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October 28, 2025

Souleymane’s Story: the quietly devastating tale of an immigrant worker’s struggles in Paris

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Laura O’Flanagan, PhD Candidate, School of English, Dublin City University

Set in Paris, director Boris Lojkine’s latest film follows Souleymane (an astonishing turn from Abou Sangaré), seeking asylum in France as an immigrant from Guinea. Through Souleymane’s eyes, Paris becomes a gritty, unforgiving landscape of danger, fragility and relentless bureaucracy.

First-time actor Sangaré won best actor in Un Certain Regard at the 2024 Cannes Film Festival, and the 2025 most promising actor César (the French equivalent of the Oscars) for the role. In the opening moments of the film, it becomes clear why.

The first scene follows Souleymane into a waiting room. Nervous and tense, he captures the audience’s attention with only a few gestures and fleeting expressions. Sangaré’s performance is raw yet remarkably restrained, suffused with the kind of vulnerability that makes it impossible to look away.

The story then jumps back to the days leading up to this moment, later revealed to be Souleymane’s interview with the French government department that deals with immigration.

Souleymane works as a bicycle delivery driver in the city. As he has yet to receive his work permit, he is forced to rent his driver’s app account from an acquaintance, Emmanuel (Emmanuel Yovanie), who demands a large portion of his earnings.

This arrangement becomes a constant source of tension. Each time the app requires a selfie to verify the driver’s identity, Souleymane must race to Emmanuel for this photo. What should be a simple act of work turns into a daily negotiation with technology, bureaucracy and fear. Through these moments, the film exposes just how precarious and punishing it is to earn a living without legal recognition.

Souleymane’s Story rejects the “good immigrant” trope, which can characterise immigrants as saintly and non-threatening. Instead, Souleymane is a complex, fully realised character.

In his bid for asylum, he fabricates elements of his story, an act that weighs heavily on him. Unaccustomed to deceit, he struggles to keep his story straight, his faltering memory exposing both his honesty and exhaustion. These moments are quietly devastating, revealing the emotional toll of having to shape your life into something acceptable to the system.

As Souleymane rushes through Parisian traffic, the camera is intimate and unrelenting. Every swerve and every near miss with traffic is filled with tension and exposes Souleymane’s vulnerability. Naturalistic performances, ambient sounds and muted light combine to create something wholly lived-in, almost documentary in texture.

While respected among his fellow asylum seekers and delivery drivers, again and again Souleymane is met with hostility from restaurant owners and customers. Through these encounters, the film lays bare the harsh unregulated world of gig-economy labour, where human value is reduced to speed, ratings and availability.

Despite its bleakness, this film has a striking vibrancy. Souleymane moves constantly through the city, across bridges, through underpasses, down crowded boulevards. Paris is a living, breathing, shifting presence, alternately beautiful and brutal. The rhythm of his movement gives the story its pulse, a visual and emotional energy which captures both the isolation and the momentum of survival.

With an unflinching portrayal of modern bureaucracy, Souleymane’s Story exposes how fragile life becomes when every decision that governs it is made by an algorithm or an overworked official.

When the delivery app locks him out, Souleymane calls the helpline to be told he will receive an email “in two days”. The voice on the phone tells him that she cannot tell him why. Later, in his asylum interview, the sound of the interviewer’s keyboard becomes its own symbol of bureaucracy, each keystroke a reminder that her typing will determine whether he is allowed to stay or forced to leave. The film raises the haunting question: how much suffering must one endure to be deemed worthy of safety?

This is a question which feels especially urgent in 2025, a year defined by deepening divides over migration, precarious work and belonging. Without ever turning didactic, the film captures the quiet devastation of those caught in the machinery of modern systems, making it both a personal tragedy and a mirror held up to the times. This is cinema that confronts: humane, politically astute and hauntingly real.

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Laura O’Flanagan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Souleymane’s Story: the quietly devastating tale of an immigrant worker’s struggles in Paris – https://theconversation.com/souleymanes-story-the-quietly-devastating-tale-of-an-immigrant-workers-struggles-in-paris-267566

October 28, 2025

Japan’s new leader revives Abe’s economic vision – with a twist

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Fumihito Gotoh, Lecturer in East Asian Studies, University of Sheffield

Sanae Takaichi, a hardline conservative with nationalist views, was elected as Japan’s first ever female prime minister on October 21. Known as a protege of the assassinated former Japanese prime minister, Shinzo Abe, she is assertive on defence, hawkish on China and is keen to bolster Japan’s regional role.

Experts say it’s possible that Takaichi will leverage her ties to Abe as she attempts to curry favour with the US president, Donald Trump. Ahead of Trump’s recent visit to Japan, where he met Takaichi for the first time, he described Abe as “one of my favourites”.

As part of a trade deal signed in July, Tokyo promised to invest US$550 billion (£413 billion) in the US in exchange for lower tariffs on Japanese goods. Takaichi reportedly wants Japan to have greater influence over these investments and to ensure they also benefit Japanese companies and contractors.

A key part of Takaichi’s leadership campaign was her pledge to revive Abe’s economic vision of high public spending and cheap borrowing, which became known as “Abenomics”. This economic programme was introduced in late 2012 as part of a strategy to counter China’s growing economic and political power.

The aim was to revitalise Japan’s stagnant economy through the “three arrows” of monetary easing, fiscal stimulus and structural reforms. The first arrow saw Japan’s central bank implement extreme measures, such as low or negative short-term interest rates, to make it cheaper for consumers and companies to borrow money and spend.

Japan’s central bank also purchased financial assets, including equities and long-term government bonds, aggressively. The hope was that this would make the private sector expect a subsequent rise in the price of goods and services, encouraging more investment. And selling bonds to the central bank should give banks more money to lend.

Abe’s second arrow involved the government increasing its spending by funding infrastructure projects or offering financial incentives like tax breaks for companies. And the third arrow introduced labour market deregulation, corporate governance improvements and policies encouraging women’s participation in the workforce.

In some respects, Abenomics was a success. The programme quickly led to sharp rises in stock prices, while unemployment dropped from 4% in the first quarter of 2012 to 3.7% in 2013. However, it was also accompanied by various negative side effects.

These included ballooning public debt and a significant devaluation of the yen against other major currencies, which increased the cost of imported goods. The central bank’s low interest rate policy also allowed numerous poorly performing “zombie” firms to survive by reducing the cost of servicing their debt.

At the same time, Abenomics largely failed to improve domestic investment by private firms. Corporate managers remained pessimistic about Japan’s long-term economic outlook despite cheap borrowing opportunities, largely because of the country’s ageing society and depopulation.

