We fed people a milkshake with 130g of fat to see what it did to their brains – here’s what we learned

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Chris Marley, Senior Lecturer in Exercise Physiology, University of South Wales

An enormous milkshake BrittanyD/Shutterstock

A greasy takeaway may seem like an innocent Friday night indulgence. But our recent research suggests even a single high-fat meal could impair blood flow to the brain, potentially increasing the risk of stroke and dementia.

Dietary fat is an important part of our diet. It provides us with a concentrated source of energy, transports vitamins and when stored in the body, protects our organs and helps keep us warm. The two main types of fat that we consume are saturated and unsaturated (monounsaturated and polyunsaturated), which are differentiated by their chemical composition.

But these fats have different effects on our body. For example, it is well established that eating a meal that is high in saturated fat, such as that self-indulgent Friday night takeaway pizza, can be bad for our blood vessels and heart health. And these effects are not simply confined to the heart.

The brain has limited energy stores, which means it is heavily reliant on a continuous supply of blood delivering oxygen and glucose to maintain normal function.

One of the ways the body maintains this supply is through a process known as “dynamic cerebral autoregulation”. This process ensures that blood flow to the brain remains stable despite everyday changes in blood pressure, such as standing up and exercising. It’s like having shock absorbers that help keep our brains cool under pressure.

But when this process is impaired, those swings in blood pressure become harder to manage. That can mean brief episodes of too little or too much blood reaching the brain. Over time, this increases the risk of developing conditions like stroke and dementia.

What role might diet play?

After eating a meal high in saturated fat, levels of fat in the blood rise and peak after around four hours. At the same time, blood vessels become stiffer and lose their ability to relax and expand. This restricts blood flow around the body. But little is known about what happens to the brain during this time and how well its blood supply is protected.

To address this for the first time, we recruited 20 young men between the ages of 18 and 35, and 21 men between 60 and 80. We measured how well blood vessels linked to heart and brain health worked before, and four hours following, consumption of a meal high in saturated fat.

We assessed how well a blood vessel in the arm could open up in response to increased blood flow to obtain an indication of heart health. This is a method known as “flow-mediated dilatation”.

To evaluate how well blood vessels in the brain could cope with swings in blood pressure, our participants performed body-weight squats. We used ultrasound to determine how well blood flowed through vessels during both methods.

The test meal was a milkshake, which we called “the brain bomb” because it consisted mostly of heavy whipping cream. The drink contained 1,362 calories and 130g of fat, mimicking the fat load of a fast-food takeaway.

Our findings confirmed previous research that has shown that a high-fat meal impairs the ability of the blood vessels linked to heart health to open in both young and old participants. These impairments reduced the brain’s ability to buffer changes in blood pressure. This was more pronounced (by about 10%) in the older adults, suggesting that older brains may be more vulnerable to the effects of the meal.

Although we didn’t directly test for the long-term effects of a high-fat meal on mental functioning in this study, we have previously shown that such a meal increases free radicals (unstable, cell-damaging molecules) and decreases nitric oxide (molecules that help blood vessels relax and open up to transport oxygen and glucose around the body).

This may explain the reduced blood flow regulation we observed in our recent study.

This has important clinical implications. While an occasional takeaway is unlikely to cause harm on its own, our results suggest that even one fatty meal has an immediate effect on the body.

Our study highlights the importance of consuming a diet that is low in saturated fat to protect not only our heart health, but also our brain health. This is particularly important for older adults whose brains appear to be more vulnerable to the effects of such a meal and are already at increased risk of stroke and neurodegenerative diseases.

The NHS recommendeds that men consume no more than 30g of saturated fat a day, while women should consume no more than 20g. Yet many of us routinely exceed that, particularly during weekend takeaways, pub lunches or fast-food splurges.

What’s more, we may spend much of our waking lives in a post-meal state. This period, known as “post-prandial lipaemia”, is when fat levels are elevated, and when the body, it seems, may be most at risk.

Food for thought

There’s still so much more we need to learn about this topic.

Public health guidance recommends swapping saturated fats for polyunsaturated ones. These are found in foods like oily fish, walnuts and seeds, which are associated with better heart and brain health over the long term. But we don’t yet know how the brain responds to a single meal that is high in polyunsaturated fat.

Nor do we know how the female brain responds to a high-fat meal. This is a crucial gap in our knowledge since women face a greater risk of stroke and dementia in later life compared to men.

Our study offers a timely reminder that diet doesn’t just shape our long-term health. It also affects our body and brain in real time. And as we’re learning, when it comes to protecting brain health, every meal may count.

The Conversation

D.M.B. is supported by a Royal Society Wolfson Research Fellowship (Grant No. WM170007). D.M.B. is Editor-in-Chief of Experimental Physiology, Chair of the Life Sciences Working Group, member of the Human Spaceflight and Exploration Science Advisory Committee to the European Space Agency, member of the Space Exploration Advisory Committee to the UK and Swedish National Space Agencies and member of the National Cardiovascular Network for Wales and South-East Wales Vascular Network. D.M.B. is also affiliated to Bexorg, Inc. (USA) focused on the technological development of novel biomarkers of cerebral bioenergetic function and structural damage in humans.

Chris Marley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. We fed people a milkshake with 130g of fat to see what it did to their brains – here’s what we learned – https://theconversation.com/we-fed-people-a-milkshake-with-130g-of-fat-to-see-what-it-did-to-their-brains-heres-what-we-learned-259961

China’s increased military might gives it new weapon in challenging global order

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tom Harper, Lecturer in International Relations, University of East London

Chinese weapons are starting to show up in the world’s biggest conflict zones, underscoring its technological advancement and investment in this area.

In the 1990s and 2000s, Chinese weapons systems and military equipment were seen as being little more than imitations of old Russian or even Soviet systems. China was largely reliant on exports from Moscow and lacked the capacity to create its own systems.

However, with China’s recent economic development and technological growth, state-run Chinese firms are now increasingly significant military players. Reports suggest that China now has significantly more advanced weapons systems. An example of this is a J-20 fighter flying seemingly undetected through Tsushima Strait in June 2025, in range of US, Japanese and South Korean radar systems.

As conflicts, including the war in Ukraine, are increasingly dominated by drone warfare, China’s drone technology has become more sophisticated. It has also made advances in developing hypersonic missiles and stealth technology.

China’s recent moves in the Pacific show off its military power, most recently its unannounced naval exercises off the coast of Australia. The exercise caused significant disruption to flights in the Tasman Sea. And China’s fleet sailed close to sensitive military sites in Australia including the Amberley airbase, which hosts the US’s B-2 stealth bomber fleet. This also shows how bold China has become, as well as illustrating how sensitive assets are in striking range of China’s forces.

Latest Chinese weaponry

Chinese weapons systems were in action in the Indo-Pakistani conflict in June. Pakistan used several Chinese-made J-10C fighters to shoot down several Indian jets, most notably the French-made Rafale fighter.

