The hard truth about the circular economy – real change will take more than refillable bottles

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonatan Pinkse, Professor of Sustainable Business, Centre for Sustainable Business, King’s College London

hurricanehank/Shutterstock

We extract more than 100 billion tonnes of raw materials from Earth each year, then throw most of them away. The “circular economy” offers a different approach: instead of the linear “take-make-waste” model, we could reuse, repair and recycle materials. But despite growing enthsiasm for a circular lifestyle, we’re actaully moving backwards – and using more virgin resources than ever.

Over the past decade, the idea of a circular economy gained significant traction, inspiring some to aim for a zero-waste lifestyle. It has become a cornerstone of the broader transition to net zero, as the production of oil-based plastics continues to generate waste and carbon emissions.

The reality paints a far less optimistic picture. According to the latest Circularity Gap report, the use of “secondary” materials like recycled plastic or reclaimed wood is declining, while reliance on virgin resources continues to rise.

This raises the question why – with all the enthusiasm for a circular economy – are we still struggling to make meaningful progress towards it?

In our recent research, my colleagues and I argue that progress is being held back by two distinct narratives. One paints a utopian vision – arguing that, with enough innovation, we can eliminate waste and regenerate ecosystems, all while continuing to grow the economy.

The opposite narrative is less hopeful and fixates on the obstacles – high costs, consumer resistance and the lack of government support. It concludes that meaningful change is simply unrealistic.

Trapped between these extremes of utopia and paralysis, people may often find themselves unable to move forward. Our research explores the roots of this impasse and identifies three reasons people struggle to adopt more circular lifestyles – too much talk, too little support and the hard limits of physics.

Beyond recycling

It’s easier to talk about circularity than to practise it. While consumers may embrace the idea of circularity in principle, they often stop short of making the fundamental changes to their consumption habits that it requires.

Part of the appeal lies in its simplicity as a concept. But achieving it is anything but simple.

For example, to jumpstart recycling in the UK plastics sector, the idea of One Bin to Rule Them All was introduced as a trial project in 2021. The framework outlined a single collection system for all plastic waste. While the vision was bold and appealing in its simplicity, research showed that many industry representatives viewed it as idealistic and disconnected from people’s daily realities.

The initiative struggled to gain traction due to concerns about its feasibility in practice. It would require changing the entire waste collection system and investing in digital tracking for plastic waste. Industry support remained limited, as companies were reluctant to invest beyond trials without clearer guidance from the government on legal requirements.

Building a circular economy requires collective effort. To offer another example, some fashion brands have begun to offer to collect clothes for recycling. It’s a promising initiative, but the support systems are not always in place. Even when items are returned, much of what is collected cannot be recycled because the materials are difficult to identify.

To make recycling effective, product labels would need to be standardised to state clearly the composition of each item. Yet many brands have been slow to embrace full transparency.

And some of the problem comes down to our changing shopping habits, which are also affecting efforts to reduce waste. When the UK introduced a 5p charge for single-use plastic bags in 2015 (later increased to a 10p minimum), their usage steadily declined.

But in England, this progress has recently reversed, with the shift blamed on more people shopping for groceries online or ordering food from delivery apps. In the push for convenience, people seem to have less support for initiatives to reduce plastic waste.

pile of plastic bags for recycling
Plastic bag sales are on the rise again in the UK.
nelo2309/Shutterstock

Ultimately, the limits of circularity are grounded in the laws of physics. The concept of a circular economy assumes that materials can be reused indefinitely without any degradation. Terms like “upcycling” may sound promising, but for many products this simply isn’t realistic.

Materials naturally degrade over time. While we might value an upcycled product for its vintage appeal, the underlying materials may be of lower technical quality. In other words, circularity faces a fundamental challenge. It’s possible to slow down material degradation, but it’s not possible to eliminate it.

While circular economy efforts often fall short, there are ways to move forward. The first lesson is simple – less talk, more action. Consumers shouldn’t just opt for recycled or refurbished products when it’s convenient. They should critically examine everything they use in daily life and look for products that are easier to repair, recycle or upgrade. Clearly, lots of people just don’t have this kind of knowledge, so support from government and industry in helping them make better purchases will be essential.

But people also need to be more realistic about what circularity can achieve. Even with the best intentions, items cannot be recycled indefinitely. Still, we can be more ambitious. There’s nothing wrong with starting small, as long as things keep moving in the right direction. Most people can do more than they think. Reusing, repairing and developing habits that gradually reduce waste can have a meaningful impact over time. Circularity isn’t about perfection, it’s about consistent progress.

The Conversation

Jonatan Pinkse does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The hard truth about the circular economy – real change will take more than refillable bottles – https://theconversation.com/the-hard-truth-about-the-circular-economy-real-change-will-take-more-than-refillable-bottles-261810

Jane Austen: why are adaptations of Mansfield Park and Northanger Abbey so rare?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Amy Wilcockson, Research Assistant, Scottish Literature, University of Glasgow

More than two centuries after her death, Jane Austen is one of the most adapted authors of all time, her life and novels dramatised for film and television from every angle imaginable. Despite the plethora of Pride and Prejudice adaptations, Netflix is making its own version, starring Emma Corrin, Jack Lowden and Olivia Colman.

Sense and Sensibility is being rehashed too, with Daisy Edgar-Jones as Elinor Dashwood. On the small screen, the BBC released the hit documentary Jane Austen: Rise of a Genius alongside an adaptation of Gill Hornby’s novel Miss Austen that centres on Austen’s sister Cassandra (plus a forthcoming sequel). A dramatisation of Janice Hadlow’s novel The Other Bennet Sister which takes up the story of Mary, the dowdy younger sister of Lizzy, has also commenced filming.

Emma got a smart and entertaining do-over in 2020 starring Anya Taylor-Joy as the arrogant but well-meaning matchmaker. And of course Carrie Cracknell’s Persuasion got its Fleabag moment in 2022 starring Dakota Johnson as a wine-swigging heartbroken Anne Elliot whispering acerbic asides to the audience.


This article is part of a series commemorating the 250th anniversary of Jane Austen’s birth. Despite having published only six books, she is one of the best-known authors in history. These articles explore the legacy and life of this incredible writer.


