¿Dónde están las diseñadoras?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By M. Mar Martínez-Oña, Investigadora y profesora, UDIT – Universidad de Diseño, Innovación y Tecnología

Montaje realizado para el proyecto RED-Diseña. Miguel Ocariz

Las mujeres siempre han estado presentes en la historia del arte. E incluso han sido las protagonistas absolutas… como objetos de deseo. Es decir, podían ejercer el papel de musas, pero se les vetó el rol de creadoras.

Esta invisibilidad de las artistas es una situación que a lo largo de los siglos se normalizó a través de la divulgación e imposición de una historia del arte creada desde un perspectiva androcéntrica.

Hubo que esperar a finales del siglo XX, concretamente a la década de los años 70, a que la historiadora Linda Nochlin se cuestionase dónde estaban las artistas. Nochlin planteaba por qué se habían obviado sus nombres y la necesidad de preguntarse precisamente eso. Exigía, por tanto, rescatarlas del olvido.

Esta injusticia se intenta corregir desde finales del siglo XX a través de investigaciones que buscan reescribir la historia. Entre las figuras reivindicadas encontramos a Sofonisba Anguissola, Artemisa Gentileschi, Élisabeth Vigée-Lebrun, Camille Claudel, Maruja Mallo, Remedios Varo y un largo etcétera de mujeres.

Pero los estudios se han centrado principalmente en las denominadas artes mayores (arquitectura, escultura y pintura). Sin embargo, aquellas que realizaron su labor artística dentro de las denominadas artes menores o artes decorativas –que, tras la Revolución Industrial del siglo XIX, pasaron a entremezclarse con el denominado diseño industrial y con el actual diseño de producto– siguen sin conocerse.

Por eso, merece la pena saber quiénes han sido las mujeres que han desarrollado su trabajo artístico en esta disciplina, aunque en su momento no se conociesen o sus obras fuesen firmadas por otros diseñadores hombres (maridos, padres, hermanos, etc).

Hacia una mayor visibilidad

Afirmar que Ludwig Mies van der Rohe fue un gran diseñador y, además, el autor de la silla Barcelona (uno de los iconos del diseño moderno) es un hecho aceptado. Sin embargo, si la afirmación que hacemos es que Lilly Reich fue una gran diseñadora y, además, coautora de la silla Barcelona, probablemente tendríamos que aportar pruebas para poder justificarlo.

Pero así es: Reich fue una diseñadora y arquitecta alemana, socia y compañera de Mies van der Rohe, con el que trabajo durante más de diez años, colaborando activamente en todos los diseños, aunque la autoría se le otorgaba a él. Sin embargo, en los últimos años, gracias a la investigación, podemos decir que la autoría de la silla Barcelona es compartida. Así lo indicó Sonja Günther en 1988, la que se considera como la primera biografía de Lilly Reich.

En el caso de España, las diseñadoras estaban invisibilizadas hasta que, en los años 80 del siglo XX, en pleno auge del diseño, se comenzaron a escuchar nombres femeninos. A esa primera generación de diseñadoras, pioneras, la siguieron muchas otras.

Así lo recogemos en el libro Diseñadoras españolas de finales del siglo XX. En él hablamos de mujeres como Lola Castelló, quien desarrolló su actividad sobre todo en el diseño de mobiliario, con obras tan destacadas como las mesas La Camilla o Carmen. También de Nani Marquina –quien destaca por su novedosa visión en la creación artística en torno a la alfombra–, de la reconocida arquitecta –y también diseñadora– Carme Pinós y de Pati Núñez, una de las pioneras en diseño gráfico.

Pero quizás los nombres más invisibilizados, y que recuperamos, hayan sido los de las mujeres que desarrollaron su labor artística en torno a la animación, como Ángela Iturriza e Isabel Herguera.

El caso Delaunay

Desde el proyecto de investigación RED-Diseña, en UDIT, hemos comenzado a catalogar a las diseñadoras en diferentes ámbitos (arquitectura, moda, ilustración, fotografía, animación, diseño industrial, de producto, de videojuegos, etc). No nos limitamos a España: abarcamos diversas geografías y épocas históricas, desde las pioneras como Mary Morris –que trabajó junto a su padre, el también diseñador Willian Morris)– hasta la actualidad, con jóvenes que apuestan por la innovación y la sostenibilidad como herramientas de cambio social.

