Category: English

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Luca Trenta, Associate Professor in International Relations, Swansea University

The US president, Donald Trump, signed a secret directive on August 8 authorising the Pentagon to use military force against some Latin American drug cartels. To longtime observers of US foreign policy in the region, his directive only came as a partial surprise.

During his most recent presidential election campaign, Trump proposed bombing Mexico – although, amid the flurry of claims and promises, this extreme posture almost went unnoticed. And Mexican national security analysts have been warning for the past few years that use of US military force against Mexico is becoming increasingly likely.

On his first day back in office, Trump signed an executive order designating cartels and some other criminal groups “foreign terrorist organisations”. For past US administrations, such a designation has often acted as a prelude to – and partial justification for – violence.

Trump’s executive order defined cartels as a “national security threat beyond that posed by traditional organised crime”. This, it added, is due to the cartels’ work with international networks, their complexity and engagement in insurgency and asymmetric warfare, and their “infiltration” of governments in the western hemisphere.

In its report on Trump’s secret directive, the New York Times highlighted how the unilateral use of military force in Latin America would represent a dangerous escalation in the region.

In the past, the US has often presented its use of military force against the cartels as support for law enforcement there. It has also relied on collaboration with local governments and militaries to conduct joint operations.

Brian Finucane, a former legal adviser at the US State Department, noted in the same New York Times article that any use of force would encounter domestic constraints in Washington. It would need congressional authorisations, and the US government is formally banned from attempting assassinations. This ban could only be circumvented, Finucane argued, in cases of self-defence.

However, at least since the 1980s, the ban on assassination has rarely constrained US foreign policy. The so-called “war on drugs” of successive administrations has often blended overt and covert uses of force, culminating in the killing of prominent drug traffickers.

Justifying assassination

The use of force and assassination featured in the first war on drugs, declared by then-US president Richard Nixon in 1971. Journalists working on the Watergate scandal, an investigation into the administration’s involvement in a break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters in Washington, revealed that Nixon and his assistants had considered using hit squads and the assassination of 150 leading drug traffickers.

But the self-defence exception first emerged under the administration of Ronald Reagan (1981–1989). The CIA’s then-director, William Casey, and its legal counsel, Stanley Sporkin, both argued that the ban on assassinations did not apply in cases of self-defence. Their argument found support in an administration that was developing a rhetoric and policies to pre-empt terrorism, similar to those established in the aftermath of 9/11.

In 1989, early in the George H.W. Bush administration, this precedent was enshrined in a memorandum of law: the Parks Memorandum. This stated that overt or covert uses of force ordered by the president in self-defence would not constitute assassination if they targeted “combatant forces of another nation, a guerrilla force or a terrorist, or other organisations whose actions pose a threat to the security of the US”.

By this time, drug trafficking had replaced terrorism as a key security concern in the US, and Medellín Cartel leader Pablo Escobar was enemy number one. In April 1989, the CIA established a counter-narcotics centre, and the National Security Council soon started working on a policy review on how to deal with drug traffickers.

Assassination and the use of force emerged as clear policy options. William J. Bennett, then chief of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), was a strong advocate of going after narcotraffickers. Bennett seemed to support the use of hit squads when he stated that same year: “We should do to the drug barons what our forces in the Persian Gulf did to Iran’s navy [during the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s].”

Bush Sr also went back to another precedent set under Reagan. Starting in the mid-1980s, the Reagan administration had argued that a “marriage of convenience” had emerged between terrorists and drug traffickers. “Narcoterrorism”, then-secretary of state George Shultz suggested in 1987, should be considered a “shadow war”.

In this shadow war, assassination was seen as an available option – with some in the Bush Sr government proposing that if the ban on assassination did not apply to terrorists, it should not apply to drug traffickers either. Increasing violence by the Medellín Cartel at the time, alongside the Parks Memorandum and the administration’s declarations that cartels posed a national security threat, meant overt or covert use of force could be legitimised against the drug gangs too.

This became the legal rationale behind the so-called “kingpin strategy”, which involved the DEA, CIA, US armed forces and their local allies targeting and often killing drug lords and narcotraffickers. This included the leaders of the Medellín and Cali cartels. Escobar, for example, was killed by Colombian special forces in 1993, with extensive training and intelligence support from the US.