So far so good, say Austen fans, who rejoice in these continued adaptations as they celebrate the 250th anniversary of her birth this year. Yet it is the same stories being told.

Given the packed cinemas for the 20th anniversary screenings of the 2005 Pride and Prejudice film starring Keira Knightley as Lizzy, plus the enduring appeal of that wet-shirted Mr Darcy moment from the BBC series in 1995, it is clear this novel is Austen’s most enduring work. But do we need another adaptation? Or another “alternative” view of Austen or Lizzy Bennet’s lives?

I’m the first to admit that I’m an Austen fan. Her stories have timeless appeal. They focus on romance and class, alongside larger issues of the Regency period such as power, the role of women and even slavery – although the representation of slavery and empire in Austen’s work is long contested.

So what of the “forgotten”, less-adapted novels: Northanger Abbey and Mansfield Park? These are the two of Austen’s novels that bring wider issues into focus. Why are film-makers happy to leave these stories be? Are their narratives less compelling or have we been brainwashed by Mr Darcy and his breeches?

Northanger Abbey was last adapted in 2007 for ITV, starring Felicity Jones as the heroine Catherine Morland. Its previous iteration premiered in 1987 with Katharine Schlesinger in the lead role. There has never been a film version.

Written in 1798-99, Northanger Abbey was not published until six months after Austen’s death in December 1817. It is a gothic pastiche, satirising the melodramatic plots and moody locations of popular novels at the time. It also offers a harsh criticism of the conventions of marriage, wealth and social status faced by young women.

Influenced by her sensational gothic reading material, Catherine Morland initially believes General Tilney, with whom she is staying, is guilty of killing his wife. While not a murderer, General Tilney does treat Catherine callously.

After learning that she is not a wealthy heiress, he declares her unsuitable to marry his son, Henry, turfs her out of Northanger Abbey, and leaves her facing a long journey home alone – a fate perilous to any proper young lady. Snobbishness and gender conventions combine as Austen ridicules class and social ambition.

Published in 1814, Mansfield Park was Austen’s third novel. Long considered to be the odd one out of Austen’s works, it was adapted as a TV series in 1983, with film versions released in 1999 and 2007.

In Mansfield Park, Austen examines bigger issues, including infidelity, gambling and most problematically of all, the fact that Sir Thomas Bertram (the uncle of the heroine Fanny Price) owns a plantation in Antigua.

Bringing up the slavery question

Fanny asks her uncle about the slave trade, but is ignored. By positioning a key character as a plantation owner, many scholars – myself included – argue that Austen was trying to draw attention to this debate in her novel. There is also plenty of circumstantial evidence that Mansfield Park is named for Lord Mansfield, a judge who played an important role in ending slavery in England.

Recent research examining Austen’s family demonstrates that three of her brothers were engaged in anti-slavery activism, her letters share that she was “much in love” with the abolitionist Thomas Clarkson, and some critics posit the view that Austen herself supported abolition. Mansfield Park and Emma both feature discussions on the slave trade.

At the very least, Austen was interested in questions of slavery and race. While it is impossible to definitively decipher her personal views from her literary works, it is clear that important issues such as slavery feature in her novels, albeit subtly.

Perhaps it is this serious and timely subject matter, so unlike the usual Austen narrative, that puts off film-makers. But Northanger Abbey and Mansfield Park deserve their time in the limelight.

Rather than iterations of Austen’s afterlives or Lizzy’s family members, powerful and original adaptations of these two novels would invigorate new generations of readers and filmgoers. Who wouldn’t want to watch Greta Gerwig’s Northanger Abbey? It is a serious travesty that a film version has never been released.

Perhaps big studios simply haven’t got around to commissioning a new Northanger Abbey or Mansfield Park. But in doing so, they are neglecting a third of Austen’s published novels.

They represent Austen’s most nuanced works, focusing not just on romance (although both heroines get their happy endings) but on society’s wider issues. Crucially, they demonstrate that their author was not just a writer of fluffy romance, but an informed observer of politics and society and the structures that underpinned them.

Even more radically, film-makers could offer a different perspective by adapting one of her contemporaries’ novels – Austen was not the only female author writing during this period.

Scottish novelist Susan Ferrier admired Austen’s work, yet was a hugely successful author in her own right, outselling Austen in the 1800s. Any of her three novels – Marriage; The Inheritance; and Destiny, would be sure-fire Regency hits. Or Gothic pioneer Ann Radcliffe whose tale The Mysteries of Udolpho, one of the Gothic novels Catherine Morland so enjoys, is ripe for the big screen.

Audiences would perhaps see film versions of her fellow authors’ works as a way to honour Austen’s legacy too, offering viewers something familiar yet different.

The Conversation

Amy Wilcockson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Jane Austen: why are adaptations of Mansfield Park and Northanger Abbey so rare? – https://theconversation.com/jane-austen-why-are-adaptations-of-mansfield-park-and-northanger-abbey-so-rare-262739

HPV: what you need to know about the common virus linked to cancer

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dan Baumgardt, Senior Lecturer, School of Psychology and Neuroscience, University of Bristol

Few viruses are as widespread – and sometimes misunderstood – as the human papillomavirus, or HPV. It’s so common that most of us – up to 80% – will encounter it at some point in our lives, often without even realising it. Understanding HPV matters, given that it is linked to several types of cancer.

Scientists have identified more than 200 types of HPV, making it one of the most diverse viral families known – and a complex one at that. Many strains are low risk, causing either no symptoms or benign warts. HPV types 1, 2 and 4, for instance, are responsible for the common skin wart. Many will have experienced these, including the familiar verruca (plantar wart) picked up at swimming pools.

Some strains, such as HPV 6 and 11, cause genital wartssmall growths that appear on the genitals or around the anus. Treatments such as creams, surgical removal or freezing can get rid of the visible warts, but they don’t remove the virus itself. This means the virus can still be passed to sexual partners until the body’s immune system clears it.

Most seriously, certain types of HPV – particularly 16 and 18 – have known links to cancer. They belong to a group of about 14 high-risk strains that can enter human cells and damage their DNA. This damage interferes with the cells’ normal controls on growth and division, which can lead to the development of cancer.

Repeated or persistent infection with these strains increases the risk of developing cancer. So, too, does smoking, which reduces the ability of the immune system to clear the virus.