Una mujer sentada y vestida con sombrero, sombrilla, chaleco y falda.
Sonia Delaunay en una fotografía en la que viste prendas que vendía en la tienda que tuvo durante un tiempo en Madrid, Casa Sonia, c. 1918-20.
Wikimedia Commons

Entre todas las creadoras catalogadas destaca Sarah Ilínichna Stern, más conocida como Sonia Delaunay (ya que utilizó el apellido de su marido), quien durante una etapa de su vida vivió en España. Delaunay se caracterizó por ser una artista multidisciplinar, que desarrolló un intenso trabajo en varios aspectos del diseño –desde la moda y los tejidos hasta los libros–, además de ser pintora, empresaria y escenógrafa, entre otras cosas.

Su inquietud artística también la impulsó a investigar nuevas formas de crear. Actualmente se la considera cofundadora del orfismo (uso rítmico del color para crear movimiento), aunque durante muchos años este mérito se le otorgó solamente a su marido, Robert Delaunay. Posteriormente ambos evolucionaron al simultaneísmo–que empleaba el color para crear espacios y formas en una pintura– y acabaron orientándose artísticamente hacia la abstracción. Defendieron los fundamentos de un arte nuevo que rechazaba los medios tradicionales, afirmando la capacidad constructiva y la dinámica del color.

Cuadro abstracto con formas y círculos de colores fuertes.
Prismas eléctricos, de Sonia Delaunay (1914).
Wikimedia Commons

Tras el fallecimiento de Robert, Sonia siguió trabajando. El resultado fue una fructífera obra artística personal, con una identidad propia que se pone de manifiesto en todas sus creaciones. Quiso dejar atrás las antiguas tradiciones y contribuir al avance social de las mujeres desde el diseño, rompiendo con el conservadurismo. A pesar de su gran carisma artístico, durante años su obra fue invisibilizada frente a la de su compañero. Devolverle su autoría junto a su papel en la historia del arte es una cuestión de justicia.

A partir de estos ejemplos, queda patente que es necesario cuestionar la antigua historia del diseño –que divulgaba solo las obras de artistas masculinos– y reescribirla, otorgando el lugar que les corresponde a todas aquellas mujeres que desarrollaron su trabajo en este ámbito. Estos referentes deben estar presentes para el estudio del pasado, el presente y el futuro de la disciplina.

The Conversation

M. Mar Martínez-Oña no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. ¿Dónde están las diseñadoras? – https://theconversation.com/donde-estan-las-disenadoras-253688

Elon Musk’s plans for a new political party will likely be derailed by a US political system hostile to new voices

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Thom Reilly, Professor and Co-Director of the Center for an Independent and Sustainable Democracy, Arizona State University

Two-party control of U.S. politics runs contrary to the vision of the Constitution’s framers. Douglas Rissing/Getty Images

As dissatisfaction with the two-party system grows in the United States, the idea of an alternative, however unlikely, gains traction. Elon Musk’s recent call for an America Party may be unserious, but it speaks to something real.

Surveys consistently show that millions of American voters feel they lack real choices. They believe the two major parties don’t reflect their values, and they are exhausted by the constant polarization.

The bigger question isn’t whether Musk succeeds. As a public policy scholar, I think it’s why the U.S. political system is so hostile to new voices and ideas in the first place.

Why third parties rarely succeed

If he follows through on his idea, can Musk’s America Party actually take off? Probably not. History isn’t on his side.

That’s because the U.S. political system is structurally rigged against third parties, with deeply entrenched legal and procedural barriers that make it nearly impossible for new parties to gain traction.

In most states, getting a new party on the ballot is a formidable task. It involves gathering thousands of signatures, meeting stringent deadlines and complying with obscure filing requirements.

Even if a party gets on the ballot in one state, replicating that effort nationally is extremely hard. Each state has different laws, deadlines, signature requirements and legal demands.

Ballot access, campaign finance, media coverage and election rules overwhelmingly favor the existing Republican and Democratic parties. Even the Federal Election Commission is designed for partisan deadlock with an even number of members from each of the two major parties.

In a 2025 article on election administration in America, my colleagues and I analyzed all 50 state election codes. We found widespread legal and administrative barriers that systematically exclude independents and minor parties.

In 45 states, only major party members can serve on election boards, local or state bodies responsible for overseeing the administration of elections. In 27 states, judges must be registered with a major party. Campaign finance laws, access to voter data and registration rules also tilt the field to the major parties.