Covert and overt uses of force against “narcoterrorists” in the region continued under the following US administrations. This extended to leaders of rebel groups such as the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (Farc), who were involved in drug trafficking and thus considered a threat by the US and its allies. The US role here was largely providing the technology that facilitated cross-border assassinations.

So, the use of US force against drug traffickers is not without precedent. But the measures threatened by Trump would in my view represent a dangerous escalation at a time of unprecedented international crisis. They are certainly a challenge to the Mexican government, whose president, Claudia Sheinbaum, has unequivocally stated: “The US is not going to come to Mexico with the military.”

Several studies into the use of force in the many wars on drugs have shown that military force is not an effective tool to counter the activities of cartels. Militarisation has already contributed to more violence in Mexico, and the decapitation of cartel leadership has often only increased the degree and brutality of such violence.

Luca Trenta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. US force has been used against drug traffickers before – but Trump’s plan is a dangerous escalation – https://theconversation.com/us-force-has-been-used-against-drug-traffickers-before-but-trumps-plan-is-a-dangerous-escalation-262921

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sara Mehryar, Research Fellow in climate change adaptation and resilience, London School of Economics and Political Science

Extreme heat in the UK is no longer a distant or seasonal issue. It’s a growing national risk.

When the UK hit over 40°C in 2022, nearly 3,000 excess deaths (deaths surplus to what’s normally expected for that time of year) were recorded in England alone. Train lines buckled, hospitals overheated and fire services were overwhelmed.

Globally, extreme heat is one of the deadliest climate hazards, causing an estimated 489,000 deaths annually. But these death are preventable.

Our recent study in the journal Earth’s Future and other reports on the subject say the same thing: that the UK is not ready for a future of extreme heat. The UK’s efforts still focus largely on immediate health consequences, rather than the risks that unfold more widely on education, supply chain, infrastructure and the economy.

Our analysis of the 2022 heatwave reveals a web of cascading effects: wildfires, power failures, water shortages, overwhelmed emergency services and serious disruption to transport. For example, Network Rail, the state-owned company responsible for Britain’s railway tracks and stations, spent £51 million on compensation due to heat-related disruptions between 2016 and 2021.

Consequences extend globally. The humanitarian aid charity Unicef reported that in 2024, 242 million students were affected by heat-related school closures, and US$863 billion (£643 billion) in workforce income losses were recorded in 2022 due to reduced productivity.

Here are five key actions the UK should prioritise:

1. Retrofit buildings to handle heat

UK homes are built to retain heat, a dangerous liability during hotter summers. Right now, more than half of homes in the UK can get uncomfortably hot during heatwaves. If the planet warms by about 2°C on average (a level many scientists warn could be reached this century), that number could jump to nine out of every ten homes.

Existing buildings, many of which are among the oldest in Europe, are not covered by current overheating regulations. A national retrofit strategy urgently needs to include passive cooling, such as ventilation, shading and reflective materials that improve buildings in energy-efficient ways as standard.

Other countries are already taking proactive steps. In Barcelona, for example, public schools are being converted into “climate shelters” with fans, shade, and water access so they can protect people during extreme heat. The UK could adopt similar measures – turning schools, libraries and community centres into safe, cool spaces to help residents cope with increasingly severe heatwaves.

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Read more:
Three ingenious ways architects are designing buildings to stay cool in a heatwave without air conditioning

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2. Make public communication more effective

Heat warnings alone won’t change behaviour. Many people remain unaware that heat can be fatal, especially for the most vulnerable, such as children, older people and people with chronic illnesses. Public messaging must be practical and timely, with advice tailored to specific contexts (such as care homes, schools or outdoor workplaces). Advice also needs to encourage people to make healthier choices, while ensuring that better options are affordable and accessible to everyone.

One example comes from Ahmedabad, India, where heat-related deaths have dropped sharply since its Heat Action Plan began. The programme works because it targets vulnerable groups, trains health workers, provides shade and water for outdoor labourers and schoolchildren, and warns residents before dangerous heat hits. A simple “heat rating” in forecasts, backed by text alerts and local media, helps people take timely action.

Our work with Shade the UK, an NGO dedicated to adapting the UK’s built environment and public spaces to climate change, and Love Design Studio, a sustainability consultancy, shows that implementing a simple heat metric (similar to existing energy performance certificates) could empower residents and property owners to act. The metric would show the level of heat risk in a property and outline practical measures to make it cooler.