Meanwhile, the rising profitability of large firms prompted them to make massive overseas investments. This contributed to a further hollowing-out of the Japanese economy by relocating domestic production and manufacturing jobs overseas.

‘Sanaenomics’

Takaichi’s economic vision is similar to Abenomics. It shares nationalist and anti-China undertones with Abe’s programme, and also involves structural reforms and the bold use of fiscal and monetary tools. But her brand, which has been called “Sanaenomics”, should be seen as building on Abe’s programme.

Abenomics placed particular emphasis on aggressive monetary easing. On the other hand, Takaichi’s approach tilts more towards the use of expansionary fiscal policy and large-scale investment.

Japan’s inflation rate is currently hovering around 2.7%, which is much higher than the rates seen under Abe. These are not conditions where a central bank would typically implement loose monetary policy.

A core part of Takaichi’s economic programme, which has earned praise from US treasury secretary Scott Bessent recently, is government investment in what she calls “crisis management”.

Here, she is referring to investment in sectors that are important for national security such as food, energy and defence, as well as strategic industries like semiconductors, AI and electric vehicle batteries. She has framed this investment as necessary to reduce Japan’s foreign dependence.

However, public investments alone cannot sustain continuous growth. The key question is whether such spending can stimulate larger private sector investments, which would subsequently boost the economy. This will require overcoming the longstanding risk adversity of Japan’s corporate and financial sectors.

One way to achieve this will be restoring cooperation between the public and private sectors. Japan’s rapid economic growth from the 1950s to 1970s was driven by public-private partnerships, which involved the government collaborating closely with private companies to finance and develop national strategic industries.

Such partnerships can shift certain risks, particularly regulatory and financial risks, to the public sector. This can make projects more financially viable for firms, encouraging them to invest more. The Japanese private sector has massive cash at hand, and whether these firms are willing to use it for domestic investments will decide the outcome of Sanaenomics.

Japanese office workers walking through Tokyo. — The adversity to risk of Japan’s private sector is a key part of Japan’s economic stagnation.
Mahathir Mohd Yasin / Shutterstock

There are several other risks associated with Sanaenomics. Among these are the fact that expansionary spending will add to Japan’s immense existing public debt.

Credit rating agencies currently view Japan’s sovereign creditworthiness as relatively stable, but this could change as domestic and international investors grow concerned about a deterioration in the country’s fiscal situation.

At the same time, the Takaichi administration’s nationalist stance could deteriorate Japan’s relationship with China, its largest trading partner. Takaichi has consistently framed China as a strategic threat, advocating for supply chains that bypass China during her tenure as Japan’s first minister of economic security.

To Trump’s delight, she has also now pledged to dramatically increase Japan’s defence spending. More friction with China will only act as a drag on the Japanese economy.

Fumihito Gotoh has received grants from the Japan Foundation Endowment Committee and the Great Britain Sasakawa Foundation.

– ref. Japan’s new leader revives Abe’s economic vision – with a twist – https://theconversation.com/japans-new-leader-revives-abes-economic-vision-with-a-twist-268055

October 28, 2025

Mistaken release of migrant sex offender was hardly surprising – prison officers are dangerously overstretched

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kaigan Carrie, PhD Candidate in Criminology, University of Westminster

The mistaken release of a sex offender who was set to be deported exposes the staffing pressures at the heart of Britain’s prisons crisis. A senior prison employee told the BBC that Hadush Kebatu’s accidental release was “down to a series of mistakes probably because staff are overworked and in short supply”.

Prison overcrowding has become a serious political and societal issue. But while prison places are increasing with the construction of new prisons, staffing is not keeping pace. In 2019 there were roughly 3.7 prisoners per officer, in 2022 there were 3.8 prisoners per officer and in 2025 there were 3.9 prisoners per officer.

Between August 2022 and August 2025 the prison population increased by more than 6,000 prisoners – yet the number of prison officers grew by only around 1,000.

The recruitment and retention challenge is not just about numbers, but about experience. In the year to June 2025, 2,823 prison officers left the service in England and Wales. Of those who left, 56% had less than three years’ service, while 24% had less than a year. Understanding why is crucial if expanded prison capacity is to be matched by sufficient staffing.

Fewer are joining than before too. Just 2,453 prison officers were appointed or promoted into the prison officer role in the same year – almost half the figure recorded the previous year. The prison and probation service notes “persistent recruitment and retention challenges” in parts of the country.

And even for those who stay, the demanding nature of the job is evident in the fact that mental ill health was the leading cause of prison officer absence in the year to June 2025. The pressures prison officers face are often intensified by the danger that can come with prison work.

A violent role

In September 2025, armed robber Elias Morgan was sentenced to a life term for murdering former prison officer Lenny Scott. The judge said this was a revenge killing, four years after Scott seized a mobile phone from Morgan’s cell. It is a stark reminder that prison officers can be killed simply for doing their job.

The Prison Officers’ Association, the union that represents prison officers, has described the environment in which they work as “one of the most hostile and violent in the world”.

Earlier this year, four prison officers at HMP Frankland, County Durham, were attacked by a prisoner with a knife and hot oil, with three being hospitalised. The prisoner has been charged with three counts of attempted murder.

These incidents sit within a wider pattern of violence against prison officers. In the 12 months to March 2025, 10,568 assaults on staff were recorded – a 7% increase from the previous year. This equates to 28 assaults on staff per day across the service.

Protecting prison officers is not only a matter of justice for them as individuals, but crucial for a safe and well-functioning prison system. High levels of violence can make recruitment and retention more difficult, leaving prisons struggling to find enough staff to safely manage a growing prison estate. Better support for officers in these challenging conditions is vital.

In response to the serious assault faced by staff in HMP Frankland, the government has rolled out 500 tasers and 10,000 stab vests for prison staff. While these measures may improve safety in some situations, they are not a remedy for prison violence.

One officer I interviewed described being stabbed in an attack that led to their medical retirement. Neither a vest nor a taser would have prevented this incident due to where they were stabbed. This highlights that, while protective equipment may help in certain situations of violence, the main causes of violence – including understaffing and overcrowding – remain unaddressed.

Charlie Taylor, the chief inspector of prisons, recently reported that over 60% of prisoners in London’s HMP Pentonville are in overcrowded cells, with the prison’s physical infrastructure “crumbling”. Building new prisons to meet rising demand will not address the fact that some of our Victorian prisons are simply not fit for purpose.