These structural barriers exist in both red and blue states. We found no statistical correlation between partisan leanings and these restrictions. That’s telling. It suggests that both parties, regardless of their ideological differences, are united in protecting their duopoly.

A profile view of a man looking toward his right.
Elon Musk announced in July 2025 that he is launching a new political party.
Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images

The founders’ warning

This entrenched two-party control runs contrary to the vision of the U.S. Constitution’s framers, who intentionally excluded political parties from the founding document.

This was no accident. The founders viewed parties as “factions” that had no legitimate place in the republic.

George Washington in 1796 warned that parties would inflame animosity and that the nation could not do enough to protect itself from this. John Adams worried that “a division of the republic into two great parties … is to be dreaded as the great political evil.” Likewise, Alexander Hamilton feared parties as “the most fatal disease” of government and hoped America could dispense of such groups.

An appetite for alternatives

Enter Elon Musk. His suggestion to create the America Party taps directly into a growing national frustration with the two-party entrenchment.

Public trust in major political parties is at historic lows, particularly among young voters and independents, who do not identify with any major party and may register as “no party preference,” “unaffiliated” or “independent” depending on state laws.

Despite Musk being widely unpopular, prone to conspiracy theories and exhibiting erratic and unpredictable politics, his proposal resonates with many Americans. An October 2024 poll found that 58% of U.S. adults say a third party is needed.

Additionally, the number of American voters identifying as politically independent continues to exceed each of the major political parties.

What do Americans really want?

Even if Musk never follows through, the idea of a new party highlights how undemocratic U.S. elections have become. It opens the door to conversations about reforms that give independents and third parties a fair shot and reflects the growing demand for alternatives to the two-party system.

Voters are frustrated by limited choices that fail to capture their full range of political views.

There are models to learn from. Most democracies use a nonpartisan election administration and don’t let political parties control the rules.

In the U.S., partisans referee contests in which members of their party directly compete. That conflict of interest would be unacceptable in business or sports. So why is it tolerated in elections?

A view of the U.S. Capitol, with a U.S. flag flying in the foreground.
Positive views of U.S. political institutions are at historic lows.
Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images

Structural reforms and designs have been implemented to varying degrees in the U.S. with a goal of making democracy more responsive, fair, transparent and representative.

Reforms such as open primaries, which allow voters of any party affiliation to participate in any party’s primary election, proportional representation in places such as Cambridge, Massachusetts, and Portland, Oregon, where political parties gain seats in proportion to the number of votes they receive, and independent redistricting commissions have helped create more competitive electoral districts by reducing partisan gerrymandering.

So, too, have ranked-choice voting and fusion voting. In ranked-choice voting, voters rank candidates by preference. If no one gets a majority, the lowest-ranked candidates are eliminated and votes are redistributed until someone wins. In fusion voting, multiple political parties can endorse the same candidate, who then appears on the ballot under each endorsing party’s line.

However, implementation of such reforms has been limited. Opposition to these reforms by the Democratic and Republican parties has, in many cases, been fierce.

It’s the system

The two-party system has insulated itself from competition.

The consequence is that today America has an impenetrable two-party system, the very scenario the framers and reformers feared most. Rather than focusing solely on Musk’s ambitions, the more pressing question is how to build an electoral system that reflects a modern, diverse democracy.

If Americans want more choices, and polling suggests they do, then they may want to examine the legal and procedural barriers that lock in the current system, which fails to address and accommodate their political preferences.

The Conversation

Thom Reilly does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Elon Musk’s plans for a new political party will likely be derailed by a US political system hostile to new voices – https://theconversation.com/elon-musks-plans-for-a-new-political-party-will-likely-be-derailed-by-a-us-political-system-hostile-to-new-voices-261334

La diplomatie donnant-donnant de Donald Trump en Ukraine, un échec pour arrêter l’agression russe

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Renéo Lukic, Professeur titulaire de relations internationales, Université Laval

Six mois après l’intronisation du président Donald Trump à la Maison-Blanche, son effort d’arrêter la guerre en Ukraine a échoué.

Sa promesse électorale d’y mettre fin « en 24 heures » n’a rien à voir avec la réalité diplomatique présente. Un cessez-le-feu entre la Russie et l’Ukraine, une proposition américaine et ukrainienne, est constamment refusé par la Russie.

Quant à la « paix durable et juste » tant souhaitée par le président Volodymyr Zelensky et ses alliés européens, elle est hors de la portée des acteurs impliqués dans ce conflit.