3. Focus on the most vulnerable

Heat effects are uneven. In 2022, central London boroughs such as Hackney, Tower Hamlets and Islington faced notably higher heat exposure (consistent with urban heat island effects that can elevate temperatures by 5–6°C compared to less dense areas) driven by their high building density and limited green space. Vulnerable populations, including older adults and low-income residents, face a higher risk but have fewer resources to cope.

By mapping vulnerability hotspots (creating maps that show where heat risk and social vulnerability overlap), authorities and volunteer groups can more easily deliver targeted local responses, such as providing access to cool spaces and carrying out welfare checks for vulnerable people during heatwaves.

London has already begun producing such heat risk and vulnerability maps. Some boroughs (such as Tower Hamlets) have acted on them, for example, by identifying schools and homes at greatest risk, but these maps need to become consistent, regularly updated and directly tied to local response plans.

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Read more:
Five ways to keep towns cool in a heatwave

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4. Improve coordination

One of the clearest findings from our latest research is that no single agency had a full view of the risks during the 2022 heatwave. Emergency responders focused on immediate incidents, while local authorities and national agencies operated in parallel, not in partnership.

Insights from our policy roundtable, held in London on February 11 with senior representatives from government, public health, climate and environment bodies, academia and non-governmental organisations, highlight the urgent need for a cross-sectoral national heat risk commission. This can ensure planning takes all aspects of heat risk into account and goes beyond typical priorities for health, transport and buildings.

London’s Operation Helios, a multi-agency heatwave simulation exercise held in June 2024, brought together 80 participants across multiple sectors, including emergency services, local authorities and health agencies, to test their preparedness for a severe heat episode. This one-off coordinated event must be repeated regularly.

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Read more:
Five things the UK must do to prepare for the next heatwave

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5. Take a low-carbon approach

Addressing heat risk must include reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Relying on energy-intensive solutions like mechanical air conditioning can worsen the problem by increasing emissions and contributing to local warming.

Taking early, proactive action opens up a wider range of low-emission measures, from raising awareness of simple behaviours to designing cooler, greener cities with low-carbon infrastructure. This includes more trees, shaded areas, cooling centres and water features such as fountains.

Resilience is possible. But it demands planning ahead, protecting the most vulnerable, and turning policy into action – before the next heatwave hits.

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Sara Mehryar receives funding from Z Zurich Foundation, Switzerland.

Anna Beswick receives funding from the Z Zurich Foundation, Switzerland.

Candice Howarth receives funding from the Economics and Social Research Council, British Academy, Natural Environment Research Council, EU Horizon 2020.

– ref. Five ways the UK can prepare for a hotter, riskier future – https://theconversation.com/five-ways-the-uk-can-prepare-for-a-hotter-riskier-future-261957

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mehri Khosravi, Energy and Carbon Senior Research Fellow, University of East London

With heatwaves becoming hotter and more frequent, demand for air conditioning is expected to rise significantly. However, if the UK and similar countries respond to hotter summers simply by installing more AC, they risk creating a costly, energy-hungry and more unequal future. But there’s a cooler, smarter way forward.

Colleagues and I have surveyed more than 1,600 households across the UK and found that two-thirds used fans in the summer of 2022, and one in five used air conditioning. The vast majority of those AC units were bought during or after that year’s 40°C heatwave – showing how quickly habits can shift.

In our our survey, 80% of UK homes reported overheating in summer 2022, four times more than a decade ago. By the end of this century, the temperature in the UK is predicted to exceed 40°C every few years. It’s no wonder that same survey found a sevenfold increase in air conditioning in the decade prior to 2022.

Relying heavily on AC might seem like a natural adaptation, but it comes with hidden costs. Cooling requires huge amounts of energy at the exact moments when demand is already high. In 2022 and 2023, the UK had to briefly restart a coal power plant to keep the lights – and the air conditioners – on.

AC also deepens inequalities. For wealthier households, it’s a quick fix. But for others, especially lower socioeconomic groups, it’s a dangerous gap in protection.

Passive cooling first

We already have a template for tackling winter energy demand – “insulation first”. That’s because it’s a lot harder to warm a house than it is to stop heat escaping in the first place.