The Asian conflict sparked interest in the Chinese jet, with Egypt and Nigeria now showing interest in buying the J-10. A year earlier at the Zhuhai airshow in China, several Middle Eastern nations, including the UAE, made significant purchases of Chinese systems, following up earlier purchases of Chinese drones and fighter jets.

China’s J-20 jets in action.

Chinese military companies now may have also found another potential client – Iran. Several Iranian military officials were recently photographed in the cockpit of a J-10 at the Zhuhai airshow.

The history of why China has invested significantly in military hardware is significant. Chinese military weaknesses were highlighted during the Gulf war and the third Taiwan Strait crisis in 1996. This saw China conduct missile tests in the Taiwan Strait as a signal to Taipei, which was seen as moving towards independence.

Washington deployed two carrier groups in response, consisting of two aircraft carriers and a large number of escorts. These significantly outclassed China’s ships, with more firepower and more advanced technology. At that time, Beijing was dependent on Soviet-made equipment. Its limitations were highlighted by the Chinese navy’s inability to detect US submarines in the Taiwan Strait.

The need to upgrade its military led to a continuous 10% increase in the Chinese defence budget, as well as widespread military reforms. These occurred under Jiang Zemin, chairman of the Central Military Commission (the supreme military body for the Chinese Communist Party) from 1989 to 2004, and president of China from 1993 to 2003. These changes laid the foundations for China’s modernised military systems today.

Technological power

China’s military modernisation has also been representative of its wider investment in technology. With some Chinese technology, such as AI chatbot DeepSeek, now challenging western domination.

Scholars have long argued that economic power leads to greater military power and a greater global role.

With the conflicts in Ukraine, south Asia, and the Middle East showing the limitations of more established European and Russian hardware, there are growing opportunities for Chinese weapons technology. It’s also likely that Chinese military systems will find customers among countries that are not on Donald Trump’s list of favoured nations, such as Iran. Should Iran be able to equip itself with Chinese systems, it will be better placed to go head-to-head with Israel.

All of these military advancements have given Beijing greater confidence as well as making the strategic position of the US and its allies in Asia more precarious. While the J-20 demonstrated the vulnerability of the first island chain, (a string of strategically important islands in east Asia) the latest innovation, the J-36, could reshape aerial warfare in the region. Integrated with AI and linked with drone swarms, the system has the potential to serve as a flying server, creating an integrated system not unlike the one recently used by Pakistan, but with even more advanced technologies.

All of these military manoeuvres show how China is becoming a significant player in global conflicts, and how this may give it more strength to challenge the current world order.

The Conversation

Tom Harper does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. China’s increased military might gives it new weapon in challenging global order – https://theconversation.com/chinas-increased-military-might-gives-it-new-weapon-in-challenging-global-order-262731

A parents’ guide to keeping kids safe online in the summer holidays

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michelle McManus, Professor of Safeguarding and Violence Prevention, Co-Director of the Institute for Children’s Futures, Manchester Metropolitan University

aerophoto/Shutterstock

Parenting over the summer holidays, especially when juggling work and childcare, comes with significant challenges. One of those is screen time and staying safe online.

Children’s time online has the potential to soar in the summer, and when you’re doing your best to work from home with the kids around, it’s pretty difficult to monitor what they’re doing on the tablet or TV. Devices help us get through the day, but they also open the door to risks we may not fully see.

I get it because I live it. I’m a safeguarding expert who researches child online safety, and I’m also the parent of two children currently on their school summer holidays.

According to a 2025 Ofcom report on child media use, over half (55%) of under-13s are already using social media, although many of these apps – such as TikTok, Snapchat and Instagram – have a 13+ age limit.

Among older children, around one in five (21%) of 13- to 17-year-olds are now livestreaming their own videos, adding a further layer of visibility and vulnerability. Around 30% of children aged between 13 and 17 couldn’t correctly identify a fake social media profile.

So how do we keep kids safe online this summer without becoming full-time tech experts? Here are four real-life scenarios and some practical ways to stay ahead.

You’re working from home… and they’re on YouTube

You finally have 15 quiet minutes to answer that backlog of emails. Meanwhile, your child is watching YouTube in the next room.

Even with the best intentions, YouTube’s autoplay and content suggestions can lead children down unexpected rabbit holes. According to Ofcom, YouTube is the most-watched online platform for children aged three to 17 – and therefore likely to be one of the first platforms where they may come across unsafe or confusing content.

Use YouTube Kids for younger children, and set restricted mode on regular YouTube for older ones. Turn off autoplay, which automatically plays a new video after the one you chose finishes, and check the watch history regularly.

Watch a few videos with them when you have a moment, and make it routine to ask: “What’s the funniest (or weirdest, or most interesting) video you watched today?” Openness beats surveillance every time.

Even among younger children, Ofcom’s data shows that social media is often used unsupervised, highlighting the importance of settings, filters and shared conversations about what they’re watching.

Your kids’ friends come over, and bring their phones

You might have set your own digital rules at home: no Snapchat or TikTok yet, for instance. Then a friend visits and pulls out their phone, casually opening apps your child isn’t allowed to use.

This kind of peer-led digital exposure is a challenge for parents, especially when visiting devices come with open access and fewer restrictions. Establish clear and simple house rules that are easy to apply to all devices, such as “No phones upstairs”. Limiting where children use their devices is helpful because it encourages openness and reduces the risk of hidden or unsupervised activity.

Talk with your child about why these rules matter: they might encounter age-inappropriate content, for instance. Make communal areas like the living room or kitchen tech-visible zones: places where screens are used in plain sight. This helps normalise check-ins and casual supervision, so it feels natural rather than intrusive.

What matters most is that children feel safe talking to you when something doesn’t feel right, whether it’s their phone or someone else’s.

“Everyone’s on Snapchat – why can’t I be?”

This is the classic peer-pressure moment. Your child tells you they’re the only one without a particular app and they just want to stay in touch with friends over the holidays.

This exact situation came up in our household. My daughter told me all her friends were using Snapchat, and she didn’t want to feel left out. Instead of simply saying no, I invited her to do some research first. She wrote a short summary explaining why she wanted the app, what the benefits were for her, what the potential dangers were and how she would reduce those risks.

She took the task seriously – she wanted the app! It turned into a great learning moment for both of us and gave her a sense of ownership and responsibility.

If this comes up in your household, you could try the same approach. Ask your child to present a case for any new app, including how they plan to stay safe. Discuss age limits (Snapchat is rated 13+) and why they exist.

You can say no to their request, but talk about why, and perhaps make a plan for when they can use it. If you agree, explore the app together. Review privacy settings, turn off location visibility, and look at any built-in safety tools.

When children feel informed and included in the process, they’re more likely to come to you when something doesn’t feel right.