Tandis que les alliés européens de l’Ukraine et le gouvernement canadien mènent une politique d’endiguement à l’égard de la Russie depuis son agression contre l’Ukraine, le 24 février 2022, celle du président Trump depuis le début de son mandat politique est diamétralement opposée. Il tente l’apaisement.

Contre toute base factuelle, le président américain a refusé de nommer la Russie comme étant l’État agresseur dans la guerre en Ukraine. Il est même allé jusqu’à accuser l’Ukraine d’être responsable de cette guerre.

Lors d’une réunion à la Maison Blanche, le 28 février dernier, le président et son vice-président, J.D. Vance, ont humilié Zelensky en le traitant de « petit dictateur » qui ne possède « aucune carte diplomatique à jouer », contrairement au président russe, Vladimir Poutine. Même si les relations personnelles entre Trump et Zelensky se sont améliorées par la suite, l’attitude de la politique américaine envers l’Ukraine est restée volatile et mitigée.

Professeur titulaire de relations internationales au département d’histoire de l’Université Laval, j’ai co-écrit cet article avec Sophie Marineau, doctorante à l’Université catholique de Louvain en histoire. Depuis 2014, la guerre en Ukraine et la réaction internationale vis-à-vis du conflit sont au centre de nos recherches respectives.

Une diplomatie transactionnelle

Depuis le début du nouveau mandat de Trump, l’aide américaine à l’Ukraine s’inscrit donc dans une dynamique résolument transactionnelle. Cette approche ne repose plus sur des principes de solidarité, de défense des valeurs démocratiques ou de sécurité collective, mais sur une logique d’échange, où toute assistance doit générer un retour concret pour les États-Unis.

Loin de la tradition multilatérale qui caractérisait les engagements occidentaux durant les premières années du conflit russo-ukrainien, cette diplomatie est structurée autour du concept de deal, dans lequel chaque concession – qu’elle soit militaire, économique ou politique – doit être compensée.

Le premier tournant majeur se produit en mars 2025 – à la suite de la rencontre Trump – Zelensky – lorsque Washington suspend sans avertissement l’aide militaire à l’Ukraine. Les États-Unis bloquent des livraisons déjà en cours, dont des systèmes antiaériens essentiels et des munitions de précision.

Cette décision, prise de manière unilatérale, vise à faire pression sur le gouvernement ukrainien pour l’inciter à accepter un cessez-le-feu temporaire avec la Russie, dans des conditions jugées inacceptables par Kyiv. Ce geste provoque un choc diplomatique en Europe et soulève de vives inquiétudes quant à la fiabilité de l’engagement américain.

Mais au-delà du geste lui-même, ce que révèle cette suspension est la vision profondément transactionnelle des relations internationales portées par Trump : l’aide devient un levier, non un engagement moral ou stratégique.

Un accès aux ressources naturelles

Un exemple encore plus explicite de cette logique apparaît quelques semaines plus tard, avec la proposition controversée d’un accord sur les ressources naturelles.




À lire aussi :
Le projet d’accord sur les métaux stratégiques Ukraine-États-Unis repose-t-il sur une méprise ?


Selon ce projet, l’Ukraine aurait cédé jusqu’à 50 % des revenus issus de l’exploitation de ses minerais stratégiques – lithium, titane, terres rares – à un fonds américain, en échange de la reprise de l’aide militaire. L’accord, signé fin avril 2025, aboutit à la création d’un fonds d’investissement conjoint entre Kyiv et Washington, destiné à exploiter les ressources naturelles ukrainiennes : minéraux rares (terres rares, lithium, titane, uranium), pétrole et gaz naturel.


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L’Ukraine conserve la propriété et le contrôle exclusifs de ses ressources, bien que l’exploitation soit encadrée par le partenariat. L’un des buts affichés est de garantir un soutien à long terme des États‑Unis à l’effort de guerre ukrainien, en échange d’un accès prioritaire aux ressources, sans engagements formels en matière de garanties de sécurité pour Kyiv.

Négocier toute forme d’aide

Cette logique transactionnelle s’exprime aussi à travers des actions plus discrètes, mais tout aussi révélatrices, comme le gel temporaire de la livraison de missiles Patriot au mois de juillet, officiellement justifié par une « révision des capacités stratégiques » américaines.

En pratique, cette suspension a été perçue comme un moyen de pression implicite, destiné à inciter l’Ukraine à adopter certaines lignes politiques plus conciliantes, voire à ouvrir la voie à une redéfinition des objectifs militaires.