A lack of staff also has detrimental effects on prisoners. Taylor’s Pentonville inspection found that most prisoners were spending 22 hours a day in their cells with nothing to do. This reflects the lack of staff to run the regime effectively – a problem that new prisons alone won’t solve.

It’s known that working in a prison exposes people to high levels of PTSD, depression, stress and anxiety. Without enough officers to safely staff existing prisons, building more prisons will only increase the pressure on staff. Protecting prison staff and supporting their wellbeing is vital if the government is to expand the prison estate while ensuring that prisons are safely and effectively staffed. Without addressing these pressures, simply building more prisons risks creating a system that is larger, but no safer nor more effective.

Kaigan Carrie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Mistaken release of migrant sex offender was hardly surprising – prison officers are dangerously overstretched – https://theconversation.com/mistaken-release-of-migrant-sex-offender-was-hardly-surprising-prison-officers-are-dangerously-overstretched-266407

October 28, 2025

The ‘demonstration effect’ can inspire girls to play — but only if communities are ready

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Georgia Teare, Assistant Professor, Management and Leadership in Kinesiology, Western University

By age 14, girls drop out of sport at twice the rate of boys in Canada.

Sport can boost young people’s physical health, mental well-being and social skills, and fewer girls participating means more of them are missing out on these benefits.

But with women’s sports surging worldwide, closing Canada’s gender gap in participation is closer than ever before.

The solution, however, isn’t just more equipment or facilities — it’s showing them who they can become. Canadian Women and Sport’s recent Rally Report reveals that girls and women participate at disproportionately lower rates than boys and men, and that a lack of role models is a key driver of this gap.

Going beyond visibility to participation

With recent investments in elite women’s sport, girls now have unprecedented access to female role models.

Improved Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) airtime, Professional Women’s Hockey League (PWHL) expansion after only two seasons and record viewership of the 2025 Women’s Rugby World Cup, including the gold-medal match between Canada and England, reveal the momentum is undeniable.

Christine Sinclair’s success on the pitch inspired girls and women to play soccer, particularity after Team Canada’s Olympic gold medal win in 2021. Recently, Canadian swimmer Summer McIntosh’s success has sparked a surge in popularity of swimming in Canada.

The recently released Future of Sport Commission report confirmed the growth of women’s professional sport as an important driver of sport participation for girls — inspiring them to get involved and stay committed to sport. From the fan perspective, 88 per cent of sports fans think that professional women athletes are impactful role models for young women.

Researchers call this the “demonstration effect” — watching elite athletes perform inspires people to participate themselves. Being inspired by elite sports involves three things: a sense that something special is happening, an automatic emotional response (not a conscious choice) and motivation to take action. Typically the demonstration effect occurs through watching elite sport performances, elite athlete success, living near where a sport competition is hosted or a combination of these factors.

While the demonstration effect sounds promising, there’s a catch. Research also shows that newly inspired athletes often turn to local community sport clubs. But these clubs frequently don’t have the capacity or resources to handle the surge. This means that increasing women’s and girls’ participation in sport is more complicated than showing them that “girls play sport too.”

Sport needs stronger grassroots support

Quality, intentionally designed sport experiences are necessary to keep girls participating.

Improving community club infrastructure and capacity, for example, is a critical step toward providing impactful opportunities. More participants means that community sport clubs need more programming resources such as facility space, qualified coaches and equipment.

And with more participants, community sport clubs need to offer more sessions and maintain adequate instructor-to-participant ratios to ensure top instruction and feedback. But accessing this additional space is a key constraint to community sport club growth.

Clean, safe and accessible facilities must also be maintained — in some cases, even created. For example, there are not enough swimming pools in Canada to accommodate the increased demand.

As girls need athlete role models, they also need to see themselves reflected in coaching and officiating staff. With participant numbers increasing, demands on coaches can lead to burnout. In addition, women and girls participating in coaching and officiating are also disproportionately low compared to boys and men in these roles.

To help girls stay in sport, more efforts from Canadian national, provincial and territorial sport organizations are needed to train and retain women coaches and officials. But these investments are not just needed from government — the corporate world has an opportunity to support girls in sport as well.

Building equitable lasting change

The cost of youth sport is rising. For example, the average cost of playing hockey in Canada is $4,478 per child, with costs increasing with more competitive programming. In addition, youth participants are required to buy their own equipment to participate.

To keep sport accessible, community sport organizations should consider offering basic equipment. With the cost of registration fees, appropriate clothing and transportation, participation becomes financially inaccessible for many families. Community sport clubs can intentionally design low-cost programs and tap into government financial supports to keep girls playing.

When corporate Canada joins the team

Corporate Canada is starting to capitalize on the popularity of women’s elite sport, offering sponsorship or Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) programs to financially support women’s and girls’ sport. There is an opportunity for community clubs to take advantage of this trend to help financially support participants.

Every girl brings different needs and expectations to sport. For example, girls with disabilities face unique structural and program barriers, newcomers to Canada may benefit from culturally specific programming, and club policies could be revisited to create safer spaces for LGBTQ+ youth and racialized girls, along with being more inclusive of all body types.

Community sport clubs that have the infrastructure and capacity to accommodate new participants must also ensure their programs are designed and implemented to provide quality experiences. These programs should reflect the diverse realities their participants face based on their background, identity and circumstances.

This will ensure that everyone can participate in ways that are inclusive and meaningful for them.

Georgia Teare receives funding from Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Laura Misener receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada

– ref. The ‘demonstration effect’ can inspire girls to play — but only if communities are ready – https://theconversation.com/the-demonstration-effect-can-inspire-girls-to-play-but-only-if-communities-are-ready-267270

October 28, 2025

Canada isn’t deeply polarized — yet. What new research reveals about partisan animosity

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Emily Huddart, Professor of Sociology, University of British Columbia

If you spend time on social media or follow political commentary, you may have heard warnings that Canada is on track to becoming as politically polarized as the United States.

But how divided are we, really?

Our research suggests a more nuanced and positive picture. While Canadians are not immune to partisan animosity, our divisions are much less intense than in the U.S. Canadians express moderate levels of both affective polarization and the deeper hostility known as political sectarianism.

Measuring partisan animosity

Affective polarization refers to the gap in feelings people have toward those they agree with and those on the opposite side. It’s not about policy differences, but about feelings of warmth or hostility.

In the U.S., affective polarization, particularly dislike toward those with opposing views, has risen sharply over the past decade. This kind of division undermines trust, co-operation and democratic norms.