Because HPV comes in so many forms – from harmless skin warts to strains linked with cancer – it’s easy to see how myths and confusion can take hold. To separate fact from fiction, here are five key points that everyone should know about the virus.

1. HPV is not just associated with cervical cancer

While cervical cancer remains the most recognised HPV-related malignancy, the virus is also linked to cancers of the vulva, vagina, anus, penis, mouth and throat. Emerging evidence suggests some types may also contribute to developing skin cancer.

This broad cancer risk explains why the widely available HPV vaccine is recommended for both sexes. The vaccine’s ability to prevent HPV infection makes population-wide immunisation beneficial, as transmission may occur between heterosexual and homosexual partners alike.

2. You don’t need to have symptoms or genital warts to pass the virus on

HPV can remain on the skin for months before the immune system clears it, allowing transmission through contact even before genital warts appear and after they’ve been treated. This is why condoms should be used for at least three months after visible warts have resolved.

A condom in gold packaging.
A condom should still be used three months after genital warts have resolved.
AtlasStudio/Shutterstock.com

3. HPV transmission can occur from more than just vaginal or anal sex

Oral and throat cancers can develop following HPV infection acquired through oral sex. The incidence of mouth and throat cancer is increasing worldwide, with oral sex now the most significant behavioural risk factor. Using condoms during oral sex can help reduce this risk.

HPV can also spread through the use of sex toys. One study highlighted the ability of transmissible HPV to remain on sex toys and the need to develop proper hygiene practices for cleaning, and avoiding shared use.

4. Condoms are not 100% effective at preventing spread

Condoms can lower the risk of HPV transmission, but they can’t offer full protection, as uncovered skin can still carry the virus.

This is why many sexually active people will come into contact with a strain of the virus at some point in their lives, even when practising safe sex.

5. Even vaccinated women need to have smear tests

Current HPV vaccines target the main high-risk virus types but cannot cover all cancer-causing strains, or treat existing infections. In rarer cases, cervical cancer can also arise without HPV infection. This is why women aged 25 to 64 are still invited for cervical screening every five years, even after vaccination.

Women should also seek urgent medical review for other indicators of cervical cancer. These include pain or bleeding after sex, bleeding between periods or after menopause, and changes in vaginal discharge.

Even though the HPV vaccine is widely available, uptake has dropped in some areas. The COVID pandemic disrupted routine vaccination programmes, while misinformation about the vaccine’s safety and effectiveness has shaken trust. In some places, low awareness of HPV’s link to different cancers – and of the need to vaccinate boys as well as girls – has also made public understanding more difficult.

The World Health Organization has set a target of fully vaccinating 90% of girls by age 15 by 2030. At present, only about 48% of girls worldwide are fully vaccinated, so there is more work to be done.

Although HPV is often harmless, the potential consequences of some strains are too significant to ignore. But no one should be fearful of an active sex life. For those eligible for the HPV vaccine, protection is not just for the individual, but also for future sexual partners who could otherwise be exposed. By staying informed and taking preventative measures, we can reduce the effect of this common virus and keep ourselves and others safer.

The Conversation

Dan Baumgardt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. HPV: what you need to know about the common virus linked to cancer – https://theconversation.com/hpv-what-you-need-to-know-about-the-common-virus-linked-to-cancer-263678

Blair’s ID cards failed in the 2000s – could Starmer’s version fare better?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tim Holmes, Senior Lecturer in Criminology and Policing, Bangor University

The UK government is once again looking at the possibility of introducing identity cards, with the prime minister Keir Starmer announcing plans for a new scheme for all UK citizens.

The argument is familiar. With tougher ID systems, illegal immigration would be harder and the UK less appealing. But it also raises a familiar set of questions. How would such a scheme work? And what lessons are there to be learned from the last time the UK had ID cards?

Identity cards were compulsory during the second world war, but the system was scrapped in 1952 after growing unease about police powers and civil liberties.

Fifty years later, Tony Blair’s Labour government proposed new biometric ID cards backed by a national database. Ministers claimed they would help tackle terrorism, illegal immigration and identity theft while giving people secure access to public services.

At the time, terrorism, illegal immigration and identity theft were major concerns. The 9/11 bombers had avoided detection in the US, 23 illegal immigrants had died while cockle picking in Morecambe Bay in 2004 and people were increasingly falling victim to online fraud and identity theft.

In 2006 the Identity Cards Act was introduced. The scheme would introduce cards for citizens with new biometric security features and data stored on a national database. Eventually, whether you wanted a card or not, you could not function in UK society without one.

Some argued it would lead the UK to becoming a surveillance society. Protest groups warned of the risks, while Liberal Democrat MP Simon Hughes vowed to go to prison rather than accept the card and the power it gave the state.

In the end, the cards were never tested. The scheme collapsed in 2010, undone not by principle but by cost and a change of government.

2025 proposals

Rising public concern over illegal immigration has once again led to calls for solutions.

The UK government’s latest proposals follow a home affairs committee inquiry into digital IDs and electronic visas in June. It examined whether migrants should be required to use them to prove their status when applying for jobs. The argument being that with a tougher ID system, illegal immigrants would be deterred from attempting to enter the country.

The UK is already far more digitally monitored than it was 20 years ago. Biometric passports, digital driving licences and online identity checks are used as a matter of course.

In 2010, when the last ID card scheme was scrapped, public attitudes towards surveillance were generally favourable when used in public spaces. But monitoring in private spaces was not.

In 2025, attitudes towards surveillance vary depending on the type. There is now more concern around the mass surveillance of people’s online activities, for example.

Identity schemes are used in 142 countries around the world, 70 with electronic ID. Biometric technology has improved considerably over the past 20 years. More than 120 countries now use facial recognition in passport systems, while UK police forces have integrated the technology into their work.

The question is not whether cards can verify identity – they can. It’s whether they reduce crime or illegal immigration. That depends on how essential they become to everyday life. If an ID check is required for employment, housing and access to services, people without documents may be pushed into the margins, rather than required to leave the country.

In 2005, writer Arun Kundnani argued that ID cards risked becoming “exclusion cards”, creating a new underclass of people unable to access services legally but still present in the shadow economy. That would give organised crime networks even greater power over undocumented migrants, offering illegal routes into housing and work.