You’re not a tech expert – and you’re worried

Let’s face it, many of us feel outpaced by the variety of new platforms. But here’s the truth: you don’t need to master every app. What matters most is creating a home culture where communication is open, boundaries are clear, and digital safety is part of everyday life, not something reserved for a crisis.

Set screen time limits early and revisit them together as your child grows. Where possible, link accounts, use family management tools or set up parental controls (even older children can benefit from some guardrails). Don’t be afraid to pick up your child’s phone and scroll through it, but with them, not behind their back. Openness builds trust.

If something feels off, talk about it. And if you’re unsure, ask for help, from schools, other parents, or one of the many expert resources available.

You don’t need to know everything. You just need to stay curious, stay involved and let your child know that if something goes wrong, you’re the first person they can turn to for support.

The Conversation

Michelle McManus has received funding from Home Office, Department for Education and National Independent Safeguarding Board Wales. She is also currently seconded as part of a Chancellor’s Fellowship at Manchester Met, with the VKPP, which is part of the National Centre for VAWG and Public Protection.

ref. A parents’ guide to keeping kids safe online in the summer holidays – https://theconversation.com/a-parents-guide-to-keeping-kids-safe-online-in-the-summer-holidays-262361

Israel’s plans for a full occupation of Gaza would pave the way for Israeli resettlement

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Leonie Fleischmann, Senior Lecturer in International Politics, City St George’s, University of London

Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu is reportedly considering an expansion of fighting and a “full occupation of the Gaza Strip”.

There is strong opposition to the idea from within Israel’s senior military ranks, amid growing international condemnation of Israel for the increasingly dire humanitarian disaster in Gaza. Yet Netanyahu is expected to present the plan to his cabinet to capture the last areas of the strip not held by the Israeli military, including areas where the remaining hostages are believed to be being held.

A majority of Israelis want the war to end and see any remaining live hostages returned safely. But a section of the population are preparing for the very real possibility that their dreams of resettling Gaza will be realised. Netanyahu’s decision is not necessarily driven by the same motives as the would-be settlers, but the consequences on the ground may end up aligning.

This reflects similar dynamics in the history of Israeli settlement building. Based on security rationale, successive Israeli governments have set about controlling the Palestinian population.

In the wake of military conquest, settlers have moved in to establish outposts. Gradually, these outposts have become settlements as families have flooded in, whether driven by secular Zionist ideology, encouraged by cheaper properties, stirred through religious beliefs, or inspired by dreams of a better quality of life.

The Gaza Strip was first occupied by Israel at the beginning of what became known as the “six-day war”. Responding to intelligence reports that its neighbours were mobilising against it, Israel launched a series of pre-emptive strikes against Syria, Jordan and Egypt.

On June 5 1967, Israel Defense Forces (IDF) major general, Yeshayahu Gavish, commanded his troops to occupy the Gaza Strip, which was then under the control of Egypt. He did so in defiance of orders from Israel’s then defence minister, Moshe Dayan, who had warned against being “stuck with a quarter of a million Palestinians” in an area “bristled with problems … a nest of wasps”.

But once it had moved IDF troops into the Strip, the Israeli government followed a policy of breaking up Palestinian-populated areas by establishing military outposts, which then became civilian settlements.

In 1970, Israel’s then Labour government established two “Nahal settlements”. Named after the Nahal brigade, founded by Israel’s first prime minister, David Ben Gurion, these settlements were agricultural communities established by military force. By 2005, there were 21 civilian settlements in the strip, with a total estimated population of 8,600, living alongside a Palestinian population of around 1.3 million.

Map of Israeli settlements in the Gaza Strip before disengagement: May 2005.
Map of Israeli settlements in the Gaza Strip before disengagement: May 2005.
US Central Intelligence Agency via Wikipedia

The settlers’ ideology at that stage did not include the sort of racist anti-Arab sentiments that have become prolific in the ultranationalist corners of the settler movement. But the disparities between the overpopulated Palestinian refugee camps and the flourishing Israeli settlements in the Gaza Strip – protected by IDF troops – led to growing Palestinian resentment.

Disengagement from Gaza

Things began to change with the second intifada (uprising), which erupted in 2000 and led to a reassessment of Israel’s settlement policy. Security considerations and a desire to reduce confrontations between the IDF and Palestinian civilians necessitated a new policy of separation.

The Israeli government also wanted to maintain a majority-Jewish population in areas under its control. So the idea of separating off majority Arab areas under the control of a Palestinian authority was appealing to the government of the then prime minister, Ariel Sharon.

Sharon had previously been known as the father of the settlement project. But in 2004 he ordered the evacuation of all Israeli settlements from the Gaza Strip and four settlements in the north of the West Bank, a project which was accomplished in 2005.

Ariel Sharon speaking into microphones.
Former Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon.
Jim Wallace/Smithsonian Institution via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

The previously consistent alignment between the settler movement and the state came to an abrupt end. While the majority of Israelis supported the plan, the religious right was violently opposed.

The Jerusalem Post reported: “For Religious Zionists, who link Torah, people, and land, the state’s bulldozers felt like a theological betrayal.”

The “disengagement plan” had significant consequences on the settler movement which then fragmented. A militant racist wing emerged, which has since grown in power and influence.

After the 2022 Israeli national elections, two of the wing’s leaders, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, were included in Netanyahu’s cabinet. The pair have been able to use their leverage over the prime minister to influence the trajectory of the war in Gaza.

The call for renewed Jewish settlement

Since Israel began its onslaught in Gaza, settler groups have been calling for the resettlement of Gaza. These radicals go beyond the families that were evacuated in 2005. They include the Nachala settler organisation whose raison d’etre is establishing Jewish settlements to control the West Bank and Gaza.

The liberal newspaper Haaretz recently reported a Nachala-organised march by thousands of Israelis on July 30 to the borders of Gaza, calling for the settlement of areas of the northern Gaza Strip currently occupied by the IDF. Operational plans to establish settlements have been drawn up and 1,000 families have signed up to reestablish a Jewish community in Gaza.

It’s not yet clear whether Netanyahu will order the full occupation of Gaza – or whether he plans to allow the establishment of civilian settlements there. But historical precedent makes this a very real possibility.

The Conversation

Leonie Fleischmann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Israel’s plans for a full occupation of Gaza would pave the way for Israeli resettlement – https://theconversation.com/israels-plans-for-a-full-occupation-of-gaza-would-pave-the-way-for-israeli-resettlement-262723

Why bolstering post-secondary education for former youth in care is a wise investment

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jacquie Gahagan, Full Professor and Associate Vice-President, Research, Mount Saint Vincent University

Providing access to post-secondary education costs an average of $85,000 to $100,000 over four years, while incarcerating a single youth can cost $300,000 to $500,000 per year.
(Joshua Hoehne/Unsplash)

As we move closer to the start of the fall term, returning to school is often a source of conversation and excitement.

Thinking about post-secondary education, and discussing what attending a new institution will be like or what program one will major in, is related to building a future that often hinges on educational attainment and income.