Researchers have expanded the concept to include political sectarianism — “the tendency to adopt a moralized identification with one political group and against another.” When political identities create moral opponents, compromise across parties feels like betrayal and democracy is threatened.

Trump 2020 signs hang in front of the Capitol Building. — Violent protesters, loyal to then-President Donald Trump, storm the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.
(AP Photo/John Minchillo)

Partisan animosity in Canada

To explore affective polarization and political sectarianism in Canada, we worked with the Canadian Hub for Applied and Social Research (CHASR) at the University of Saskatchewan to survey a nationally representative sample of 2,503 Canadians in the summer of 2024. Representative surveys are uncommon in Canada, and this survey is the first to measure political sectarianism

We asked respondents to self-identify their political ideology on a scale from zero (extremely left-wing) to 10 (extremely right-wing); moderates selected five. We also asked how warmly people felt toward left-wing and right-wing Canadians. Then we asked how much they agreed with statements capturing the three dimensions of political sectarianism:

1. Aversion — Feeling negatively toward the other side

2. Othering — Seeing the other side as incomprehensible

3. Moralization — Believing the other side is immoral

The results paint a mixed picture.

Feelings about the ‘out-group’

Canadians display moderate affective polarization: both left-wing and right-wing Canadians feel greater warmth for their “in-group” than for the “out-group.” These evaluations are measured using feeling thermometer ratings, which ask respondents how warm or cold they feel toward each group on a 0–100 scale. While the difference in warmth between in-group and out-group is meaningful, the magnitude of the divide is far lower than in the U.S.

Left-wing Canadians express stronger dislike toward the right than right-wing Canadians do toward the left. This same asymmetry exists in other countries and may be explained by different perceptions of social and moral threat.

There are low to moderate levels of political sectarianism in Canada. Left-wing Canadians express moderate “aversion,” but few Canadians view the other side as immoral. Both the right and the left have moderate levels of othering. In short, political differences in Canada are real, but they have not solidified into hatred and dehumanization.

Who is most likely to be polarized?

We found that people on the left are more polarized than people on the right, but otherwise, we didn’t find major differences between most groups.

Supporters of the NDP, the Conservative Party of Canada and the People’s Party are the most polarized. About one-fifth of Canadians are unaffiliated, which could explain why the two right-wing parties are more polarized than the Liberal Party, yet the left is overall more polarized than the right.

Older Canadians are more polarized than younger Canadians, and residents of Atlantic Canada are less polarized than residents of Alberta. Otherwise, we found no evidence that polarization differs by gender, race/ethnicity, level of education, sexual identity or whether someone lives in a rural or urban area.

Why it matters

Democracy depends on citizens’ ability to tolerate and respect one anther across political and other social divides. Partisan animosity can erode that tolerance, reducing trust in institutions and fellow citizens.

The fact that Canada remains only moderately polarized and demonstrates low to moderate political sectarianism is hopeful. But we also see areas of concern: the left’s greater dislike of the right; the left’s higher level of “aversion;” and moderate polarization among NDP, Conservative Party and People’s Party supporters.

Those divides could deepen over time, particularly if social media algorithms, partisan media or political leaders reward outrage over understanding.

Looking ahead

So far, Canada’s political culture seems to offer some protection from the extreme polarization that has taken hold of Americans. Canadians of all political loyalties continue to rely on mainstream media and credible news sources.

Still, the pressures that have intensified polarization elsewhere exist in Canada too: a hostile climate in Parliament and growing gaps in attitudes on social issues across the political left and right. How these forces unfold will depend on how elected representatives, the media and citizens choose to engage those who think differently than them.

For now, the Canadian polarization story is one of caution, not crisis. Our political differences are real, but haven’t yet deeply divided us. That advantage is fragile, but worth protecting.

Sophia Dimitakopolous, an undergraduate student in the Faculty of Science at the University of British Columbia, contributed to this article

Emily Huddart and Tony Silva produced this data with funding support from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

– ref. Canada isn’t deeply polarized — yet. What new research reveals about partisan animosity – https://theconversation.com/canada-isnt-deeply-polarized-yet-what-new-research-reveals-about-partisan-animosity-267719

October 28, 2025

Ecoball: how to turn picking up litter into a game for kids

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Solaja Mayowa Oludele, Lecturing, Olabisi Onabanjo University

Every year humanity produces nearly 300 million tonnes of plastic. Only a fraction ever gets recycled. Most ends up in rivers, oceans and soil, slowly breaking down into tiny, invisible microplastics that get into what we eat and drink.

Decades of recycling drives and policy bans have not altered the deep-rooted behaviours behind this crisis.
But what if the next big environmental solution isn’t a new law or technology – but a game?

I am an environmental sociologist and behaviour change researcher from Nigeria. I developed a game called EcoBall in 2023 as a social innovation that makes sport a tool for sustainability.

The concept is discussed in my peer-reviewed paper.

EcoBall reimagines football as a discipline of training for environmental stewardship. Instead of chasing goals alone, teams compete to collect, sort and creatively reuse plastic waste. Each match becomes a live demonstration of the circular economy – the idea that materials should be reused, not discarded.

Here I describe how the game works, why it influences people’s behaviour, and what we found when we tested it in Nigerian schools and youth clubs.

Three zones, one planet

An EcoBall match uses a real ball made from tightly woven recycled plastic bags – the “EcoBall” itself. Two or more teams compete across three timed “learning zones”, combining physical play with environmental tasks.

• Collection zone (10-15 minutes): To start play, the ball is placed at the centre of the field. Players pass and dribble it like they would in football or handball. The pitch or play area is scattered with lightweight, clean plastic litter. Teams race to gather the litter from the designated area and place it in a team bag or collection net along the sidelines before rejoining the game. Points are awarded for the amount and diversity of plastics collected.

• Sorting zone: Back on the pitch, players classify the plastics correctly (PET bottles, sachets, nylon wrappers and so on). Accurate sorting earns additional points and practical recycling knowledge. Teams earn points for goals and for the quantity or weight of litter collected.

• Creative zone: After each game, the collected plastics are sorted and delivered to recycling or upcycling partners. Using selected materials, teams craft new items – from art pieces to flower planters or even another EcoBall. Judges score on creativity, teamwork and utility.

Participants also engage in short reflective or educational sessions to discuss plastic pollution, sustainability habits, and collective responsibility.

The champion is not only the fastest but also the team with the most environmental impact.

What seems to be a game is really learning through doing. Participants learn sustainability not by being preached at but by doing it, competing and relishing their achievements together.