A similar principle applies in summer – “reduce cooling demand first”.

Hot climate countries like those in southern Europe have had lots of practice and we can learn from them. That means starting with passive cooling measures that reduce the need for mechanical cooling in the first place. These measures include:

• shading and shutters to block sunlight before it enters a building

• natural ventilation to let heat escape in cooler hours

• reflective and light-coloured surfaces to deflect solar radiation

• buildings orientated to minimise heat gain

• trees and green infrastructure to cool neighbourhoods.

Many of these are low-cost, quick to install and long-lasting. In Rome, for example, window shutters are so common you barely notice them, yet they dramatically reduce the need for mechanical cooling.

Once demand is lowered, remaining needs can be met by ACs or reversible heat pumps.

Public behaviour matters too

Adapting our building design is not enough. We must adapt our behaviour too.

In Spain, the hottest hours are for siestas. Outdoor activities are paused, and people are more active in the mornings and evenings. Culturally, they understand that keeping curtains closed during the day and opening windows at night can prevent homes from overheating.

In the UK, heat is still culturally framed as “good weather”. Sunny weekends trigger beach trips, barbecues and more outdoor activity, even when it’s dangerously hot. This mismatch between perception and risk is a major public health challenge.

Even as the climate warms, UK energy policy is still designed for winter, not summer. Energy efficiency programmes often overlook the risk of trapping summer heat inside well-insulated homes. The UK needs to embed overheating risk into housing policy, and needs a clear plan to decarbonise cooling alongside heating.

Public risk communication must also catch up. Early warning systems such as red, amber and yellow warnings are great start, but they’re not enough in a country where many people still see 30°C as perfect picnic weather. We need targeted campaigns to shift mindsets and encourage proactive action before the heat arrives.

The 40°C day in 2022 was a wake-up call. We can answer it with more AC – and more bills, emissions and inequality – or we can redesign our buildings, streets and routines to work with the climate not against it.

AC will still have a role during extreme heat, but it should be the last resort, not the first instinct. Reduce cooling demand first, meet the rest efficiently – and Britain can stay cool without overheating the planet.

Mehri Khosravi Mehri Khosravi works at the University of East London. She received funding from the British Academy. She is affiliated with the University of East London’s Sustainability Research Institute.

– ref. How Britain can beat the heat without becoming addicted to air conditioning – https://theconversation.com/how-britain-can-beat-the-heat-without-becoming-addicted-to-air-conditioning-263017

Source: The Conversation – UK – By William Perry, Postdoctoral Research Associate at the School of Biosciences, Cardiff University

Wild salmon are not just rarer than their farmed cousins – they’re better looking too. In a new study by my colleagues and I, we found that they are noticeably more symmetrical than those reared in captivity. In other words, they’re prettier (by human standards, at least). And that’s not just cosmetic.

The global sale of aquatic species reared in captivity (known as aquaculture) is worth more than US$300 billion (£225 billion) annually. That’s a huge figure that doesn’t even include the wholesale or retail markups and revenue generated from other industries such as processing or packaging.

Of all the cultured aquatic organisms, the Atlantic salmon is the most valuable but is seeing widespread declines in the wild.

To put salmon decline into perspective, in 2024 the aquaculture industry produced somewhere in the region of 3 million metric tonnes of Atlantic salmon for consumption, which is roughly 600 million fish (assuming a harvest weight of 5kg per fish). Yet, there are fewer than two million wild Atlantic salmon returning to rivers every year.

This has led to the Atlantic salmon being classified as endangered in Britain by the International Union for Conservation of Nature. Some countries have turned to hatcheries as a way to boost wild numbers, releasing captive-bred fish into rivers to try to strengthen struggling populations.

But rearing fish in artificial hatchery environments changes elements of their biology, making them less likely to survive in the wild. Not only this, but when they are released into the wild, their genetics can pollute local gene pools.

So, while hatcheries seem to offer a solution to declining wild salmon populations, decades of research has shown that they largely have a negative effect on the populations they are trying to save. Despite these problems, hatcheries can sometimes be the only thing standing between a population and extinction.

We carried out our study on the Saimaa salmon in Finland, a critically endangered, landlocked population that’s been around since the last ice age. Once common in the wild, the Saimaa salmon would now go extinct in the wild if it were not for hatchery production sustaining the population. This is because the construction of hydropower stations and deforestation destroyed their natural spawning habitats in the 20th century.