However, what is often missing from back-to-school conversations is the reality that approximately 50 per cent of youth who have experienced living in care in Canada do not complete high school, and even fewer attend post-secondary institutions.

The implications of a lower level of educational attainment can include a higher likelihood of poverty — including homelessness, food insecurity, worse health outcomes and fewer employment opportunities — and an increased interaction with criminal justice systems.

Barriers for youth aging out of care

In Canada, youth who age out of the child welfare system are among the most vulnerable members of society and require specialized, integrated government system planning.

Despite their resilience, many of these young people face overwhelming barriers and systemic discrimination. Without sustained support, many fall through the cracks. This is not a reflection of individual failure, but of a system that criminalizes vulnerability instead of fostering opportunity.

To address the needs of this population, Canada must shift from punitive responses toward meaningful investments in education and equity-focused policy change and supports for youth from care, prioritizing learning from those with lived experience.

Supports must be of a “wraparound” nature — meaning they are uniquely tailored and intensive, designed for people with complex needs and taking an approach that draws on and affirms young people’s identities, cultural contexts and strengths.

Systemic neglect has consequences

Research shows youth with care experience are drastically over-represented in Canada’s justice system and are 20 times more likely to be involved with it compared to their peers.

This is not coincidental — it is the result of systemic neglect, the school-to-prison pipeline and the absence of support at critical transition points.

When youth age out of care, often as young as 18, they are expected to navigate adulthood with no family network, limited life skills and inadequate financial supports. The result is a predictable cycle of poverty, homelessness and criminalization.

The cost of this approach is staggering. Incarcerating a single youth can cost $300,000 to $500,000 per year, with total public expenditures exceeding $1 million per youth over the course of a justice-involved life.

Seeking better outcomes

These resources are spent on reacting to crisis, not preventing it. In contrast, providing access to post-secondary education — including tuition waivers, housing supports and mentoring — costs an average of $85,000 to $100,000 over four years.
The difference is not just financial. Youth who access education are far more likely to achieve stable employment, experience better health outcomes and contribute positively to their communities.




Read more:
High school dropouts cost countries a staggering amount of money


Education is not a luxury, it is a fundamental right and a powerful tool for interrupting intergenerational cycles of trauma. Yet fewer than 10 per cent of former youth in care in Canada complete a post-secondary credential.

This low rate is not due to lack of ability or ambition, but rather reflects the lack of targeted, consistent supports. Provinces that have implemented tuition waiver programs are beginning to see the transformative potential of this approach. Despite this, access remains uneven and supports are still insufficient.

Just and fiscally responsible approach

The criminalization of youth from care is a policy failure and reflects a societal willingness to spend more on punishment than prevention. Canada, like many other OECD countries, has a practical incentive to reverse this trend. Making early and data-driven investments in education, mental health services and housing for youth aging out of care is not only more humane, it is also a fiscally responsible and socially just approach.

By shifting public investment from incarceration to education, Canada can reimagine the future for thousands of young people. These youth deserve the same chances we would want for any child: a fair start, a quality education and the opportunity to thrive. It is time to stop criminalizing care-experienced youth and start investing in their potential.




Read more:
Health of former youth in care could be bolstered by stronger tuition waiver programs


Strong economic returns

Investment in education, housing and mental health for youth leaving care has been shown to reduce justice involvement and lead to strong economic returns. A review by Ontario’s Advocate for Children and Youth found that extending support for youth aging out of care leads to long-term economic and social benefits.

In Ontario, every dollar invested in extended care from ages 21 to 25 could yield $1.36 million in savings or earnings over a lifetime through improved educational attainment, reduced reliance on social benefits, lower rates of criminal justice involvement and increased contributions through taxes.

Similarly, a more recent Québec study estimated that raising the age of care from 18 to 21 would cost $146 million but generate up to $254 million in benefits.

Investing in education for youth from care is a cost-effective, humane and socially responsible alternative to allowing justice involvement to become their default path.

How we can all benefit

The current punitive system invests heavily in the costliest outcomes — justice involvement — while underfunding pathways that foster resilience, success and societal connection and contribution.

A national commitment to educational equity for youth from care is a sound fiscal strategy and a transformational approach to ensure all youth in Canada can benefit from post-secondary education.

As a society, we all benefit from this approach.

Susan McWilliam, PhD, Outcomes & Evaluation Consultant, Mental Health & Addictions, IWK Health Centre, Halifax, co-authored this story.

The Conversation

Jacquie Gahagan receives funding from CIHR, SSHRC, RNS.

Dale Kirby receives funding from SSHRC.

El Jones receives funding from North Pine Foundation.

Kristyn Anderson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why bolstering post-secondary education for former youth in care is a wise investment – https://theconversation.com/why-bolstering-post-secondary-education-for-former-youth-in-care-is-a-wise-investment-261926

The world’s longest marine heat wave upended ocean life across the Pacific

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Samuel Starko, Forrest Research Fellow, School of Biological Sciences, The University of Western Australia

View of the Pacific Ocean from Botanical Beach on Vancouver Island, B.C., in August 2020. (Unsplash/Amanda Batchelor)

More than a decade since the start of the longest ocean warming event ever recorded, scientists are still working to understand the extent of its impacts. This unprecedented heat wave, nicknamed “The Blob,” stretched thousands of kilometres over North America’s western coastal waters, affecting everything from the smallest plankton to the largest marine mammals.

Between 2014 and 2016, when this heat wave occurred, water temperatures soared between two to six degrees C above average.

One would be forgiven for thinking this is no big deal. After all, temperatures fluctuate more than this on land most days. But not so in the ocean, where temperatures are normally much more stable because of the enormous amount of energy it takes to change them.

Although the duration of this multi-year warming event made it the first of its kind, it offers a glimpse into a future with climate change, where heat waves like this will be more frequent.

In our newly published systematic review, we synthesized the findings from 331 scientific studies documenting the ecological impacts of this marine heat wave across ecosystems, all the way from Alaska to Baja California.

Our results offer a stark warning for how profoundly ocean life can be upended by heat waves that are now a dominant signature of climate change.

six maps of the west coast of north america showing the intensity of the ocean heat wave using colours from yellow to red. The heat-wave areas grow larger before dissipating in the last map
Maps demonstrating the formation and progression of the 2014-16 marine heat wave. The colours indicates marine heat wave intensity, which measures how many degrees the water is above average conditions at any point in time.
(Jennifer McHenry)

Species on the move

One of the most common responses to this extreme event was that marine species moved into places where they are not normally found as they searched for cooler water. Most headed north.

In total, we identified 240 species that were found outside of their normal ranges. More than 100 of these were found further north than they had ever been recorded before, with some moving up to 1,000 kilometres.

These species on the move included everything from fish and invertebrates to seabirds and marine mammals. But species don’t all have the same discomfort level with warm water, and some species are more mobile than others. So, marine communities didn’t simply pick up and move together to avoid the heat.