The psychology behind the game

EcoBall draws on two social-science ideas: the theory of planned behaviour and social capital theory. The first explains why people adopt sustainable habits. By making recycling fun, social and rewarding, EcoBall reshapes attitudes and perceived norms – the key drivers of behaviour.

The second highlights the power of trust and networks. EcoBall builds these bonds as teams collaborate and share victories, creating social momentum that keeps environmental action alive long after the game ends.

In designing and evaluating EcoBall, I combined these theories with research on sport-for-development and environmental education. Where I was both participant-observer and referee, the assessment compared data from questionnaires, focus groups and observation diaries. The design allowed for transparency, credibility, and contextual validity in interpretation of EcoBall’s impact on environmental attitudes and behaviours.

Tested on the field

Pilot sessions were conducted at several schools and youth clubs across Ogun State to ascertain the level to which EcoBall enhances environmental awareness, cooperation and pro-active participation in plastic litter removal.

The pilots were community-led and research-motivated and were supported by small donations from local NGOs and schools, and recycling businesses which provided gloves, collection bags and bins.

Instructors reported increased cooperation and leadership. Players described being more responsible for their surroundings, and some of them formed neighbourhood clean-up clubs which extended weeks beyond the games. While the long-term effect is yet to be studied, these early findings show that EcoBall is likely to induce actual behavioural change.

From waste to wealth

EcoBall also shows that environmental action can create livelihoods.
In one pilot, students built benches and flower planters from bottles gathered during matches. Others began selling up-cycled crafts, while the organisation of events – coaching, logistics and recycling partnerships – generated new work opportunities.

Such experiences echo the circular-economy principle of turning waste into worth.

Uniting generations and communities

Because EcoBall requires little equipment – just gloves, bags and open space – it thrives in low-resource communities.

The design was intentionally simple, ensuring accessibility and inclusion where conventional sports infrastructure is absent.

Although EcoBall is inexpensive to initiate, its long-term delivery as a structured sport-for-development and environmental education programme requires sustained funding. Investment is needed for facilitator training, community engagement, and monitoring activities. This is typical of community interventions: low-cost to launch but funding-dependent to sustain and scale.

Children, parents, and grandparents can play together, bridging generations and backgrounds. This shared passion generates a feeling of ownership of public spaces and renewed pride in keeping them clean.

Schools are able to incorporate EcoBall into extracurricular activities, municipalities can organise tournaments tied in with cleanup initiatives, and corporations can make it part of their corporate social responsibility initiatives.

Following early successes, two NGOs that work with youth development have begun using EcoBall in their environmental clubs, and discussions are underway with the National Youth Service Corps to introduce it into community services.

Challenges and opportunities

No innovation is challenge-free. EcoBall needs consistent funding, materials and cultural adaptation. Keeping players engaged may require creative incentives – such as mobile apps to track points or online leaderboards connecting communities globally.

Yet these hurdles create opportunities. A “World EcoBall Cup” could one day unite cities or nations, rewarding those who divert the most plastic from the environment.

Instead of medals, winners would boast cleaner beaches and thriving circular economies.

Play for the planet

The global plastic crisis demands solutions that move people, not just policies.

EcoBall does exactly that – bringing sport together with green purpose and demonstrating that climate action has the power to be human, inclusive and fun.

It is not the sole responsibility of scientists or policymakers to fight pollution. It belongs to everyone willing to pick up a ball – or a bottle – and make a difference.

Solaja Mayowa Oludele does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Ecoball: how to turn picking up litter into a game for kids – https://theconversation.com/ecoball-how-to-turn-picking-up-litter-into-a-game-for-kids-267888

October 28, 2025

Luxury tourism is a risky strategy for African economies – new study of Botswana, Mauritius, Rwanda

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Pritish Behuria, Reader in Politics, Governance and Development, Global Development Institute, University of Manchester

Mauritius led the luxury tourism trend in Africa with all-inclusive resorts. Heritage Awali/yourgolftravel.com, CC BY-NC-ND

How successful is luxury tourism in Africa? What happens if it fails to produce higher tourism revenues: can it be reversed? And does it depend on what kind of government is in place?

Pritish Behuria is a scholar of the political economy of development who has conducted a study in Botswana, Mauritius and Rwanda to find answers to questions like this. We asked him about his findings.

What is luxury tourism and how prevalent is it in Africa?

Luxury tourism aims to attract high-spending tourists to stay at premium resorts and lodges or visit exclusive attractions. It’s a strategy that’s being adopted widely by governments around the world and also in African countries.

It’s been promoted by multilateral agencies like the World Bank and the United Nations, as well as environmental and conservation organisations.

The logic underlying luxury tourism is that if fewer, high-spending tourists visit, this will result in less environmental impact. It’s often labelled as a “high-value, low-impact” approach.

However, studies have shown that luxury tourism does not lead to reduced environmental impact. Luxury tourists are more likely to use private jets. Private jets are more carbon intense than economy class travel. Supporters of luxury tourism also ignore that it reinforces economic inequalities, commercialises nature and restricts land access for indigenous populations.

In some ways, of course, the motives of African countries seem understandable. They remain starved of much-needed foreign exchange in the face of rising trade deficits. The allure of luxury tourism seems almost impossible to resist.

How did you go about your study?

I have been studying the political economy of Rwanda for nearly 15 years. The government there made tourism a central part of its national vision.

Over the years, many government officials and tourism stakeholders highlighted the challenges of luxury tourism strategies. Even so, there remains a single-mindedness to prioritise luxury tourism.

I found that, in Rwanda, luxury tourism resulted in a reliance on foreign-owned hotels and foreign travel agents, exposing potential leakages in tourism revenues. Crucially, tourism was not creating enough employment. There was also a skills lag in the sector. Employees were not being trained quickly enough to meet the surge of investments in hotels.

So I decided to investigate the effects of luxury tourism in other African countries. I wanted to know who benefits and how it is being reversed in countries that are turning away from it.

I interviewed government officials, hotel owners and other private sector representatives, aviation officials, consultants and journalists in all three countries. Added to this was a thorough review of economic data, industry reports and grey literature (including newspaper articles).

What are your take-aways from Mauritius?

Mauritius was the first of the three countries to explicitly adopt a luxury tourism strategy. In the late 1970s and early 1980s the government began to encourage European visitors to the island’s “sun-sand-sea” attractions. Large domestic business houses became lead investors, building luxury hotels and buying coastal land.

Over the years, tourism has provided significant revenues for the Mauritian economy. By 2019, the economy was earning over US$2 billion from the sector (before dropping during the COVID pandemic).