Another unresolved question is cost. The last scheme collapsed under the financial weight of setting up the infrastructure and issuing cards nationwide. With public finances tight, the government could find itself facing the same problem again.

Surveillance

There are also broader questions about trust. Academic Clive Norris, who has studied mass surveillance, has warned that constant monitoring encourages the view that ordinary citizens cannot be trusted: “If we are gathering data on people all the time on the basis that they may do something wrong, this is promoting a view that as citizens we cannot be trusted.”

Digital identity cards could bring benefits. For those entitled to live and work in the UK, they might make access to services simpler and faster. But the debate is about more than efficiency. It goes to the heart of how much oversight the state should have over everyday life, and whether a costly system would achieve its stated aims.

The last attempt at ID cards was sunk before it could be tested. Two decades on, the UK is more accustomed to digital surveillance and more anxious about immigration. The question is whether that makes this the right time for a second attempt – or whether the country risks repeating old mistakes.

The Conversation

Tim Holmes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Blair’s ID cards failed in the 2000s – could Starmer’s version fare better? – https://theconversation.com/blairs-id-cards-failed-in-the-2000s-could-starmers-version-fare-better-264517

No, organ transplants won’t make you live forever, whatever Putin says

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Julian Koplin, Lecturer in Bioethics, Monash University & Honorary fellow, Melbourne Law School, Monash University

Getty Images

What do world leaders talk about when they think we’re not listening? This week it was the idea of living forever.

Russian president Vladimir Putin and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping were caught off-guard at a military parade in Beijing discussing the possibility of using biotechnology to pursue immortality. In particular, Putin suggested repeated organ transplants could keep a person young forever.

There’s a lot to unpack here. The idea of lifespan extension is less outlandish, and less objectionable, than it might seem. But as a bioethicist, I do have some concerns.

Could transplants allow us to live forever?

Putin’s suggestion that we can achieve immortality via repeated organ transplants is almost certainly false.

One obvious question is where these organs would come from. Transplantable organs are a scarce medical resource. Using them to sustain the life of an ageing autocrat would deprive others of life-saving transplants.

However, Putin may have been envisaging lab-grown organs created using stem cells. This approach would not deprive others of transplants.

Unfortunately for Putin, while scientists can grow miniature “organoids” that model some aspects of human tissues, creating full-size transplantable organs remains far beyond current capabilities.

Even if, hypothetically, we had access to limitless replacement organs, ageing erodes our body’s general resilience. This would make recovering from repeated transplant surgeries – which are significant operations – increasingly unlikely.

Our ageing brains present an even deeper obstacle. We can replace a kidney or a liver without any threat to our identity. But we cannot replace our brains; whoever inhabits our bodies after a brain transplant would not be us.




Read more:
An artificial heart may save your life. But it can also change you in surprising ways


Other approaches

There may be better routes to increasing longevity.

Scientists have prolonged the lives of laboratory animals such as monkeys, mice and fruit flies through drugs, genetic alterations, dietary changes and cellular reprogramming (which involves reverting some of the body’s cells to a “younger”, more primitive state).

It’s always challenging to translate animal studies to humans. But nothing suggests human ageing is uniquely beyond modification.

In 2024, Putin launched a national project to combat ageing. Could Russia deliver the necessary scientific breakthrough?

Perhaps, though many experts are doubtful, given Russia’s fragile research infrastructure.

But Putin is not alone in funding longevity research. Breakthroughs might come from elsewhere – including, potentially, from major investments in anti-ageing biotechnologies from billionaires in the West.

Anti-ageing research could bring benefits

Whether they are authoritarian presidents or Silicon Valley billionaires, it’s easy to sneer at wealthy elites’ preoccupation with lifespan extension.

Death is the great leveller; it comes for us all. We understandably distrust those who want to rise above it.

But we need to disentangle motives and ethics. It is possible to pursue worthwhile projects for bad reasons.

For example, if I donate to an anti-malaria charity merely to impress my Tinder date, you might roll your eyes at my motivations. But the donation itself still achieves good.

The same applies to lifespan extension.

Anti-ageing research could have many benefits. Because ageing raises the risk of almost every major disease, slowing it could make people healthier at every age.

If we value preventing diseases such as heart disease, cancer and dementia, we should welcome research into slowing ageing (which could in turn help to reduce these problems).

Is seeking longer lives ethical?

Putin and Xi might seem less concerned with improving population health than with postponing their own deaths. But is it wrong to want longevity?

Many of us dread death – this is normal and understandable. Death deprives us of all the goods of life, while the prospect of dying can be frightening.

Nor is it suspect to want more than a “natural” lifespan. Since 1900, life expectancy in wealthy countries has risen by more than 30 years. We should welcome further improvements.

The most serious ethical concern about lifespan extension is that it will result in social stagnation.

Our views become increasingly rigid as we age. Young minds often bring new ideas.

If Taylor Swift is still topping the charts in 2089, many other musicians will miss out. And we will miss out on enjoying the evolution of pop music.

Music is one thing; morals are another. The 21st century is raising many new challenges – such as climate change and AI developments – that may benefit from fresh moral perspectives, and from the turnover of political power.

A Russia still ruled by Putin in 2150 will strike many as the starkest version of this worry. Fortunately, we need not be too concerned about a 200-year-old Putin. He is no longer young, and significant lifespan extension is probably decades away.

Still, the prospect of ageless autocrats should give us pause. We should welcome technologies that slow ageing and help us stay healthier for longer, while remembering that even good technologies can have bad effects.

If we succeed in dramatically extending lifespans, we will need to work out how to prevent our societies from becoming as static as some of the elites who lead them.

The Conversation

Julian Koplin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. No, organ transplants won’t make you live forever, whatever Putin says – https://theconversation.com/no-organ-transplants-wont-make-you-live-forever-whatever-putin-says-264573

With global powers barred, can Pacific nations find unity at their annual summit?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Meg Keen, Head of Pacific Research Program, Australian National University

It’s been a testing time for Pacific regional unity.

So far this year, there have been rifts between Cook Islands and New Zealand over security arrangements with China; New Caledonia and France over independence for the French territory; and among various Pacific nations over deep-sea mining.