Instead, marine heat waves like this one are causing a massive reorganization of ocean life, as new predators, prey and competitors intermingle for the first time. The newcomers have the potential to alter food webs and displace local species with far-reaching consequences.

crabs seen washed up on a beach
Pelagic red crabs washed up on a California beach in June 2015.
(Dirk Dallas), CC BY-NC

Heatwave effects on linked species and fisheries

One of the key lessons from this heat wave is that impacts on one species can have effects that ripple throughout entire ecosystems. For example, the shifting availability of key forage fish like anchovies and sardines contributed to mass die-offs of starving seabirds and whales.

Warm, nutrient-poor waters also triggered unprecedented blooms of toxic algae. This led to the closure of Dungeness crab fisheries on the West Coast that cost local economies tens of millions of dollars.

Widespread ecological disruption

The marine heat wave also transformed coastal habitats, including kelp forests and seagrass beds. Kelp forests, sometimes called rainforests of the sea, were impacted along several thousand kilometres of coastline.

In some cases, local extinctions of these habitats have persisted for years following the event, with sustained impacts on the critters that rely on them. We still don’t know whether these changes represent permanent losses or whether any of these ecosystems will be able to recover.

two images of the same beach area, one with kelp in the water, one without
Aerial imagery showing the disappearance of a kelp forest on Vancouver Island, B.C., following the 2014-16 marine heat wave.
(Shorezone/Samuel Starko)



Read more:
Why some of British Columbia’s kelp forests are in more danger than others


Diseases flourished in the warmer waters. The previously abundant sunflower sea star was hit particularly hard. Warmer waters likely increased the susceptibility of this species to an ongoing epidemic. This led to losses severe enough to have it listed as a critically endangered species.

Similarly, increases in seagrass disease contributed to declines in the health and abundance of the habitats these plants create.

the body of a large starfish on a rock underwater with some of its arms detached.
A sunflower sea star showing signs of sea star wasting disease, which is likely made more prevalent by warmer water.
(NOAA Fisheries West Coast/Janna Nicols), CC BY-NC-ND

Preparing for warmer water

Our review highlights how we are unprepared to respond to these challenges in real time.

With marine heat waves becoming more prevalent, we need to prepare for what is coming. Climate models indicate that these events will only get stronger as greenhouse gas emissions continue to warm our planet.

Global ocean temperatures have continued to rise over the decade since The Blob, with several years since being declared the hottest on record in the ocean, only to be surpassed the following year.

Actions such as restoring lost habitat or reducing additional stressors, like overfishing, may help ecosystems cope with some of these shocks. However, these benefits may be limited and offer only a temporary solution to a problem that is worsening.

Our review demonstrates how unpredictably these heat waves can unfold across marine ecosystems and how widespread their impacts can be. In the face of such drastic change, climate adaptation measures will only get us so far.

To stave off the worst impacts of heat waves driven by climate change, governments and industry must urgently reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The 2014-16 marine heat wave was a warning. The question now is whether we will listen.

The Conversation

Samuel Starko receives funding from the Forrest Research Foundation, the Australian Research Council and Revive & Restore. During this research project, he also received funding from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada and Mitacs.

Julia K. Baum receives funding from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada and Fisheries and Oceans Canada. A Professor at the University of Victoria, she is affiliated with the Bamfield Marine Sciences Centre’s Kelp Rescue Initiative.

ref. The world’s longest marine heat wave upended ocean life across the Pacific – https://theconversation.com/the-worlds-longest-marine-heat-wave-upended-ocean-life-across-the-pacific-260792

Teenagers no longer answer the phone: is it a lack of manners or a new trend?

Source: The Conversation – France – By Anne Cordier, Professeure des Universités en Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication, Université de Lorraine

Teenagers can seem to have their phones glued to their hands – yet they won’t answer them when they ring. This scenario, which is all too familiar to many parents, can seem absurd and frustrating, or even alarming to some. Yet it also speaks volumes about the way 13-to-18-year-olds now connect (or fail to connect) with others. If smartphones are ever-present in the daily lives of adolescents, this does not mean they are using their devices in the same way adults do.

This reluctance to “pick up the phone” isn’t just a generational trait: it signals a deeper transformation in communication practices, social norms and digital etiquette.

There is actually much more to this muted approach to communication than the cliché of the “unreachable” teen. The social, affective and emotional dynamics at play among this age group are all worth deciphering.

Controlling the conversation

“I never answer calls unless it’s my mum, or an emergency, like a surprise test at school, or a friend who freaks out about something,” says 15-year-old Léa with a laugh. Behind this seemingly trivial comment lies a deeper change than meets the eye. Phones, long considered the quintessential voice tools designed for live conversation, are now used less and less to actually make calls.

For teenagers, voice calls are no longer the default mode of communication. Instead, they are becoming the exception, used in very specific contexts, like emergency situations, moments of distress or when immediate comfort is required. In all other cases, texting is the preferred option. The reason isn’t laziness: written communication – text messages, voice notes, or DMs on Snapchat and Instagram – offers a completely different relationship to time, emotions and self-control.

Picking up the phone means being available here and now, with no safety net, and no delay. For many teenagers, this immediacy is perceived as stressful, a loss of control. There is no time to think about what you want to say. You might stammer, say too much or too little, express yourself poorly, or get caught off guard.

Written communication, by contrast, allows for greater control, offering options like drafting, deleting and rewriting, postponing, and smoothing things over. It is easier to communicate effectively when you can first remain silent.

The desire for control over time, words and emotions is not just a teenage whim. It reflects a broader way of navigating social relationships through screens, one in which every individual grants themselves the right to choose when, how, and how intensely to connect.

In this context, phones become a flexible interface that connects and protects. It provides connections with possible escape routes.

“When I see ‘Dad mobile’ pop up on my screen, I will let it ring. I don’t have the energy to answer a barrage of questions. I’d rather just text him after he hangs up,” says 16-year-old Mehdi.

This type of reaction doesn’t necessarily imply rejection or indifference: it is more about the need for space, deferring the exchange, managing it according to one’s own emotional resources in the moment.

Ironically, phones have become tools to avoid talking. Or more precisely, tools to decide when and how to let the voice in – all in the name of maintaining balance in relationships.

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The right to remain silent

Not picking up is no longer deemed rude and has become a choice: a deliberate way to set boundaries in a hyperconnected world where everyone is expected to be reachable – at any time, and through all sorts of channels.

For many teenagers, not answering, either immediately or at all, is part of a deliberate strategy to disconnect, which is seen as a right worth defending.

“Sometimes I leave my phone on silent mode on purpose. That way, I can have some peace,” says Elsa, 17.

This strategy speaks to a desire to regain control of one’s time and attention. Where previous generations may have seen the phone as a promise of connection and closeness, today’s teenagers sometimes experience it as a source of pressure.