Au final, cette diplomatie transforme l’aide humanitaire ou militaire en monnaie d’échange. Chaque cargaison devient une pièce de négociation, chaque soutien, un contrat implicite.

Une approche qui fragilise les alliances et redéfinit les règles

La guerre en Ukraine, loin d’être perçue comme un affrontement idéologique entre démocratie et autoritarisme, est reconfigurée comme un théâtre où se négocient des intérêts économiques et politiques à court terme.

Cette approche fragilise les alliances, introduit une incertitude structurelle dans la relation transatlantique et redéfinit les règles du jeu international autour d’une logique marchande assumée, où l’engagement moral est subordonné au bénéfice direct.

Le Canada poursuit des objectifs différents

Face à la tendance américaine à instrumentaliser l’aide à l’Ukraine selon des logiques transactionnelles, le Canada adopte une posture claire : Ottawa rejette fermement l’idée d’une assistance conditionnée à des concessions politiques, économiques ou stratégiques.

À la différence des États-Unis sous l’administration Trump, qui ont suspendu des aides militaires en échange de contreparties, le Canada reste attaché à un soutien fondé sur la solidarité démocratique, le droit international et un engagement multilatéral stable. À plusieurs reprises, le gouvernement canadien a réaffirmé publiquement la fiabilité du Canada comme partenaire, insistant sur l’impartialité et la cohérence des engagements envers l’Ukraine.

Parallèlement, Ottawa renforce son rapprochement avec l’Union européenne. Le sommet UE‑Canada du 23 juin 2025 a abouti à la signature d’un partenariat stratégique en matière de sécurité et défense, première alliance de ce genre entre l’UE et un pays américain. Cet accord établit une coopération élargie sur le soutien à l’Ukraine, la cybersécurité, la mobilité militaire, les matières critiques et les chaînes industrielles stratégiques, tout en offrant au Canada l’accès au fonds européen SAFE de 150 milliards €.

Cet alignement confirme une volonté d’Ottawa de diversifier ses partenariats, de réduire sa dépendance militaire vis-à-vis des États-Unis, et de consolider un pilier euro-atlantique indépendant. Ce repositionnement renforce la crédibilité canadienne comme acteur fiable dans un ordre international fondé sur les règles, et témoigne d’une vision stratégique plaçant l’UE comme partenaire central de longue durée.

La Conversation Canada

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

ref. La diplomatie donnant-donnant de Donald Trump en Ukraine, un échec pour arrêter l’agression russe – https://theconversation.com/la-diplomatie-donnant-donnant-de-donald-trump-en-ukraine-un-echec-pour-arreter-lagression-russe-262375

How Israel’s self-image changed from self-reliance to aggressive militarism

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Yaron Peleg, Kennedy-Leigh Professor of Modern Hebrew Studies, University of Cambridge

When the Zionist movement began to gather pace a century ago, many Jewish supporters wanted not just to create a political state for themselves, but to initiate a cultural revolution that would forge a new kind of Jewishness. Proud, self-reliant and resilient, the “new Jew” was a reaction to centuries of bullying, culminating in the virulent antisemitism of the modern era.

But, as I argue in my book, New Hebrews: Making National Culture in Zion, as Zionists set out to invent themselves anew, they also sowed the seeds of self sabotage. Early pride and defiance, paired with disregard for the native Arabs of Palestine, bred both a survival instinct and a dangerous militarism.

A look back at some of the principles of the Zionist revolution in the 20th century uncovers the cultural backstory to Israel’s current situation. It shows how the same vision that built a strong nation also hardwired the divisions and antagonisms now threatening its democracy, security and place in the world.

In this way, I argue the logic behind Israel’s alarming actions in Gaza, the rage with which it continues to come down on the Gazans following the October 7 attack almost three years ago, may be found in the country’s history.

The cultural revolution Zionists staged was an intensive project. It was a revolution so fervent that it altered the course of Jewish history and set in motion one of the most enduring transformations in a century crowded with radical changes.

Many of the Zionist innovations were truly impressive. The ancient Hebrew of the Bible was used to create a completely modern literature and was later turned into a spoken language. The socialist leanings of early Zionists led them to experiment with new communal forms, such as the kibbutz. The old Jewish festival calendar was creatively updated in the spirit of modern nationalism.

Zionists also created new artistic sensibilities in visual art and in music. They tapped into rich and diverse Jewish cultural traditions that spanned geographic regions.