Now, geopolitical tussles are buffeting the annual Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) leaders’ meeting, held this week in Solomon Islands.

As regional leaders began preparing for their apex annual summit, there were disagreements over the regular dialogue with Pacific development partners held after the main meeting. Development partners include major outside powers such as the United States, China, France, United Kingdom and Japan, among others.

Last month, Solomon Islands Prime Minister Jeremiah Manele called off the meeting with these global partners. He argued that excluding outsiders will allow time to complete a review among members on how such external engagements occur.

However, most believe he was bowing to Chinese pressure to exclude Taiwan – Solomon Islands switched its allegiance from Taipei to Beijing in 2019.

Chinese rhetoric against Taiwan is sharpening. Earlier this year, a spokesperson for the Chinese embassy in New Zealand was blunt about the inclusion of Taiwan in the Pacific Islands Forum:

Taiwan is a province of China […] and has no qualification or right to participate in Forum activities whatsoever.

At last year’s summit in Tonga, China’s special envoy to the Pacific, Qian Bo, flexed his diplomatic muscles and insisted on the removal of a mention of Taiwan from the final communique.

Even so, the PIF 1992 Honiara Declaration does sanction a Taiwan dialogue during the annual gathering for those wanting to meet on a bilateral basis — that arrangement has persisted for more than three decades.

Next year’s host Palau will reinstate the more inclusive status quo.

An official statement from Taiwan ahead of this year’s forum makes clear it is in the region to stay:

We firmly believe in the inclusive spirit of “The Pacific Way” [and…] look forward to ongoing participation in the PIF.

The Pacific pushes back

Most members are not happy with the exclusion of partner nations, but all are still coming this week and will work out their differences, as they have done in the past.

Tuvalu, Palau and Marshall Islands recognise, and have development partnerships with, Taiwan. They believe the exclusion of outside powers is a missed development opportunity. Tuvalu Prime Minister Feleti Teo has been clear:

We do not need the competition and conflict overshadowing our development agenda in the Pacific.

Even countries that recognise China worry about the cost of exclusion. Senior representatives from Australia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea and Samoa (all of whom are PIF members and will attend the summit) have expressed their disappointment in the decision to keep partner nations away.

The decision to call off the partner dialogue is divisive, but it is only a hurdle, not a hard stop. Those nations with diplomatic missions or visit visas to Honiara, including China, may well hold quiet bilateral meetings on the margins of the summit this week. However, Taiwanese representatives will not be present.

Setting the Pacific agenda

While exclusions and sharp reactions grab media headlines, much more crucial issues are on the summit agenda this year.

Climate change is top of the list. Buoyed by the recent Vanuatu-led triumph at the International Court of Justice, which ruled that states have a legal obligation to combat climate change, Pacific nations will look for more avenues to collectively seek climate justice.

Already Vanuatu, Fiji and Samoa have submitted a resolution to the Rome Statute (the treaty that established the International Criminal Court) for a new crime of “ecocide” to be added in recognition of the irreversible damage to ecosystems from climate change.

They are also pushing hard for more money to deal with biodiversity losses, and ensuring a new “loss and damage” fund to help vulnerable states recover from climate disasters is effective.

Another high priority will be next year’s COP31 climate meeting, which Australia and the Pacific are proposing to co-host. This would be a chance to push harder for global climate action to speed up mitigation and adaptation. Pressure will be on Australia to deliver on its host bid promises, and for others to step up or out of the way.

Pacific nations also need better access to targeted funds to adapt to rising temperatures and sea levels. They are working to capitalise their own Pacific Resilience Facility to make communities disaster-ready. However, the ambitious aim to secure US$1.5 billion (A$2.3 billion) from the global community will be set back by the decision to exclude partner countries from the talks.

Working together to combat problems

Another priority on the PIF agenda is advancing economic integration. Supply chains, labour mobility and regional connectivity all need a boost.

For example, poor internet connectivity is hindering economic development, while inadequate infrastructure is impeding the movement of people, goods and information across the vast region.

With rising geopolitical pressures and donors crowding in to offer aid and curry influence in the Pacific, regional frameworks and rules of engagement need strengthening. Former PIF senior officials Sione Tekiteki and Joel Nilon argue:

By building on existing frameworks and creating a cohesive set of standards, the Pacific can assert its autonomy.

Significantly, the Blue Pacific Oceans of Peace Declaration will be launched at this year’s meeting — a move to advance Pacific sovereignty. It aims to prevent regional militarisation, keep the Pacific nuclear-free, and protect oceans from nuclear waste and degradation.

This reflects a determination to cooperatively manage transnational pressures such as ocean exploitation, pollution, and crime and security intrusions from foreign elements.

Tensions between global powers permeate all corners of the world, and the Pacific is no different. External players can pull at the fabric of regionalism, but PIF members are the threads that bind the region.

In the past, external pressures have led to improved collective management. The development of one of the world’s largest sustainable tuna fisheries is a good example. Let’s hope that will be true in the future and unity will hold.

The Conversation

Meg Keen leads the Pacific Research Program at the ANU which receives funding from the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). All research conducted under this program is independent.

Meg Keen is a non-resident fellow of The Lowy Institute.

ref. With global powers barred, can Pacific nations find unity at their annual summit? – https://theconversation.com/with-global-powers-barred-can-pacific-nations-find-unity-at-their-annual-summit-264331

Four victims, no remorse: Erin Patterson given a life sentence for mushroom murders

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Rick Sarre, Emeritus Professor in Law and Criminal Justice, University of South Australia

Erin Patterson, having been convicted in the Supreme Court of Victoria two months ago on three counts of murder and one count of attempted murder, has today received a life sentence from the trial judge, Justice Christopher Beale.

He ordered a non-parole period of 33 years. Given her age (50) and the 676 days she’s already spent in detention, this means Patterson will not be eligible to apply for parole until 2056, when she is in her 80s.

Erin Patterson’s story is now one of the most well-known true crime cases in Australia. Nine weeks ago, a jury found her guilty of poisoning her lunch guests in July 2023 at her home in Leongatha with foraged death-cap mushrooms she had baked into individual servings of Beef Wellington.

In sentencing, Justice Beale said he had no hesitation in finding Patterson’s offending falls into the “worst category” of murder and attempted murder.