However, tourism has also been symbolic of the inequality that has characterised Mauritius’ growth. The all-inclusive resort model – where luxury hotels take care of all of a visitor’s food and travel needs themselves – has meant that the money being spent by tourists doesn’t always enter the local economy. A large share of profits remains outside the country or with large hotels.

After the pandemic, the Mauritian government took steps to loosen its focus on luxury tourism. It opened its air space to attract a broader range of tourists and re-started direct flights to Asia. There’s growing agreement within government that the opening up of tourism will go some way towards sustaining revenues and employment in the sector. Especially as some other key sectors (like offshore finance) may face an uncertain future.

And from Botswana?

Botswana followed Mauritius by formally adopting a luxury tourism strategy in 1990. Its focus was on its wilderness areas (the Okavango Delta) and wildlife safari lodges. For decades, there were criticisms from scholars about the inequalities in the sector.

Most lodges and hotels were foreign owned. Most travel agencies that booked all-inclusive trips operated outside Botswana. There were very few domestic linkages. Very little domestic agricultural or industrial production was used within the sector.

An aerial photo of a vast land of water and rocky. Small boats cross the water. — Guides take tourists across Botswana’s Okavango delta in boats.
Diego Delso/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

However, I found that the direction of tourism policies had also become increasingly political. Certain politicians were aligned with conservation organisations and foreign investors in prioritising luxury tourism. Former president Ian Khama, for example, banned trophy hunting on ethical grounds in 2014. He pushed photographic tourism, where travellers visit destinations mainly to take photos. But critics allege he and his allies benefited from the push for photographic tourism.

Photographic tourism is closely linked with the problematic promotion of “unspoilt” wilderness areas that conform to foreign ideas about the “myth of wild Africa”.

President Mokgweetsi Masisi reversed the hunting ban once he took power. He argued it had adverse effects on rural communities and increased human-wildlife conflict. He believed that regulated hunting could be a tool for better wildlife management and could produce more benefits for communities.

Since the latter 2010s, Botswana’s government has loosened the emphasis on luxury tourism and tried to diversify tourism offerings. It has relaxed visa regulations for Asian countries, for example, to allow a wider range of tourists to visit more easily.

What about Rwanda?

Of the three cases, Rwanda was the most recent to adopt a luxury tourism strategy. However, it has remained the most committed to this strategy. Rwanda’s model is centred on mountain gorilla trekking and premium wildlife experiences. It’s augmented by Rwanda’s attempt to become a hub for business and sports tourism through high-profile conferences and events.

A statue in a breen-leafed area of a male, female, and baby gorilla. — Gorillas are a key attraction for luxury tourists in Rwanda.
Gatete Pacifique/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Rwanda invited global hotel brands (like the Hyatt and Marriott) to build hotels and invested heavily in the country’s “nation brand” through sponsoring sports teams. The “luxury” element is managed through maintaining a high price to visit the country’s main tourist attraction: mountain gorillas. Rwanda is one of the few countries where mountain gorillas live.

After the pandemic, the government lowered prices to visit mountain gorillas but has also regularly stated its commitment to luxury tourism.

What did you learn by comparing the three?

I wanted to know why some countries reverse luxury tourism strategies once they fail while others don’t.

It is quite clear that luxury tourism strategies will always have disadvantages. As this study shows, luxury tourism repeatedly benefits only very few actors (often foreign investors or foreign-owned entities) and does not create sufficient employment or provide wider benefits for domestic populations. My research shows that the political pressure faced by democratic governments (like Botswana and Mauritius) forced them to loosen their luxury tourism strategies. This was not the case in more authoritarian Rwanda.

Rwanda’s position goes against a lot of recent literature on African political economy, which argues that parties with a stronger hold on power would be able to deliver better development outcomes.

While that may be case in some sectors, the findings of this study suggest that weaker political parties may actually be more responsive to changing policies that are creating inequality than countries with stronger political parties in power.

Pritish Behuria is a recipient of the British Academy Mid-Career Fellowship 2024-2025 (MFSS24/240043).

– ref. Luxury tourism is a risky strategy for African economies – new study of Botswana, Mauritius, Rwanda – https://theconversation.com/luxury-tourism-is-a-risky-strategy-for-african-economies-new-study-of-botswana-mauritius-rwanda-267877

October 28, 2025

Nigeria’s government is using digital technology to repress citizens. A researcher explains how

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Chibuzo Achinivu, Visiting Assistant Professor of Political Science, Vassar College

Digital authoritarianism is a new way governments are trying to control citizens using digital and information technology. It is a growing concern for advocacy groups and those interested in freedom and democracy. It is especially worrying for those who initially heralded digital and information technologies as liberating tools that would spread information more easily for citizens.

I have studied the rise of digital authoritarianism in Africa over the last two decades. My most recent study focused on Nigeria, and its turn to digital tools for control after the 2020 #EndSARS Movement protests.

I found that local conflict and development needs drive the Nigerian government’s demand for digital authoritarianism technologies. Foreign suppliers of these technologies are motivated by both economic gain and influence in the region.

The findings are important. Firstly, it signals that the trend of using digital spaces to control populations has reached the African continent. It also shows that the trend is facilitated by foreign actors that provide governments with the technology and expertise.

What is digital authoritarianism?

One way to understand the concept of digital authoritarianism is as a form of governance or set of actions aimed at undermining accountability. It is the use of digital technologies for this goal.

Technology is used to repress voices, keep people under surveillance, and manipulate populations for regime goals and survival.

It includes but is not limited to internet and social media shutdowns. It prioritises the use of spyware to hack and monitor people through their devices. There is mass surveillance using artificial intelligence for facial recognition, and misinformation and disinformation propaganda campaigns.

What drives it in Africa

In Africa these actions are popping up in democracies like Nigeria and in autocracies alike. Perhaps the noticeable difference between these two types of governments is the subtlety of their form of digital authoritarianism and the legal recourse when such actions are unearthed.

Both governance types make claims of national security and public safety to justify these tactics. For instance, former Nigerian information minister Lai Mohammed claimed the 2020 Twitter ban was due to “the persistent use of the platform for activities that are capable of undermining Nigeria’s corporate existence”.

Autocracies are often cruder with their use of blatant tactics. They employ internet and social media shutdowns. This is often due to their unsophisticated digital authoritarianism apparatuses. Democracies often rely on more subtle surveillance and misinformation campaigns to reach their goals.