In this new way of managing one’s availability, silence is a form of communication in itself. It does not necessarily signal rejection: rather, it seems like an implicit norm where availability is no longer assumed. It must be requested, negotiated and constructed.

As Lucas, 16, explains: “My friends know I won’t answer right away. They send a Snap first, like, ‘you up for a call?’ If not, forget it.”

This ritual highlights a change in attitude. Calling someone out of the blue can feel like a breach of digital etiquette. By contrast, waiting for the right moment and checking in first before calling turn out to be signs of respect.

This means that the phone is no longer just a communication tool. It’s becoming a space for relationship building where silence, far from being a void, is seen as a necessary breath of fresh air, a pause in the flow, and a right to privacy.

Politeness 2.0: time for an update

“Is voice calling considered rude now?” a father wonders. For many adults, the absence of a voice reply is viewed as an affront and a breach of basic communication rules. From a teenager’s point of view, though, not picking up does not mean rejection: it just highlights the emergence of new codes of conduct.

These codes redefine the contours of what could be called “digital politeness”. Where a phone call was once seen as a gesture of care, it may now be perceived as intrusive. Meanwhile, responding via message offers structure, time to think and a chance for clearer expression, and also the option to defer or sidestep without causing open conflict.

It is not that teenagers lack empathy. They simply express it differently, in more subtle, asynchronous ways. With peers, they share unspoken rituals, like texting before calling, sending emojis to articulate mood or availability, and implicit rules on when is a good time to talk. What some adults interpret as coldness or distance is, in fact, another form of attention.

As long as we are willing to accept these new perspectives and discuss them without judgment, it is possible to view this transformation not in terms of a breakdown of social ties, but as a subtle reinvention of the ways we relate to one another.

Reinventing connections

Rather than viewing this silence on the phone as a crisis in communication, perhaps we should see it as an opportunity to reinvent the way we talk to each other. Tensions can be defused, and a calmer form of communication can be built with teenagers, if adults acknowledge that the rules have changed and that this is no big deal.

It might start with a simple, honest conversation about preferences: some teens prefer texts for practical info, voice messages for sharing emotions (to say, for example, you are thinking of them) and a call only in emergency situations. Putting these preferences and habits into words and agreeing on them is already a way of connecting, and building trust.

Before calling, one might want to send a quick message asking if the person is free to talk, moving away from a logic of command and control and into that of shared availability.

It’s equally important to learn to embrace silence. Not replying immediately (or at all) isn’t necessarily a sign of rejection or disinterest. Sometimes it is just a way to breathe, refocus, and protect one’s mental space. It is a form of self-respect.

Finally, it is also worth reflecting on our own habits: what if we, as adults, explored new ways to show we care – ways that don’t necessarily involve making a phone call? An emoji, photo, or a short or delayed message can be just as meaningful. Attention does not always have to come in the form of a ringtone.

Bridging the generation gap does not mean returning to landline phones, but rather learning to understand each other’s codes, desires and routines. After all, what teenagers are asking us is not to communicate less, but to communicate better.

The Conversation

Anne Cordier ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Teenagers no longer answer the phone: is it a lack of manners or a new trend? – https://theconversation.com/teenagers-no-longer-answer-the-phone-is-it-a-lack-of-manners-or-a-new-trend-262718

Somalia’s education crisis: why so few children attend school and what could be done to change that

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Abdifatah Ismael Tahir, Honorary Research Fellow, Global Development Institute, University of Manchester

Around 98 million children and youth in sub-Saharan Africa are out of school, accounting for nearly 40% of the global out-of-school population. This is disproportionately high, considering that the region accounts for roughly 15% of the world’s population. In simple terms, “out-of-school children” is defined as those within the age bracket for primary or lower secondary education who are not enrolled in either level.

One of the primary barriers to access is conflict. This is particularly evident in Somalia, which has endured violence and upheaval since the collapse of its central government in 1991. Various armed groups, including clan militias and al-Shabaab militants, have vied for control over the capital, with devastating consequences.

At present, nearly 3 million children and youth are out of school in Somalia out of an estimated 7.6 million school-age population. As the epicentre of conflict and displacement, Mogadishu experiences profound disruptions to educational access. Less than 23% of children eligible for primary education are enrolled, according to 2020 government statistics. Only 17% progress to secondary education.

I am a scholar of urban geography with a research focus on urban politics and governance. My co-researcher and I sought to examine the historical, social and economic factors over and above conflict contributing to the high number of out-of-school children in Mogadishu.

We found that public education is both limited and unevenly distributed. Government-run schools make up only 4% of the total number of schools in the city. These few public schools are disproportionately located in areas dominated by major clans, leaving minority communities and conflict-displaced populations with limited access to formal education.

A key barrier is the prohibitive cost of schooling. Equally important are entrenched cultural dynamics in areas populated by minority clans, where formal education, particularly for girls, is often undervalued in favor of technical skills or small-scale entrepreneurial training passed down through generations. Much like Somali society’s historical resistance to colonial education through Islamic schooling, many minority communities today rely on vocational skills as strategies of autonomy from dominant clans that control political and economic power and often restrict their access to opportunity.

By narrowing our focus to Mogadishu, our study offers a more detailed and localised understanding of the educational barriers within the city. It highlights the everyday choices, institutional fragmentation, and socio-religious imperatives that reproduce exclusion in ways that other studies have overlooked. It contributes to a more nuanced analysis of Somalia’s educational challenges, supporting the development of more targeted and effective policy recommendations and interventions.

The findings

Our qualitative study was conducted in two stages. We started with a review of academic literature, government and non-governmental reports and education policy documents. The aim was to trace the historical and structural causes of exclusion. This was followed by 21 semi-structured interviews with families of out-of-school children, teachers, education officials and policymakers at both regional and federal level.

Our findings suggest that the reasons children are out of school in Mogadishu are complex and deeply structural. On one level, we found that formal education is largely inaccessible. Government-funded public education is limited by the small number of schools and by its uneven distribution. Formal private school fees on the other hand range from US$120 to US$300 per year. This is far beyond the reach of most households, whose average monthly income stands at US$350.




Read more:
Somalia at 65: what’s needed to address its dismal social development indicators


Though no official statistics exist, anecdotal evidence suggests that hundreds of thousands of children are enrolled in Qur’anic schools, also known as madrassas. This is because madrassa instruction is culturally embedded and widely trusted. Many families also rely on madrassas because the fees are lower or negotiable and they offer flexible arrangements, such as discounted fees or waivers.

However, these institutions typically exclude academic subjects such as science, mathematics and language.

Families must choose between two parallel systems – formal and Islamic – that are neither harmonised nor mutually reinforcing. In many cases, children complete madrassa instruction without acquiring basic literacy or numeracy skills, stalling their educational progression.

This two-track education system goes back to the colonial era. There was resistance to western-style schools introduced in the 1930s which were seen as a foreign influence and religious dilution.