In humans, facial symmetry is often associated with beauty. It’s no coincidence that stars like Zendaya and Harry Styles, whose features exhibit remarkable symmetry, are held up as icons of attractiveness.

In fish, symmetry is associated with low environmental stress. So, it can be a valuable tool for understanding how effective hatcheries are in producing more natural fish.

To understand how hatchery conditions shape fish development, we photographed Saimaa salmon from both sides and compared their features. Some fish had spent a year in tanks, others just a few days before being released into a river. We then measured their symmetry as an indicator of stress.

What we found was striking. Even fish reared in captivity for just one year showed clear signs of asymmetry. And efforts to enrich their lives, such as by adding shelters and fluctuating water flows, did not prevent asymmetry.

The only technique that prevented asymmetry was releasing the fish into a natural river after they had just hatched, minimising their exposure to the hatchery environment.

Fish released into the wild after hatching also had larger pectoral fins and lower jaws, relative to body size, when compared to those reared in captive environments. These traits may be beneficial in the wild where there are more complex river flows and diets. They were reduced in those fish who had spent most of their life in the hatchery.

Letting nature lead

Our research suggests that the hatchery environment – no matter how carefully managed – is no substitute for nature. While hatcheries can act as a stopgap for critically endangered populations like the Saimaa salmon, they are not a long-term fix for species in decline.

If hatcheries must be used, our study show it’s vital to get fish into natural conditions as early as possible. But ultimately, if we want wild salmon to not just survive but thrive, we have to fix the problems that caused their decline in the first place.

Humanity often tries to engineer its way out of environmental crises. But nature isn’t easily replaced. Sometimes, the best solution is to give it the space to recover on its own.

William Perry does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Wild salmon are the Zendayas of the fish world – what that tells us about conservation – https://theconversation.com/wild-salmon-are-the-zendayas-of-the-fish-world-what-that-tells-us-about-conservation-262268

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andrea Maria Pelliconi, Lecturer in Human Rights Law, University of Southampton

Christopher Nolan, known for directing blockbusters like Memento, Interstellar and Oppenheimer, is facing public backlash for filming scenes of his new film, The Odyssey, in part of north Africa called Western Sahara.

The territory, formerly known as Spanish Sahara when it was administered from Madrid, was occupied by the Moroccan military in the 1970s and unlawfully annexed. It remains classified by the UN as a “non-self-governing territory” awaiting decolonisation.

The recent controversy concerns the filming of part of The Odyssey in Dahkla, a Western Saharan city on the coast of the Atlantic Ocean. It has brought attention to one of the most overlooked and protracted armed conflicts in the modern world, now 50 years old.

Since Spain’s withdrawal in 1975, Western Sahara has been entangled in a territorial dispute involving an Algeria-backed national liberation movement called the Polisario Front, Morocco and, briefly, Mauritania. Amid serious human rights concerns, Morocco now occupies around 80% of the territory.

This is despite a landmark 1975 International Court of Justice (ICJ) advisory opinion affirming that the indigenous Sahrawi people have the right to decide whether to join Morocco or form their own state in a UN-backed referendum.

The referendum, which has been repeatedly delayed, is intended to ensure the free expression of the will of the Sahrawi people. Known as the “people of the Sahara”, the Sahrawi are made up of numerous tribes with a shared culture. They are a distinct ethnic group from Moroccans.

Only part of the Sahrawi people continue to live in Western Sahara under Morocco’s control. Most have fled to Algerian refugee camps supported by the UN Refugee Agency.

It was from Algeria, in 1976, that the Polisario Front declared the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). The Polisario Front claims to represent the Sahrawi people and is considered a legitimate interlocutor by the UN and EU.

The SADR is now a member of the African Union and has, over the years, been recognised (and sometimes un-recognised) by numerous states. Yet it is far from being universally recognised, and Morocco and Polisario continue to engage in armed hostilities for territorial control.

Only a referendum could determine whether the Sahrawi want to be Moroccans or have their own state. But five decades on from the ICJ’s advisory opinion, no such referendum has been held. Meanwhile, Morocco has entrenched its control of Western Sahara, or what it calls the “Southern Provinces”.