This all begs the question: what are the drivers of this trend? There are four clear ones:

regime survival/political control
security and counterterrorism
electoral competition and information manipulation
modernisation agendas (development).

On the rise

In the African context digital authoritarianism is on the rise. There’s a cohesive relationship between the foreign suppliers of the hardware, expertise and domestic demand. This demand stems from authoritarian regimes as well as regimes accessing digital systems to consolidate and modernise. There are also hybrid regimes, which are countries with a mixture democratic and authoritarian institutions.

States like China, Russia, Israel, France and the US supply both the technology and instruction or best practices to African regimes. Reasons for supply include economic gain and regional influence.

On the demand side, African regimes seek out digital authoritarianism tools mainly for development needs and for conflict resolution. Some of the largest consumers are Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda, Nigeria and Ghana.

The study

I found there was evidence that Nigeria’s development goals and efforts to quell conflicts drive the use of technology to repress its people. Using the example of the #EndSARS movement, social media platform shutdowns and efforts to build a firewall akin to China’s great firewall serve as evidence for this.

In the days following Twitter’s removal of a post by President Muhammadu Buhari, Twitter was banned in Nigeria. The administration cited its use to further unrest, instability, and secessionist movements. There were claims that this step was taken to maintain internet sovereignty.

However, the ban also undermined social movements that were successfully holding the government accountable. Following domestic and international outcry over the ban, there were reports that the Nigerian government had approached China. The purpose of the contact was to replicate their “Great Firewall” in Nigeria’s internet control apparatus. (The focus of China’s project is to monitor and censor what can and cannot be seen through an online network in China.) This would allow the state to manage access to certain cites and block unwanted content from reaching Nigerians.

On the supply side, China’s economic commitments to the country and concerted efforts to cultivate certain norms in the country and region offer insights into the motivations for supply in this case and the broader continent.

Again, regime type dictates just how these technologies will be used. Interviews conducted with permanent secretaries and ministers of Nigerian ministries were particularly revealing. They confirmed that repressive government practices in the real world are informing their activity in digital spaces.

For instance, they intimated that the repression that occurs during protests in the streets in order to manage “lawlessness” is being replicated online. Its purpose is to ensure peace and stability.

For development needs, countries like Nigeria initially seek out foreign suppliers to furnish them with state of the art technology systems. The objective is to establish or refurbish their information and communications technology apparatuses.

These include but are not limited to national broadband networks) such as fiber optic networks, mobile telecommunications networks and smart city governance systems. Though these are often not repressive in nature, they are capable of dual use. Thus, these development needs provide technologies that are then utilized in an authoritarian fashion for state building goals.

There is also evidence that some suppliers provide instruction on how to use these technologies for repression. In some instances, under the guise of development needs, regimes seek out more repressive tools such as spyware alongside these infrastructural development programs. At this stage, the boundary between development and security blurs, as modernization becomes a vehicle for national security, cyber defense, regime protection, and information control.

What can be done?

I propose a three-pronged approach to address the three drivers. First of all, more has to be done on the international front to curb the sale of repressive tools to states. There must be a conversation about the norms of these technologies and their use for repression in both democracies and autocracies.

On the demand side, it appears those practices that have plagued the hopes of freedom and democracy in the real world have to be addressed. Naturally, no movement on the digital front is complete without a real world manifestation. It seems logical that eradicating digital repression necessitates addressing repression in general.

Finally, regulatory legal and institutional oversight alongside human rights benchmarks must be achieved. These will accompany digital and privacy rights in cyberspace.

Chibuzo Achinivu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Nigeria’s government is using digital technology to repress citizens. A researcher explains how – https://theconversation.com/nigerias-government-is-using-digital-technology-to-repress-citizens-a-researcher-explains-how-267032

October 28, 2025

Renters’ Rights Act becomes law in England – here are six things to do before renting a property privately

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jan Wilcox, Senior lecturer, University of Westminster

The Renters’ Rights Act has become law. This new legislation is intended to improve the experience of private renting in England by providing tenants with increased security and stability. Measures include abolishing Section 21 “no fault” evictions, enabling tenants to challenge poor practice and unfair rent increases without fear of eviction.

With private renting now accounting for 19% of UK households in England – double the share it was in the early 2000s – the pressures facing tenants have never been greater.

Recent figures suggest 21 people are competing for each rental property, with average monthly private rents rising by 5.8% to £1,403 in August 2025. At the same time, there is an exodus from the rental market by private landlords, with 31% of landlords reported as reducing the size of their rental portfolio by 2026, and 16% planning to sell all of their properties. This is intensifying demand for rental properties.

In such a competitive market, tenants often take on properties in haste, without fully understanding their rights or the responsibilities of their landlords. Yet the legal landscape is complex, with a raft of existing and forthcoming regulations. Some landlords struggle to keep up with their obligations, creating risks for tenants who simply need somewhere to live.

Here are the steps you should take before signing a tenancy agreement in England:

1. Check you can – and can afford to – rent

The government suggests that rent should be 30% or less of gross income, or 35% of take-home pay. You should also ensure that you have evidence of the right to rent, if required.

2. Ensure you know who your landlord is

They could be a letting agency, a private landlord or a company. Letting agencies should all be part of a redress scheme and you should check that they are members of a client money protection scheme. A private landlord, or company, should be asked to provide proof of ownership to avoid online rental fraud. You can check ownership with the Land Registry.

3. Check the terms of the tenancy agreement

The most common form of tenancy agreement is currently the assured shorthold tenancy, which lasts for a fixed period (usually six or 12 months). You may also have a periodic or rolling tenancy. The two will have different notice periods if you want to end your tenancy.

Check the start and end dates of the tenancy, landlord and tenant names, property address, level of rent, rent reviews and any additional bills you are responsible for.

4. Look out for fees

Do not pay fees for credit checks or setting up a tenancy agreement. You may wish to pay a refundable holding deposit which should not exceed one week’s rent. All other fees are banned. This is different to the security deposit that will be held by a government approved provider. The refundable holding deposit will normally be credited against your first month’s rent.

Request details of the tenancy deposit scheme before paying any money. Your deposit is only protected if held by a government-approved provider. The maximum deposit the landlord can ask for is capped, in most cases, at five weeks’ rent.

Row of identical English terraced houses — Private renting now accounts for 19% of UK households.
I Wei Huang/Shutterstock

5. Request documents

Ask for a copy of the How to Rent guide, a gas safety certificate (if relevant) and the energy performance certificate. The landlord is legally required to produce these documents. You should also be given a copy of your signed tenancy agreement.