Spatial inequality and social identity also exclude people. Peripheral districts and neighbourhoods where minorities are concentrated suffer from underinvestment in educational infrastructure. These areas may be absent from national and municipal development plans. Some existing schools lack adequate sanitation facilities, libraries, and trained teaching staff.

For internally displaced persons, tenure insecurity and legal ambiguity further limit access to public services, including education.

What needs to happen

This situation is not unique to Somalia, but the scale of exclusion in Mogadishu is alarming. Education is more than academic instruction – it offers safety, structure and hope. When children can’t go to school, the consequences are profound: increased poverty, higher crime and weakened social cohesion.

The solution requires more than constructing classrooms. Based on our research and policy analysis, we propose some recommendations.

With a federal budget of only US$1 billion, the options are limited. For a start, the government should authorise madrassas to provide education up to grade 6 and repurpose primary schools into secondary institutions.

Flexible madrassas and mobile classrooms have shown notable resilience in times of crisis. In Hodan district of Mogadishu, Qur’anic schools adapted to the influx of the internally displaced by extending hours and reducing fees. These locally embedded systems should be formally recognised. They also deserve direct national support to ensure quality and alignment with strategic education goals.




Read more:
How schools are kept afloat in Somaliland


Many community-run schools currently operate outside public planning and budgeting frameworks, yet they deliver critical services. In Somaliland, some schools have been financed through zakat (charitable donations) and diaspora contributions. Mogadishu should adapt this model.

While Islamic education enjoys broad legitimacy, its narrow curriculum constrains students’ prospects. This calls for a hybrid curriculum blending Qur’anic instruction with core academic subjects: literacy, numeracy and science. This has proven successful in pilot schools in Puntland state.

Finally, school construction and rehabilitation efforts should go to historically underserved districts first.

Mogadishu’s out-of-school children are not invisible. They are the future of the city. Including them requires more than donor-led programmes or technical solutions. It requires a political commitment to equity. This means formally recognising community efforts, bridging religious and secular traditions, and investing where it is needed most.

The Conversation

The research was supported by Education Above All (EAA), a global foundation based in Doha, Qatar, dedicated to ensuring equitable access to quality education, especially for vulnerable and marginalized populations. EAA was not involved in the research design, data analysis, interpretation of findings, or the writing of this paper, and holds no influence over its content or conclusions.

ref. Somalia’s education crisis: why so few children attend school and what could be done to change that – https://theconversation.com/somalias-education-crisis-why-so-few-children-attend-school-and-what-could-be-done-to-change-that-261721

Namibia’s forgotten genocide: how Bushmen were hunted and killed under German colonial rule

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Robert J. Gordon, Emeritus Professor, University of Vermont and Research Associate, University of the Free State

The genocide of Namibia’s Ovaherero and Nama people by German colonial forces (1904-1907) is widely documented. But much less is made of what came next – the genocide of the country’s Bushmen, also known as the San.

In 1992, anthropologist Robert J. Gordon published a book, The Bushman Myth and the Making of a Namibian Underclass, about these indigenous people of Namibia and how they were hunted and turned into servants by German colonisers.

Now it has been thoroughly revised and has been republished as The Bushman Myth Revisited: Genocide, Dispossession and the Road to Servitude. We asked him five questions.


Why a revised, rewritten book?

Today, most Bushmen still live a life of servitude in their own country. Local San and human rights activists encouraged me to bring out an updated and inexpensive version, which the University of Namibia Press has just published. The original editions were published in the US, making them virtually unobtainable in Namibia, where they needed to be read and discussed.

Since the first edition, an extraordinary number of books on German colonialism have been published, including my own. These inspired the use of key concepts in the book like platzgeist, where a particular zeitgeist (spirit of the times) is anchored in a specific place (platz) that makes people engage in activities they might not normally do.

What was life like for indigenous people before colonialism?

The Kalahari Basin in southern Africa is one of the world’s richest ethnographic zones (areas with distinct cultures). The region is home to some of the oldest languages still in existence and the genetic diversity found in the zone indicates that it is home to one of the world’s original ancestral populations.

“Bushman” is used as a blanket term encompassing more than 200 ethnic groups. There is no “typical Bushman”; rather, they constitute a miscellany of fluid groups. “Bushman” is preferred by many local communities, possibly as a form of resistance against officialdom’s categorisation of them as San and “Marginals”. The term “San” is found only in one language, Khoekhoegowab, and means the same as Bushman.

I see them as convivial with a strong ideology of sharing. Colonial power is based on controlling access to what people desire, like money or livestock. Bushmen lived as hunter-gatherers, roaming across the landscape. They had a different concept of property, desiring neither money or livestock; they were uncontrollable and so they were treated as animals and subject to annihilation.

What was the genocidal platzgeist?

First, some background. Today’s Namibia was a German colony called German South West Africa from 1884. The 1904-1907 genocidal Herero-Nama war was decisive, as Germany sought to create a German haven by encouraging settlers.

The north-east arc of the territory, stretching from Otavi to Gobabis with Grootfontein as the epicentre, served as a magnet, with a newly completed railway line, mines, vast agricultural potential and accessible land. In Grootfontein alone, the number of settler farms increased from 15 in 1903 to 175 by 1913. Almost all these cattle ranches were on land occupied by Bushmen.




Read more:
Namibian genocide: why Germany’s bid to make amends isn’t enough


Settlers were soon in trouble. By 1911, the Namibian press headlines screamed “Bushman Plague”. Two factors fed the panic. First, the killing of a policeman and a few white farmers. And second, Bushman activities, allegedly “brigandage” or banditry, were hindering the flow of sorely needed migrant contract workers from the Owambo and Kavango regions to work on the newly discovered Luderitzbucht diamond fields. The Chamber of Mines wanted the area “sanitised”.

Accordingly, the German governor ordered that Bushmen could be shot if they were believed to be attempting to resist arrest by officials or settlers. Over 400 anti-Bushman patrols covering some 60,000km² were deployed from 1911 to 1913.

But settlers and officials considered these measures inadequate. Settlers continued to terrorise Bushmen without as much as a slap on the wrist. “Bushman hunts” continued until the South African takeover of the territory in 1915 when the country became known as South West Africa.

We don’t know how many Bushmen died, but as I explain in my book, official estimates put Bushmen numbers in 1913 at 8,000-12,000. In 1923 it was 3,600. This gives an indication of the magnitude of the killings.

What oiled the genocide was the settler platzgeist. The dominant ethos was one of besiegement, of being threatened by unpredictable external forces. The farmers, attracted by generous government support and subsidies, were mostly discharged soldiers, ill-trained in farming, lacking crucial local knowledge, and schooled in racist arrogance. The situation bred insecurity, fear and hyper-masculinity.

Bushmen, with their reputed ability to camouflage themselves and to track and hunt using poisoned arrows for which there was no known antidote, epitomised their worst nightmare as they sought to establish overlordship on their isolated farms. Believed to be like predatory game, Bushmen had to be exterminated as a group. This was genocide.