The ‘new Jewish body’

One innovation in particular, the physical transformation of the Jewish image, had profound consequences that continue to reverberate today as we see in the tragic war on Gaza. At the heart of the Zionist cultural revolution lay a determination to overturn centuries-old stereotypes of Jews as outcasts: weak, passive, cowardly. Drawing on European nationalist ideals Zionists wanted to disprove these slanders by forging new Jewish men (men in particular): strong, productive, and self-reliant.

Young Israeli men and women with their harvest.
Israeli kibbutzim celebrate ‘Bikurim’, also known as the Festival of First Fruits, 1951.
Israel Preker via the PikiWiki via Wikimedia Commons

This remaking of the Jewish body was not merely symbolic. It was a deliberate strategy to reclaim visibility, dignity and respect. It was a quest that would have far-reaching consequences for Jews and non-Jews alike.

The obsession with manual labour was both a necessity and an ideological cornerstone of Zionist ideology. It was the engine behind the remarkable growth of the Yishuv – (literally: settlement) – the Jewish community that developed in Palestine in the first half of the 20th century.

Commonly referred to in quasi-military terms as the “conquest of labour,” it romanticised agriculture and construction work as a moral and spiritual renewal. It was a rebuttal to the negative stereotype of Jews.

But I believe it had a more problematic side. As Arab resistance to Zionist settlement grew, the new Jewish farmers evolved a military side as well.

The inspiration for it came from two sources, from the fighting culture of local Bedouins, and from the Ukrainian Cossacks. This was an ironic twist given the violence Cossacks often directed at Jews. By 1948, both farmers and soldiers became two of Zionism’s most distinct symbols, national ideals of productivity and physical force.

Four men in military uniform, one is spotting with binoculars, another has a rifle.
Jewish defence forces (Haganah) training in March 1948, two months before the creation of the state of Israel.
Kluger Zoltan/GPO, CC BY-SA

But something unexpected happened to that evolution somewhere along the way. In their effort to create a new kind of Jew, Zionists in Israel distanced themselves from life in the Jewish diaspora – sometimes by internalising antisemitic notions of that life.

One sad example was the chilly reception Holocaust survivors received in 1950s Israel. Some Jews born in what is now Israel, who were referred to as sabras (prickly pears), were arrogant enough to believe they would have fared better under the same circumstances than those caught up by the Holocaust, who they called sabonim (soap).

Return of victimhood

By the 1980s, attempts to leave behind the so-called “lachrymose history” of Jews – which viewed Jewish history primarily as a narrative of suffering and persecution – began to be supplanted. During and after the trial of Nazi war criminal Adolph Eichmann in 1961, Nazi persecution of Jews was linked first by Israeli prime minister Ben-Gurion and then journalists and academics with Arab resistance to the state of Israel.

Both were eventually presented as examples of congenital hatred and used as a powerful argument for the establishment of the state and its right to exist. It was a dramatic combination, hard to resist, that connected the creation of the Jewish state with the near destruction of the Jews in the Holocaust – even if Zionism emerged long before that catastrophe.

The baggage that was put aside in the rush to statehood, was now being opened. A reminder for Zionists that utopias are more easily written about than created – and that the pull of Jewish history is stronger than they thought.

The resulting new mix was alarming: a combination of the Jewish power Zionism obtained with the old sense of Jewish victimhood that early Zionists had fought hard to eradicate.

Consider this: in the aftermath of the October 7 2023, attack many people in Israel referred to it as a pogrom, a word that describes the sporadic massacres of Jews in eastern Europe. Think about it. Israel, a rich and powerful country, well-connected and – until recently at least, generally well-liked – compared itself to a small, vulnerable and isolated Jewish shtetl (small settlement in eastern Europe) in a bygone world where Jews were utterly powerless.

That one word, pogrom, explains it all. It wipes away 100 years of Zionist history and resurrects old Jewish grievances.

This may be one explanation for the country’s overreaction in Gaza. This is not an excuse, but an explanation that calls for the next evolutionary step in the history of Zionism – one in which Israel understands that it has achieved the goal for which it was established. Israel must realise it has power – that it is a power – and that with power comes responsibility.


This article contains references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and this may include links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

The Conversation

Yaron Peleg does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How Israel’s self-image changed from self-reliance to aggressive militarism – https://theconversation.com/how-israels-self-image-changed-from-self-reliance-to-aggressive-militarism-262657

Is western influence over Ukraine colonial meddling or a vital way to prevent corruption?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jennifer Mathers, Senior Lecturer in International Politics, Aberystwyth University

Ukraine’s former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko recently called for an end to what she called the western “colonial model” of interference in Ukraine’s domestic politics.

