, gang control of critical transport infrastructure has crippled tax collection, trade, access to medical supplies and food distribution.

Raising the alarm

Prominent NGOs and rights groups have strongly opposed Vectus Global’s involvement in Haiti. The Business and Human Rights Resource Centre flagged that Prince’s reported ten-year contract would put crucial state powers – including tax collection and deportation – under a private company’s control.

It warned of “serious concerns for human rights and government accountability”. This is because international legal guidelines for private military companies are largely non-binding, and tend to rely on voluntary codes of conduct.

Speaking to the media in August on the condition of anonymity, a senior White House official clarified that there is “no American involvement in hiring Vectus Global and no oversight” of its mission in Haiti. This has only raised further doubts as to who, if anyone, will hold private military personnel there accountable.

The dangers of privatised warfare are well documented. Prince’s own former company, Blackwater, faced numerous scandals over its conduct during the Iraq war. Blackwater provided security for US officials and military installations there.

In 2007, four Blackwater employees killed 17 Iraqi civilians and wounded 20 others in the Nisour Square massacre in Baghdad. While FBI investigations determined that at least 14 deaths were unjustified, all four convicted Blackwater contractors were pardoned by Donald Trump in 2020.

Vectus Global has communicated its plans in Haiti and operational adjustments. But fundamental criticisms relating to accountability, sustainability and lack of local institution-building remain largely unaddressed in public statements.

The deepening crisis in Haiti was on the agenda at the UN General Assembly in New York, where world leaders gathered in September for the 80th anniversary of the UN. The US pushed for a rebranding of the current multinational security support mission into a more aggressive “gang suppression force”, which has now been approved by the UN security council.

This force will have a new mandate, greater numbers and expanded autonomy from the Haitian police. Yet uncertainties remain over where the 5,500 people for the new force will come from, and who is going to pay.

As Haiti continues to struggle with rampant violence, Prince’s private army reflects governmental desperation rather than strategic wisdom. It is a model that prioritises private profit over public accountability and sustainable peace. The consequences are likely to shape how the world responds to state failure as traditional peacekeeping comes under pressure.

The Conversation

Nicolas Forsans does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Haiti is enlisting the help of mercenaries in its battle against gang violence – https://theconversation.com/haiti-is-enlisting-the-help-of-mercenaries-in-its-battle-against-gang-violence-263684

How extreme temperatures strain minds and bodies: a Karachi case study

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gulnaz Anjum, Assistant Professor of Climate Psychology, Centre for Social Issues Research, Department of Psychology, University of Limerick

Caterpillar Taqi/Shutterstock

When the daytime air feels like an oven and night brings no relief, people in Karachi, Pakistan, say the heat “goes straight to the head”. They mean more than dizziness or sweat.

It’s the creeping panic of a body that cannot cool down: restless nights, frayed tempers, a household on edge. Here, a heatwave is not simply a matter of high temperatures. It’s a public health emergency that seeps into every corner of life: physical health, sleep, mood and the invisible care work that keeps families and neighbours alive.

Our research in Pakistan and Kenya (Karachi, Lahore and Nairobi), shows how extreme heat affects local communities.

For families living on informal and unstable incomes and in fragile housing, such heat is not just uncomfortable; it can be deadly.

Heatwaves occur when temperatures push daily highs past 40 °C inland and above 35 °C on the coast. In 2015, a single heatwave killed more than 1,200 people in Karachi during just one week in June. But the quieter psychological toll which is rarely counted in official statistics builds with every wave of extreme heat.




Read more:
India and Pakistan’s heatwave is a sign of worse to come – podcast


In our research, residents describe lying awake in stagnant air, waking drenched in sweat and starting the next day already exhausted. Sleeplessness makes emotions harder to manage, fuelling conflict in homes stretched thin. Many, especially women, speak of a sense of suffocation and dread; fearing their bodies won’t cope or that a loved one will collapse. For people with asthma or anxiety the symptoms are magnified, and mothers often feel an acute worry for children and elderly relatives.

This mental strain is no overreaction, it reflects harsh realities. Outdoor workers lose wages when extreme heat makes it unsafe to stay on the job. At the same time, food and water prices climb as supply chains falter and demand spikes, just as family incomes shrink. Hospitals and clinics can be difficult to reach because high temperatures often lead to power cuts, overloaded transport systems and an increase in heat-related illness, all of which slows emergency care.