What happened after the genocide?

Repression continued under South African rule from 1915 until independence in 1990, although it was less extreme. The possession of Bushman bows and arrows was made illegal. Bushmen were steadily dispossessed of their territory to make way for game reserves and settler farms.

As late as the 1970s, the administration was still thinking of relocating 30,000 Bushmen to the proclaimed artificially created Bushmanland, which constituted 2% of the territory they had once occupied.




Read more:
German colonialism in Africa has a chilling history – new book explores how it lives on


The vast majority remained in their traditional areas now under the overlordship of settler farmers, where they sank into a situation of servitude. With Namibia’s independence, the situation worsened. New labour laws set a minimum wage, making it uneconomical to keep Bushmen workers. And many farmers switched to game farming or sold to black farmers who preferred to hire their kinsfolk.

The result was that Bushmen were forced into communal areas or peri-urban informal settlements, where they eke out a precarious living.

Where does this find these people today?

Bushmen are currently found in varying states of servitude, doing largely menial labour in the north and north-eastern regions, where they were once the ancestral inhabitants. The government is trying to assist Bushmen, mainly with welfare grants and a few overcrowded resettlement farms.

Search “Namibian Bushmen” on the internet and one is bombarded with glamourised images of Bushmen in traditional dress demonstrating hunting and tracking. Such narratives, largely the result of tourism boosters, reinforce the myth of the “pristine” Bushmen. The history of genocide and servitude is airbrushed out.

The Conversation

Robert J. Gordon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Namibia’s forgotten genocide: how Bushmen were hunted and killed under German colonial rule – https://theconversation.com/namibias-forgotten-genocide-how-bushmen-were-hunted-and-killed-under-german-colonial-rule-261267

How states are placing guardrails around AI in the absence of strong federal regulation

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Anjana Susarla, Professor of Information Systems, Michigan State University

The California State Capitol has been the scene of numerous efforts to regulate AI. AP Photo/Juliana Yamada

U.S. state legislatures are where the action is for placing guardrails around artificial intelligence technologies, given the lack of meaningful federal regulation. The resounding defeat in Congress of a proposed moratorium on state-level AI regulation means states are free to continue filling the gap.

Several states have already enacted legislation around the use of AI. All 50 states have introduced various AI-related legislation in 2025.

Four aspects of AI in particular stand out from a regulatory perspective: government use of AI, AI in health care, facial recognition and generative AI.

Government use of AI

The oversight and responsible use of AI are especially critical in the public sector. Predictive AI – AI that performs statistical analysis to make forecasts – has transformed many governmental functions, from determining social services eligibility to making recommendations on criminal justice sentencing and parole.

But the widespread use of algorithmic decision-making could have major hidden costs. Potential algorithmic harms posed by AI systems used for government services include racial and gender biases.

Recognizing the potential for algorithmic harms, state legislatures have introduced bills focused on public sector use of AI, with emphasis on transparency, consumer protections and recognizing risks of AI deployment.

Several states have required AI developers to disclose risks posed by their systems. The Colorado Artificial Intelligence Act includes transparency and disclosure requirements for developers of AI systems involved in making consequential decisions, as well as for those who deploy them.

Montana’s new “Right to Compute” law sets requirements that AI developers adopt risk management frameworks – methods for addressing security and privacy in the development process – for AI systems involved in critical infrastructure. Some states have established bodies that provide oversight and regulatory authority, such as those specified in New York’s SB 8755 bill.

AI in health care

In the first half of 2025, 34 states introduced over 250 AI-related health bills. The bills generally fall into four categories: disclosure requirements, consumer protection, insurers’ use of AI and clinicians’ use of AI.

Bills about transparency define requirements for information that AI system developers and organizations that deploy the systems disclose.

Consumer protection bills aim to keep AI systems from unfairly discriminating against some people, and ensure that users of the systems have a way to contest decisions made using the technology.

a mannequin wearing a device across the chest with four wires attached to circular pads attached to the torso
Numerous bills in state legislatures aim to regulate the use of AI in health care, including medical devices like this electrocardiogram recorder.
VCG via Getty Images

Bills covering insurers provide oversight of the payers’ use of AI to make decisions about health care approvals and payments. And bills about clinical uses of AI regulate use of the technology in diagnosing and treating patients.

Facial recognition and surveillance

In the U.S., a long-standing legal doctrine that applies to privacy protection issues, including facial surveillance, is to protect individual autonomy against interference from the government. In this context, facial recognition technologies pose significant privacy challenges as well as risks from potential biases.

Facial recognition software, commonly used in predictive policing and national security, has exhibited biases against people of color and consequently is often considered a threat to civil liberties. A pathbreaking study by computer scientists Joy Buolamwini and Timnit Gebru found that facial recognition software poses significant challenges for Black people and other historically disadvantaged minorities. Facial recognition software was less likely to correctly identify darker faces.

Bias also creeps into the data used to train these algorithms, for example when the composition of teams that guide the development of such facial recognition software lack diversity.

By the end of 2024, 15 states in the U.S. had enacted laws to limit the potential harms from facial recognition. Some elements of state-level regulations are requirements on vendors to publish bias test reports and data management practices, as well as the need for human review in the use of these technologies.

a Black woman with short hair and hoop earrings sits at a conference table
Porcha Woodruff was wrongly arrested for a carjacking in 2023 based on facial recognition technology.
AP Photo/Carlos Osorio

Generative AI and foundation models

The widespread use of generative AI has also prompted concerns from lawmakers in many states. Utah’s Artificial Intelligence Policy Act requires individuals and organizations to clearly disclose when they’re using generative AI systems to interact with someone when that person asks if AI is being used, though the legislature subsequently narrowed the scope to interactions that could involve dispensing advice or collecting sensitive information.

Last year, California passed AB 2013, a generative AI law that requires developers to post information on their websites about the data used to train their AI systems, including foundation models. Foundation models are any AI model that is trained on extremely large datasets and that can be adapted to a wide range of tasks without additional training.

AI developers have typically not been forthcoming about the training data they use. Such legislation could help copyright owners of content used in training AI overcome the lack of transparency.

Trying to fill the gap

In the absence of a comprehensive federal legislative framework, states have tried to address the gap by moving forward with their own legislative efforts. While such a patchwork of laws may complicate AI developers’ compliance efforts, I believe that states can provide important and needed oversight on privacy, civil rights and consumer protections.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration announced its AI Action Plan on July 23, 2025. The plan says “The Federal government should not allow AI-related Federal funding to be directed toward states with burdensome AI regulations … ”

The move could hinder state efforts to regulate AI if states have to weigh regulations that might run afoul of the administration’s definition of burdensome against needed federal funding for AI.

The Conversation

Anjana Susarla does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How states are placing guardrails around AI in the absence of strong federal regulation – https://theconversation.com/how-states-are-placing-guardrails-around-ai-in-the-absence-of-strong-federal-regulation-260683