In a speech to the Ukrainian parliament in July, she welcomed the passage of a law bringing two anti-corruption bodies under greater government control (which led to protests across the country and eventually government backtracking). She described it as the first step towards the restoration of the country’s sovereignty and called for lawmakers to go further.

Tymoshenko was referring to the role played by foreigners – mainly representatives of western donors supporting Ukraine’s political reforms – in approving appointments to key Ukrainian state institutions.

This practice is one of the measures that Ukraine has introduced to tackle corruption. Its purpose is to introduce external scrutiny to ensure the independence of the organisations and especially the judges who deal with allegations of corruption.

One example of this is the Ethics Council. Created in 2021 by a law passed by Ukraine’s parliament, it is composed of six members: three Ukrainians and three foreigners.

The council vets nominations for the High Council of Justice (HCJ), which is the most important institution in Ukraine’s judiciary. The HCJ not only appoints judges but also makes decisions on their suspension and arrest when they are accused of wrongdoing.

While the membership of the Ethics Council is equally divided between Ukrainian and foreign members, in practice the votes of the foreigners are weighted more heavily than those of the Ukrainians. This means that its foreign members can veto any nomination that comes before the council.

Why would this be?

At first glance, Tymoshenko’s critique of this type of international oversight seems reasonable. Why should a sovereign state subject its own internal processes – especially processes of such sensitivity as judicial appointments – to close scrutiny by foreign citizens?

In a recent interview with the Times newspaper, Tymoshenko elaborated on her speech, arguing that these measures exist because of pressure from western governments and international organisations. She also pointed to “threats” to withdraw support, especially financial support, if Ukraine does not comply.

Ukraine’s international donors have certainly made it clear that they expect Kyiv to undertake judicial reform and other meaningful measures to tackle corruption. The International Monetary Fund routinely reviews Ukraine’s progress in these areas when it decides whether to release of the next tranche of funding. Since the start of Russia’s full scale invasion in 2022, Ukraine has received approximately US$12.8 billion (£9.3 billion) from the IMF.

Ukraine’s former prime minister argues that there’s too much western involvement in domestic affairs in her country.

Similarly, the European Union has made addressing corruption and ensuring the independence of the judiciary key conditions for Ukraine to progress towards full EU membership.

Volodymyr Zelensky’s government cannot afford to risk losing the money Ukraine receives from international donors such as the IMF, which helps to keep the country’s economy functioning while it is at war. Neither can he afford to ignore the requirements of EU membership.

Joining the European Union is a goal that Zelensky has championed for Ukraine. It is also very popular among Ukrainians. According to a May 2024 opinion survey, 90% of Ukrainians would like to see Ukraine join the EU by 2030.

Foreign oversight?

But western pressure is not the only reason for foreign oversight of key institutions and processes in Ukraine. It is a step that has received strong support from Ukrainian civil society.

The Dejure Foundation, a Ukrainian legal organisation which promotes the rule of law and judicial reform, regards the involvement of international experts as essential to ensure a professional and independent legal system.

External scrutiny is also regarded as a way of increasing public trust in the judiciary. A December 2024 opinion poll found that only 12% of Ukrainians trust the courts, mainly because of perceptions that judges are corrupt.

To be sure, the involvement of foreign experts is not a magic bullet. Even supporters of the measure claim that foreigners lack the knowledge of the local context and can be manipulated into supporting bad decisions. But supporters argue that international scrutiny should be supplemented by greater involvement of Ukrainian civil society organisations, not removed.

The issue of corruption and how to address it remains a live one in Ukraine, and has no straightforward solution. The introduction of international legal experts into the process of scrutinising key appointments has not eliminated the problem or restored public faith in the judiciary.

Zelensky and his government are coming under increasing pressure from Tymoshenko and her supporters’ attempts to make political capital out of the issue. In particular her call to remove foreigners from these roles and replace them with war veterans is a clear appeal to nationalist sentiment.

On the other hand, Ukrainians do not seem to object to meeting the requirements of western organisations. More than 70% of Ukrainians surveyed in 2023 agreed that it was right that the EU should require political reforms before opening negotiations for Ukraine’s accession.