Read more:
Heatwaves don’t just give you sunburn – they can harm your mental health too


Women often shoulder the heaviest burden because in many households, especially in low- and middle-income countries, domestic and caregiving duties still fall largely to them. Social norms often expect women, not men, to stay home with children, care for older relatives and organise water or food supplies. When a heatwave strikes, those tasks become more physically demanding and more time-consuming: fanning overheated children through sleepless nights, checking constantly on elderly neighbours, and answering calls for help.

In low- and middle-income countries, women also face disproportionate health risks from climate change, particularly during extreme heat, precisely because these gendered roles and socio-cultural expectations expose them to greater stress. The unpaid labour that holds households together – caring, fetching water, preparing food – is carried mainly by women. As one Karachi resident explained, on the hottest days she and her neighbours watch over pregnant women:

Women here may be poor, but they support each other, sharing water, looking after each other’s children and cooking for each other. It’s our way of surviving…

Such neighbourly care surfaces again and again. Families pool money to buy safe drinking water when supplies run short. In some informal settlements, one of the most immediate ways people cope with rising heat is by increasing their reliance on water, often through hand pumps that serve as vital lifelines during prolonged heatwaves. Neighbours check on older people during power cuts. Women take turns cooking when kitchens become unbearable for elderly or pregnant relatives. These are not feel-good tales of “bouncing back,” but acts of collective survival: immediate, exhausting and often invisible. They reveal how vulnerability is shaped by poor housing, patchy healthcare and weak governance – factors that leave people exposed when crises strike.

Extreme heat also compounds heat related health risks and financial costs. In crowded settlements and displacement camps, food spoils quickly, appetites wane and clean water becomes harder to find and more expensive to acquire. Pregnant and breastfeeding women struggle to maintain nutrition. International research shows that heat stress can deplete micronutrients, hinder growth and increase the risk of early labour and premature childbirths. When these pressures collide with poverty and displacement, the dangers of malnutrition and long-term harm can only grow.

Residents’ requests are strikingly simple. They want electricity that stays on through the night, clean water that they can afford and clinics that remain open when symptoms worsen. These are not luxuries. They are the difference between anxiety and peace of mind, between starting the day rested or already exhausted.




Read more:
Climate change and mental health: How extreme heat can affect mental illnesses


Even small interventions help: a working fan, a shaded community space, advice on hydration and sleep. Women-led groups already organise water-sharing, neighbour check-ins and shaded play areas. Strengthening these networks, and centring polices on women’s health could save lives and protect mental health during future heatwaves.

Counting only hospital admissions or heat-stroke cases misses what people say matters most: a child kept hydrated, a safe place to sleep, the absence of panic on the hottest days and nights of the year. These everyday markers of dignity and survival are where real adaptation begins. As one resident put it: “We cannot stop the sun. But we can stop each other from being alone in the heat.”

The Conversation

Gulnaz Anjum is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Psychology, University of Limerick.

Mudassar Aziz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How extreme temperatures strain minds and bodies: a Karachi case study – https://theconversation.com/how-extreme-temperatures-strain-minds-and-bodies-a-karachi-case-study-262983

The Conversation’s Curious Kids wins best kids podcast at British Podcast Awards

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gemma Ware, Head of Audio, The Conversation UK, The Conversation

Host Eloise Stevens celebrating The Conversation’s Curious Kids win at the British Podcast Awards Gemma Ware, CC BY-ND

We’re delighted that the Conversation’s Curious Kids podcast won the Gold award in the Kids category at the British Podcast Awards on October 2 at an event in London.

Launched in April 2024, The Conversation’s Curious Kids features primary school children from around the world posing questions to researchers, with the help of the show’s host and producer Eloise Stevens.

We found out ‘Do whales sneeze?’, ’Why is my dog so cute?’ and ‘How high can I jump on the moon?’ Thanks to all the kids, their parents, and the researchers, who made the show so much fun (and educational).

The podcast, published in collaboration with FunKids radio, grew out of the popular series of Curious Kids articles on The Conversation where children send in questions and we find academics to answer them.

The show is available on Spotify, Apple Podcasts and YouTube, or wherever else you get your podcasts. For those with access to a Yoto player, The Conversation’s Curious Kids is also available via the ‘Discover’ button on your Yoto app, under ‘Podcasts for kids’.

And for any children out there with a question they’d like to put to an academic, you can question to curiouskids@theconversation.comor record it and send your question to us directly at funkidslive.com/curious. We’d love to hear from you!

The Conversation

ref. The Conversation’s Curious Kids wins best kids podcast at British Podcast Awards – https://theconversation.com/the-conversations-curious-kids-wins-best-kids-podcast-at-british-podcast-awards-266847