6. Check the condition of the property thoroughly

Ask for an inventory which records the contents and condition of the property. Arrange to inspect the property with the landlord, to ensure that you have agreed the inventory, then both sign it. Take time-stamped photographs if there are areas of disagreement.

Ensure there are working smoke and carbon monoxide alarms and that you are given an electrical installation condition report before you move in.

Once you are in occupation

Your landlord, or their agent, must always be your first point of contact. You should keep a detailed record of any requests or complaints made, and the response received. If problems persist, there are a range of organisations that can provide help, advice, or resolution, depending on the nature of the dispute. These include Shelter, Citizens Advice, Civil Legal Advice, National Trading Standards, the property ombudsman, the Property Redress Scheme,, the first-tier property tribunal and your local authority environmental health departments.

These bodies will advise on, or implement, penalties which are wide ranging, and depend on the intention, severity and repetition of offences. Currently, these may include ordering the landlord to carry out work by way of an improvement or prohibition notice, fines of up to £30,000, imprisonment for up to two years and rent repayment orders of up to one year’s rent.

Whether a new tenant or an existing tenant, it has never been more important to be fully informed and to keep abreast of new developments in the law. Although we cannot predict the full impact of the new legislation, there is no doubt that penalties for landlords will increase. All tenants, however long they have been renting, are able to obtain compensation for poor performance by the “rogues and chancers” that undermine good landlords.

Jan Wilcox does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Renters’ Rights Act becomes law in England – here are six things to do before renting a property privately – https://theconversation.com/renters-rights-act-becomes-law-in-england-here-are-six-things-to-do-before-renting-a-property-privately-267464

October 28, 2025

Celebrity Traitors: why we sweat when we’re nervous – or lying

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Taylor, Professor of Anatomy, Lancaster University

This article contains spoilers for the current season of Celebrity Traitors.

When TV comedian Alan Carr was selected to be a traitor, his joy quickly turned to anxiety. He proclaimed he had a “sweating problem” – and that he wasn’t able to keep a secret. A less than ideal combination for him, but for viewers it’s TV gold.

Anyone who has ever been caught in a lie or found themselves in tense circumstances might have related to Carr. But why is it that so many of us sweat when we’re in stressful or uncomfortable situations?

Sweating typically happens for two reasons. One is when the body gets too hot. Sweating is our most effective method for reducing the body’s temperature. The other reason is emotionally driven and linked to psychological stimuli caused by anxiety, fear, pain or stress.

Humans have approximately 4 million sweat glands. There are two categories of sweat glands: apocrine and eccrine.

Eccrine glands make up around 90% of our sweat glands. These glands help cool the body. They respond to the release of a neurotransmitter called acetylcholine, which plays a central role in involuntary body actions, such as sweating.

The body has far fewer apocrine glands. These are mainly located around the nipple, armpits, face and genitals. These glands respond to a neurotransmitter called adrenaline. This neurotransmitter only becomes active when we’re in a “fight or flight” mode. The reason our palms sweat during these moments is because there are a high number of eccrine glands located there – so they go into overdrive when activated by adrenaline.

Adrenaline can also activate eccrine sweat glands in these high stakes situations, which means we begin to sweat all over our body.

The amount a person sweats varies from one person to another and is determined by a huge number of variables, including the number of sweat glands they have, the amount of adrenaline produced, how hydrated they are and their emotional state.

The amount that a person sweats during a stressful situation can also be made worse if they have a “sweating problem”, like Alan Carr does – such as the condition known as hyperhidrosis. This medical condition affects approximately 1%-3% of people in the UK – though in some countries it’s higher, with approximately 5% of the US population and as many as 16% of people in Germany affected.

There are two types of hyperhidrosis: primary and secondary. Primary accounts for 93% of hyperhidrosis cases. The cause of primary hyperhidrosis is unknown but genetic factors are thought to play a role – particularly because many with primary hyperhidrosis report having parents with the same diagnosis. It’s also theorised that hyperhidrosis may be caused the nerves that make us sweat being more overactive than they should be.

Secondary is usually caused by medications, particularly those that affect nervous system function.

People with hyperhidrosis can sweat at rates far above what’s considered normal. This is why the condition can have such a huge impact on quality of life and health.

People with hyperhidrosis are at greater risk of dehydration due to the amount fluid a person loses when they sweat – up to 5.8L an hour in some people. In comparison, people without hyperhidrosis only lose about 2L an hour when exercising.

They’re also at greater risk of fungal infections (such as athlete’s foot), bacterial infections (such as impetigo) and bad body odour as their warm, moist skin provides the perfect environment for microbes.

Hyperhidrosis and stressful situations may act as a self-perpetuating spiral. People with hyperhidrosis say the condition causes high physiological strain. High physiological strain causes sweating for everyone – but for people with hyperhidrosis, this is amplified, resulting in more sweating.

Prescription antiperspirants may help with mild to moderate cases of hyperhidrosis. If these don’t work, iontophoresis may be tried. This is where hands are placed in water with a small electrical current passing through to stop the sweat glands from working.

When these fail, botulinum toxin injections are administered directly into the armpit. The effects typically last around six months. This toxin blocks the action of acetylcholine preventing it from activating the sweat glands – thereby reducing their activity.

Stress sweat

In the context of The Traitors, sweating when we lie is primarily driven by the body’s nervous system which activates the “fight or flight” response during stress.

Lying often evokes thoughts that are negative, especially if the lie induces anxiety or fear of being caught – thoughts the brain perceives as a threat. This activates the hypothalamus (a brain region which controls automatic body functions), which signals the adrenal glands on top of the kidney to release stress hormones – such as adrenaline. These hormones of course stimulate the eccrine sweat glands – especially those in the palms, feet and underarms.

Sweating itself doesn’t confirm deception. Rather, it reflects the psychological stress that triggered it. This sweat increase causes the electrical conductance of the skin to change, which is why lie detectors (polygraphs) measure galvanic skin response as a proxy for stress.

But even these are not without issue because they cannot account for a person’s baseline sweat levels or how they adapt in stressful situations. It’s also important to note that not everyone can sweat – a condition known as anhidrosis – so a polygraph would probably not work in these instances.

Sweating is an involuntary process that happens when we’re stressed or under pressure. So whether you’re a Traitor or Faithful, there’s not much you can do to stop the sweat when facing interrogation at the round table.

Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Celebrity Traitors: why we sweat when we’re nervous – or lying – https://theconversation.com/celebrity-traitors-why-we-sweat-when-were-nervous-or-lying-267796