It has done so by changing the demographic composition of the population by civil and military means, and bolstering international support for its 2007 autonomy plan. The plan offers limited self-rule for Sahrawis under Moroccan sovereignty, and is harshly opposed by Polisario and Sahrawi groups.

Recognising Moroccan sovereignty

In 2020, under the first Trump administration, the US became the first major power to recognise the autonomy plan and Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara. This was part of a diplomatic quid pro quo for Rabat’s normalisation of ties with Israel under the Abraham Accords. Washington has recently reaffirmed its position.

Other global players have followed suit. Spain endorsed the autonomy plan in 2022, despite maintaining an ambiguous policy of “active neutrality”. And France officially recognised Morocco’s sovereignty in 2024.

In June 2025, the UK stated that the autonomy plan represents “the most credible, viable and pragmatic basis for a mutually agreed and lasting solution to the Western Sahara dispute” in a joint communiqué with Morocco. This was despite affirming later that the territory remains of “undetermined” status.

Growing support for Morocco’s sovereignty claims is driven by several geopolitical interests. These include energy security, investment opportunities, counter-terrorism cooperation, migration management and regional influence.

Western Sahara is rich in phosphates, fisheries and potential offshore oil and gas reserves. Major infrastructure projects there, including water management, ports and renewables, are luring international investors.

More recently, Morocco has expanded its focus to tourism and transport development and, as seen with Nolan’s film and its plans to co-host the 2030 Fifa men’s World Cup, apparently also the entertainment industry.

Rabat seems to be using development as a means of domination. And its growing economic clout and regional influence are shifting the cost-benefit calculus of world powers to take Morocco’s side in this dispute. This has made support for legal principles politically inconvenient.

But legal principles matter and consistently support the Sahrawi position. In 2022, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights reaffirmed that Morocco’s continued occupation violates the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination. This right is a “jus cogens norm” in international law, meaning it is binding on all states and cannot be derogated from.

The International Law Commission stipulates that third states must neither recognise situations arising from breaches of such norms nor assist in their maintenance. This position was reaffirmed by the ICJ in July 2024. In its advisory opinion on Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories, it reiterated that states and international organisations should not aid or assist the maintenance of illegal occupations.

This further implies that states should disengage from their investments in Western Sahara unless these have been agreed with the Sahrawi people. In October 2024, the EU’s Court of Justice annulled EU-Morocco trade and fisheries agreements where these applied to Western Sahara. It cited the lack of Sahrawi consent in violation of self-determination.

The growing diplomatic endorsement of Morocco’s autonomy plan risks legitimising an unlawful occupation under the veneer of pragmatism. The normalisation of occupation sets a troubling precedent for other territorial disputes around the world, from Ukraine and Palestine to Syria and Kashmir.

Some argue that Morocco’s autonomy plan represents a “realistic” solution to an intractable conflict. But decisions imposed without consent are not solutions, as they lead to further opposition and conflict. Privileging power over principle would betray the Sahrawi people and jeopardise international law.

Andrea Maria Pelliconi is a recipient of a British Academy/Leverhulme Small Research Grant (2024 – 2026) to complete a study of demographic engineering and apartheid in Western Sahara.

I gratefully acknowledge the work of our two research assistants: Dr. Meriem Naili and Beya Mousli. For further information about our project please visit: https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/research/groups/nottingham-international-law-and-security-centre/research/western-sahara-project/western-sahara-project.aspx

Victor Kattan is a recipient of a British Academy/Leverhulme Small Research Grant (2024 – 2026) to complete a study of demographic engineering and apartheid in Western Sahara.

– ref. Morocco using economic clout to strengthen grip on disputed Western Sahara territory – https://theconversation.com/morocco-using-economic-clout-to-strengthen-grip-on-disputed-western-sahara-territory-262763

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Maria Pertl, Lecturer in Psychology, Department of Health Psychology, RCSI University of Medicine and Health Sciences

By 2030, an estimated 47 million women worldwide will enter menopause each year. The transition through menopause can last several years and brings with it a host of physical, mental and brain changes. One of the most distressing symptoms reported by women is “brain fog”.

This umbrella term refers to difficulties with memory, concentration and mental clarity. Women may find themselves forgetting words, names or appointments, or misplacing items. While these symptoms can be alarming, they usually resolve after menopause and are not a sign of dementia.