So after months of media frenzy and myriad headlines, the sentencing now bookends the case, pending any appeal. Here’s how the judge reached his decision and what happens now.

A lengthy prison term

The life sentence was as expected, given Patterson’s lawyer, Colin Mandy, did not oppose the prosecution’s bid for the maximum sentence for murder in Victoria.

The matter that exercised the judge’s mind, principally, in considering the sentence was the length of the non-parole period. The standard such period for murder in Victoria is 20 years.

If there’s more than one victim, however, the minimum non-parole period increases to 25 years.

While it’s possible to sentence a murderer to life without parole, it is very unusual.

In 2019, the judge who gave a life sentence to James Gargasoulas, the man who drove down Bourke Street Mall in Melbourne, killing six people, set a non-parole period of 46 years.

What did the judge consider?

The factors taken into account in sentencing relate to the nature of the crime and the personal circumstances of the person convicted.

The final outcome is informed by principles that vary only slightly across Australia’s states and territories.

The main one here, arguably, was denunciation: the sentence needs to reinforce in the public mind the abhorrence of her conduct.

Indeed, there was no plea of guilty, and no remorse from Patterson at any time.

Moreover, when considering a non-parole period, a judge takes into account what is referred to as “proportionality”. This can be a limiting feature where there is lesser culpability, but an exacerbating feature where there are multiple deaths.

One might refer to it colloquially as a person receiving their “just desserts”.

In this instance, the judge was mindful of the fact there were four victims.

He was also mindful of Patterson’s “harsh” prison conditions, telling the court:

you have effectively been held in continuous solitary confinement for the last 15 months and at the very least there is a substantial chance that for your protection you will continue to be held in solitary confinement for years to come.

Deterrence, as a regular feature of the sentencing exercise, in this case becomes a companion to denunciation.

Rehabilitation was always unlikely to have any impact on the sentence, given the life term. There was no submission by defence counsel that his client had a diagnosed mental disorder or would benefit from any form of an ongoing remediation or restorative program.

Huge personal tolls

What dominated the submissions at the pre-sentence hearing in August were the victim impact statements.

In Victoria, such statements have been in place since 1994, but it has only been since 2005 that the court has been required to take account of the impact of the crime on any victim when sentencing.

Only since 2011 have victims been granted the right to read a statement aloud in court or have a nominated representative do so on their behalf.

In the Patterson pre-sentence hearing, the sole survivor of the meal, Ian Wilkinson, read his own statement and described the loss of his wife Heather. He said he felt “only half alive without her”.

Patterson’s estranged husband Simon did not attend the pre-sentence hearing, so his statement was read to the judge by a family member. His children, he wrote:

have […] been robbed of hope for the kind of relationship with their mother that every child naturally yearns for.

The Wilkinsons’ daughter, Ruth Dubois, also addressed the judge with her own statement. She highlighted the wider victims of the crimes, namely medical staff, investigators, shop owners (who had had their names scrutinised), mushroom growers, the health department and taxpayers.

“I am horrified,” she said, “that our family is even associated, through no choice of our own, with such destructive behaviour towards the community”.

Will there be an appeal?

Patterson’s counsel has 28 days in which to appeal. An appeal would either be against conviction or the sentence or both.

In relation to an appeal against conviction, defence counsel would need to establish that the trial judge made a mistake in admitting (or ruling out) certain evidence or failing to properly explain the defence case.

The former, a mistake about evidence, is the more common appeal ground.

Less likely is the latter appeal ground because it would be difficult for defence counsel to assert that his client’s case was given too little regard by the judge, given the amount of time (almost two days) Justice Beale devoted to explaining the defence case to the jury.

When appealing the length of the non-parole period, either counsel can argue the duration was either manifestly inadequate (a prosecution submission) or manifestly excessive (a defence submission). It remains to be seen if either side will pursue this option.

Whatever the case, there would not be too many observers surprised by the judge’s final determination.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Four victims, no remorse: Erin Patterson given a life sentence for mushroom murders – https://theconversation.com/four-victims-no-remorse-erin-patterson-given-a-life-sentence-for-mushroom-murders-264128

How MPs’ ‘abandoned’ cats became the unexpected symbol of Indonesia’s protests

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Ken M.P. Setiawan, Senior Lecturer in Indonesian Studies, The University of Melbourne

Instagram/animals_hopeshelterindonesia

During Indonesia’s recent mass protests, the looted homes of politicians in Jakarta revealed unexpected victims: cats reportedly left behind or stolen as their owners fled for safety.

The cats have gone viral on social media. Their politician owners – celebrities-turned-MPs Uya Kuya and Eko Patrio of the National Mandate Party (PAN) – were accused of “abandoning” their pets. This is a framing they reject, arguing they just didn’t have any opportunity to collect them before fleeing looters.

Wherever the truth lies, images of these frightened cats rescued by concerned citizens have struck a deep chord in cat-obsessed Indonesia.

Protesters and netizens quickly came to view these incidents as symbolic of politicians’ betrayal of their duty toward society’s most vulnerable.

Pets are political

Cats are hugely popular in Indonesia, which boasts the highest rate of cat ownership in the Asia-Pacific.

Indonesia is a majority Muslim country, and the high status of cats in Islam may help explain why cats are so popular there.

Beyond the cultural significance of cats, however, the recent incidents also offer insights into the nature of political image-making in Indonesia.

The phenomenon of politicians using cats and other animals to bolster their popularity is of course not new, nor is it uniquely Indonesian.

From Winston Churchill’s wartime cat Nelson, to Bill Clinton’s cat Socks or Downing Street’s “chief mouser” Larry, politicians have long used pet cats to carefully curate their public images as warm, approachable, relatable and humane.

The prime example from Indonesia is President Prabowo Subianto and his rescue tabby cat Bobby Kertanegara.

Bobby boasts almost 1 million followers on Instagram. Images of Prabowo feeding, playing with, and cuddling him helped transform the former army general’s public image in the lead-up to last year’s presidential election. He went from strongman with a questionable human rights record to a cuddly, sweet, animal-loving grandpa.

Now Indonesia’s “first cat” Bobby gets wheeled around in a luxury pet stroller and has his own security detail. He makes appearances at state functions where he receives gifts from foreign leaders. This includes a bespoke scarf Bobby recently received from Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese.

Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka and former Jakarta governor and 2024 presidential candidate Anies Baswedan have also used their pets to bolster their public image in Indonesia.

The recent protests

The recent protests in Jakarta were triggered by a proposed rise in MP allowances but also by general resentment towards the political class.

Anger has intensified over coverage of politicians’ lavish lives, as ordinary Indonesians struggle with high living costs and youth unemployment rates.

During the recent protests, several high-profile politicians had their houses looted.

Kuya and Patrio were reported to have left behind their cats, some of which were taken by looters or rescued by concerned citizens.

While many of these claims have been disputed by the politicians, commentary on viral posts have asked: if politicians can’t take responsibility for their own pets, how can they be trusted to care for the citizens they are supposed to represent?

Political image-crafting

Social media attention for these cats soon triggered a response from their owners.

Both Kuya and Patrio refuted claims the cats were “abandoned”. They argue there was no opportunity to grab the cats when their homes were targeted for looting, with the animals fleeing on their own.

Both have appealed for their pets to be returned, which has received some support from netizens.

The damage to the politicians’ reputations, however, has been done.

In the age of social media, pets have proven to be a double-edged sword.

Once used to soften politicians’ images and generate public support, these cats have now been drawn into a narrative that positions politicians as uncaring and out of touch. They have become metaphors for what some see as the elites’ betrayal of the people.

These cat incidents also reveal the precarious nature of political image-crafting in the age of social media.

Where once social media enabled political pets to be used to drive public adoration, it has now become a vehicle for backlash.

The Conversation

Ken M.P. Setiawan receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is a Board Member of EngageMedia, a nonprofit organisation that promotes digital rights, open and secure technology, and social issue documentary in the Asia-Pacific.

Charlotte Setijadi has previously received research funding from Singapore’s Ministry of Education and the Singapore Social Science Research Council. She is currently one of the co-convenors of the University of Melbourne’s Indonesia Forum.

Elisabeth Kramer receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is affiliated with the Australia-based Indonesia Council and the Australian Consortium for In-Country Indonesian Studies (ACICIS).

ref. How MPs’ ‘abandoned’ cats became the unexpected symbol of Indonesia’s protests – https://theconversation.com/how-mps-abandoned-cats-became-the-unexpected-symbol-of-indonesias-protests-264511

New research indicates caribou populations could decline 80 per cent by 2100

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Elisabetta Canteri, Postdoctoral Researcher, Globe Institute, University of Copenhagen

Caribou will likely face population declines rarely experienced in 21,000 years due to climate change. That’s the main finding from our recently published research on the historical resilience of caribou populations.

Caribou, also called reindeer, are a majestic species with remarkable adaptations to the cold Arctic environments of Eurasia and North America. Despite surviving through large climatic fluctuations in the past, future climate warming may cause a drastic decline in caribou populations. Arctic environments are extremely sensitive to climate change, and they are expected to warm two times more than the global average.

In our research, we simulated how caribou population abundance shifted in response to climate change since the last ice age to the present day, and projected it into the future to 2100. This allowed us to directly compare past and future rates of declines.

We decided to look back 21,000 years because, in the past, Arctic climates have fluctuated abruptly, with temperatures in areas such as Greenland increasing by up to 10 degrees in just a few decades. We figured that if we could identify the traits that helped caribou to survive these past warming events, we would be able to better predict their vulnerability to future climate change.

To do this we combined fossils and historical observations with climate reconstructions to map caribou habitat suitability across regions and time at a high resolution. We then used computer modelling to simulate how populations responded to changes in the suitability of these environments following the last ice age.

What our research shows

We found that caribou were able to survive past climatic fluctuations thanks to their ability to live in diverse environments, move long distances and survive in low numbers.

However, when projecting these models forward in time we discovered that these traits might not be enough to safeguard future populations. If action is not taken to mitigate climate change, we project a 58 per cent decline in population size across the whole geographic distribution of the species by 2100.

Losses in North America are likely to be most severe, with decreases of 84 per cent predicted in response to Arctic warming. This is because North America is projected to be the region losing the largest extents of habitats suitable for caribou due to climate change and other human impacts on the land.

Even under a more optimistic climate change scenario, with less temperature change, we still expect North American caribou populations to experience large losses. This suggests that recent declines observed in large herds of caribou are expected to continue into the future.

Threats not directly included in our models, such as diseases, extreme weather die-offs and unregulated hunting, could further worsen the impacts of climate change on caribou populations.




Read more:
Whether caribou migrate or stay put is determined by genes that evolved in the last ice age


Broader ecological implications

Dramatic declines in caribou populations might have far-reaching ecological implications. Thanks to their feeding behaviour, caribou help stop the advancement of forests to northern latitudes and maintain the diversity of plants in the tundra.

In doing so, caribou play a key role in maintaining healthy tundra environments. A decrease in tundra plant diversity affects carbon uptake, soil nutrient availability and even how well the landscape reflects light. Therefore, declines in caribou populations will have knock-on effects on tundra ecosystems that will further accelerate climatic warming.




Read more:
Global warming is changing Canada’s boreal forest and tundra


These drastic declines in caribou populations will have impacts that go beyond the Arctic’s natural environment. For many Indigenous Arctic communities, caribou are essential. People in these regions rely on caribou for food and economy, cultural identity and an overall sense of well-being. Population declines will therefore cause profound losses, impacting the livelihoods of many communities.

Our findings suggest a grim future for caribou, and signal an urgent need for governments to increase investments in the conservation and management of the species. This should include protecting and ensuring access to historical pastures and migration routes.

Actions that we take today to reduce our carbon footprint will benefit caribou, nature and Arctic Indigenous communities in the decades to come.

The Conversation

Damien Fordham receives funding from the Australian Research Council

Elisabetta Canteri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. New research indicates caribou populations could decline 80 per cent by 2100 – https://theconversation.com/new-research-indicates-caribou-populations-could-decline-80-per-cent-by-2100-263696

Canada’s response to the war in Gaza raises questions about its commitment to human rights and justice

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jeremy Wildeman, Research Fellow at the Human Rights Research and Education Centre, University of Ottawa and Adjunct Assistant Professor, Carleton University

Canada and Canadians have long considered themselves defenders of human rights, democracy, justice and the rule of law. Canada played a significant role in the development of what’s known as the liberal international order, including multilateral institutions like the United Nations, and international law.