Hormonal fluctuations, particularly declining oestrogen levels, are a key driver of cognitive changes during the menopause transition. But it’s not just hormones. Hot flushes, night sweats, poor sleep and low mood all contribute to cognitive difficulties. The good news? Many of the contributing factors are modifiable. That’s where lifestyle medicine comes in.

Lifestyle medicine is an evidence-based approach that uses lifestyle interventions to prevent and manage chronic conditions such as heart disease, diabetes and dementia. It focuses on six pillars: sleep, physical activity, nutrition, stress management, social connection and avoidance of harmful substances. These same pillars can also support cognitive health during menopause.

Sleep is an underestimated factor in brain health — it is essential for memory consolidation and brain repair. Yet one in three women going through menopause experience significant sleep disturbance. Hot flashes, anxiety, and hormonal changes can all disrupt sleep, creating a vicious cycle that worsens brain fog.

Improving sleep hygiene can help. This includes avoiding caffeine late in the day, reducing screen time before bed, keeping a consistent sleep schedule and maintaining a cool bedroom. Physical activity during the day – especially outside in the morning – also supports better sleep.

Physical activity is one of the most powerful tools for brain health. It improves blood flow to the brain, reduces inflammation and increases the size of the hippocampus (the brain’s memory centre). It also helps regulate mood, improve sleep and support cardiovascular and metabolic health. For menopausal women, it has the added benefit of improving bone health, sexual function and maintaining a healthy weight.

The World Health Organization recommends at least 150–300 minutes of moderate-intensity aerobic activity per week, plus two sessions of muscle-strengthening exercises. Even brisk walking can make a difference.

Stress can make it difficult to think clearly and chronic stress may accelerate brain ageing through chronically elevated cortisol levels. Menopause can be a stressful time, especially when cognitive changes affect sleep, confidence and daily functioning.

Mindfulness, yoga, tai chi and breathing exercises can help reduce stress and improve focus. Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT), a form of talking therapy, is also effective in addressing negative thought patterns and improving coping strategies. Finding a hobby that brings joy or a sense of “flow” can also be a powerful stress reliever.

What we eat plays a crucial role in brain health. The Mediterranean diet — rich in vegetables, fruits, whole grains, legumes, nuts, olive oil and fish — has been linked to better memory and reduced risk of cognitive decline.

Omega-3 fatty acids, found in fatty fish and flaxseeds, are particularly beneficial for brain function. Avoiding ultra-processed foods, added sugars and trans fats can help reduce inflammation and stabilise energy levels.

Social connection is a powerful yet often overlooked pillar of lifestyle medicine that has substantial effects on physical, mental and brain health. During menopause, women may feel less able to participate in social activities and experience increased isolation or changes in relationships, which can negatively affect mood and cognition.

Strong social ties stimulate the brain, support emotional regulation, and buffer against stress. Quality matters more than quantity. Regular check-ins with friends, joining a club, volunteering, or even brief positive interactions can all make a difference.

Alcohol and other substances can have a circular effect on sleep, mood, and cognition. While alcohol may initially feel relaxing, it disrupts sleep quality and can worsen anxiety and memory issues.

Reducing alcohol and avoiding tobacco and recreational drugs can improve sleep, mood and cognitive clarity. If cutting back feels difficult, seeking support from a healthcare professional or support group can be a helpful first step.

Making lifestyle changes can feel overwhelming, especially when you’re already feeling tired or stressed. Financial pressures or personal circumstances can make lifestyle changes feel out of reach. Start small. Make just one change in one pillar, such as sticking to a regular bedtime or adding a short daily walk, and build from there. Small, consistent steps can make a big difference to clearing brain fog.

Menopausal brain fog is real, but it’s also manageable. By focusing on the six pillars of lifestyle medicine, women can take proactive steps to support their cognitive health and overall wellbeing during this important life transition.

Maria Pertl receives research funding from the Irish Cancer Society and the National Cancer Control Programme. She is a committee member of the Irish Society of Lifestyle Medicine.

Lisa Mellon co-founded the Irish Society for Lifestyle Medicine.

– ref. Menopause and brain fog: why lifestyle medicine could make a difference – https://theconversation.com/menopause-and-brain-fog-why-lifestyle-medicine-could-make-a-difference-261683