Canada was once highly respected for the role it played developing the framework for United Nations peacekeeping, the Mine Ban Treaty, championing the UN’s Responsibility to Protect, supporting Palestinian-Israeli peace negotiations and establishing the International Criminal Court.

Canada has acted as a moral voice denouncing abuses of human rights and violations of international law. It challenged South African apartheid, and passed a parliamentary motion calling China’s treatment of Uyghur Muslims a genocide.




Read more:
Brian Mulroney’s tough stand against apartheid is one of his most important legacies


It has advocated for Iranian women’s rights at the United Nations and sanctioned Russia for its 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

In 2023, Canada joined a declaration of intervention against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice over its treatment of the Rohingya people, reaffirming the requirement for states to prevent genocide.

Where is Canada on Gaza?

Prime Minister Mark Carney says Canada intends to recognize a Palestinian state at this week’s UN General Assembly.

Yet Canada’s response to Israel’s war on Gaza since October 2023 and countless well-documented instances of war crimes committed against Palestinians — including allegations of ethnic cleansing and genocide — raises serious questions about Canada’s commitment to its own values and the liberal international order.

Observers have documented countless Israeli violations of international law while turning Gaza into an unliveable wasteland. Seventy-eight per cent of all structures in Gaza have been destroyed, including housing (92 per cent), water and sanitation infrastructure (89 per cent), hospitals (50 per cent), schools (91.8 per cent) and roads (81 per cent).

The health-care system has been systematically dismantled, and Gaza has recorded the highest number of deaths of health-care workers, United Nations staff and journalists of any recent conflict zone.

Israel has denied and attacked humanitarian aid. Since mid-March, it has enforced a total siege on Gaza, blocking entry of food, water, medical supplies, hygiene and dignity kits, and infant and maternal care items, including baby formula.

Famine has been unfolding and starvation is widespread, but now 100 per cent of Gaza’s estimated 2,100,000 people face acute levels of food insecurity.

Aid is scarce

Only four aid distribution sites currently operate in Gaza, down from 400. They were set up in May by the United States/Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. Médecins sans frontières (Doctors Without Borders) say they violate core humanitarian principles.

The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation has been accused of weaponizing aid, engaging in ethnic cleansing and funnelling Palestinians south to displace them. Its contractors and Israeli forces have been accused of firing on starving Palestinians, accounting for many of the 1,838 Palestinians killed and 13,409 wounded while seeking aid since the foundation began operations.

A former Gaza Humanitarian Foundation employee accuses the organization of shooting on starving Palestinians. (Breaking Points YouTube channel)

Gaza’s official death toll now stands at 61,722 people, but is likely much higher. Gaza has recorded more child deaths than any other conflict zone, and Israel’s own military data indicates an almost unheard-of 83 per cent civilian death rate.

Canada’s support for Israel

Canada claims to support a fair-minded approach to Palestine-Israel peacebuilding. It does not recognize permanent Israeli control over the Occupied Palestinian Territory, recognizes Palestinians’ right to self-determination and is committed to the goal of a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in the Middle East.

But despite Israel’s assault on Gaza, attacks in the West Bank and violations of international law, Canada continues to ship Israel arms, financially supports Israeli settlements on Palestinian land and offers Israel diplomatic support and multilateral cover.




Read more:
Canada’s updated trade agreement with Israel violates international law


If Canada makes a statement critical of Israeli violations, it rarely follows through with tangible consequences for Israel. Canada has admitted few Palestinian refugees from Gaza and has participated in dangerous humanitarian aid air drops that have been called expensive public relations stunts that don’t help very many people.

Critics of Israel under attack

Meanwhile, critics in Canada of Israeli violations regularly find themselves under assault. Institutions like universities and the media, which should be defenders of core Canadian values, and federal, provincial and municipal governments, regularly spread misinformation and try to silence opposition to Israel’s actions.

Some Canadians have even been fired for speaking out and law enforcement has been deployed against them.

When the United States sanctioned four International Criminal Court prosecutors and judges, including a Canadian judge, for investigations into Israeli and American war crimes, Canada chose to remain silent. Canada had previously criticized the court for bringing charges against Israeli leaders.




Read more:
What the ICC’s anticipated arrest warrants against Netanyahu and Hamas leaders mean for Canada


What explains Canada’s support?

Between 2021 and 2023, I co-edited three scholarly volumes exploring Canada’s relations with the Palestinians that help explain Canada’s commitment to Israel throughout its genocidal war on Gaza.

Canada as a Settler Colony on the Question of Palestine (2023) argues there’s a strong historical bond between Canada and Israel as two European settler colonies established by the British Empire through the extermination and displacement of Indigenous Peoples.

The volume argues that a close socio-political bond and shared colonial interests cause Canada and Israel to support each other robustly on the international stage.

The suppression of voices critical of Israel is unsurprising when reading Advocating for Palestine in Canada (2022). It documents how this has happened over decades. Nonetheless, Palestine has become central to anti-racist, decolonial and other progressive movements across Canada.

Finally, in What Lies Ahead? Canada’s Engagement with the Middle East Peace Process and the Palestinians (2021), I argued that while there are clearly some elite voices in Canada advocating for a fair approach to Palestine-Israel peace-building, they are always outweighed by pro-Israel considerations.

These books and empirical observations since Oct. 7, 2023 suggest that Canada may be more committed to Israel and their shared colonial interests than Canadians’ own values or the liberal international order.

A defining test

Genocide is considered the most heinous of all crimes, and Gaza is the defining ethical test of the 21st century.

Illiberal measures deployed to silence dissent and support a country accused of genocide represent a grave threat to core liberal-democratic values.

Double standards like Canada’s policies toward Palestine raise serious questions about the fairness of international and domestic law, governance and policy and the Canadian state’s commitment to basic principles of human rights, democracy and justice.

The Conversation

Jeremy Wildeman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Canada’s response to the war in Gaza raises questions about its commitment to human rights and justice – https://theconversation.com/canadas-response-to-the-war-in-gaza-raises-questions-about-its-commitment-to-human-rights-and-justice-264001