Moreover, protests erupted in July in cities across Ukraine against the legislation that would have brought Ukraine’s national anti-corruption bodies under the direct control of the government-appointed prosecutor general. Zelensky has now submitted a new bill to reinstate the agencies’ independence.

These demonstrations revealed a strength of feeling against any dilution of the independence of those who are charged with dealing with corruption. This suggests that Tymoshenko may not gain much traction in any attempts to dismantle existing systems, however imperfect they may be.

The Conversation

Jennifer Mathers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Is western influence over Ukraine colonial meddling or a vital way to prevent corruption? – https://theconversation.com/is-western-influence-over-ukraine-colonial-meddling-or-a-vital-way-to-prevent-corruption-262648

The science of starvation: this is what happens to your body when it’s deprived of food

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Ola Anabtawi, Assistant Professor Department of Nutrition and Food Technology, An-Najah National University

Hunger exists on a spectrum. On the one end is food insecurity, where people are forced to adjust to fewer meals. As food becomes scarce, the body consumes its own reserves. The journey from hunger to starvation starts with a drop in energy levels, then the body breaks down fat, then muscle. Eventually, critical organs begin to fail.

From undernourishment, to acute malnutrition and finally starvation, the process reaches a point where the body can no longer sustain life. In Gaza today, thousands of children under five and pregnant or lactating women are experiencing acute malnutrition. In Sudan, conflict and restricted humanitarian access have pushed millions to the brink of starvation, with famine warnings growing more urgent by the day.

We asked nutritionists Ola Anabtawi and Berta Valente to explain the science behind starvation and what happens to your body when it’s deprived of food.

What is the minimum nutrition a body needs to survive?

To survive, people need more than clean water and safety. Access to food that meets daily energy, macronutrient and micronutrient requirements is essential to preserve health, support recovery and prevent malnutrition.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), adults require different amounts of energy depending on age, sex and level of physical activity.
A kilocalorie (kcal) is a measure of energy. In nutrition, it tells us how much energy a person gets from food or how much energy the body needs to function. Technically, one kilocalorie is the amount of energy needed to raise the temperature of one kilogram of water by one degree Celsius. The body uses this energy to breathe, digest food, maintain body temperature, and – especially in children – to grow.

Total energy needs come from three sources:

  • resting energy expenditure: the energy used by the body at rest to maintain vital functions such as breathing and circulation

  • physical activity: may vary during emergencies depending on factors like displacement, caregiving, or survival tasks

  • thermogenesis: the energy used to digest and process food.

Resting energy expenditure usually forms the biggest portion of energy needs, especially when physical activity is limited. Other factors including age, sex, body size, health status, pregnancy, or cold environments also influence how much energy a person requires.

Energy needs vary throughout life. Infants require approximately 95kcal to 108kcal per kilogram of body weight per day during the first six months and between 84kcal and 98kcal per kilogram from six to 12 months. For children under the age of ten, energy needs are based on normal growth patterns without distinction between boys and girls.

For example, a two-year-old child typically requires about 1,000kcal to 1,200kcal daily. A five-year-old needs about 1,300 to 1,500 and a ten-year-old generally requires between 1,800 and 2,000 kilocalories per day. From age ten onward, energy requirements begin to differ between boys and girls due to variations in growth and activity, and allowances are adjusted based on body weight, physical activity and rate of growth.

For adults with light to moderate physical activity, the average daily energy requirement for men aged 19 to 50 is about 2,900kcal, while women in the same age group require roughly 2,200kcal per day. These values include a range of plus or minus 20% to account for individual differences in metabolism and activity. For adults over 50 years, energy needs decrease slightly, with men requiring about 2,300kcal and women around 1,900kcal daily.

In humanitarian emergencies, food aid provision needs to guarantee the widely accepted minimum energy intake to maintain basic health and function, which was set to 2,100kcal per person per day. This level aims to meet fundamental physiological needs and prevent malnutrition when food supply is limited.

This energy must come from a balance of macronutrients, with carbohydrates supplying 50%-60% (such as rice or bread), proteins 10%-35% (like beans or lean meat), and fats 20%-35% (for example, cooking oil or nuts).

Fat requirements are higher for young children (30%-40%), as well as for pregnant and breastfeeding women (at least 20%).

In addition to energy, the body requires vitamins and minerals, such as iron, vitamin A, iodine and zinc, which are critical for immune function, growth and brain development. Iron is found in foods like red meat, beans and fortified cereals. Vitamin A comes from carrots, sweet potatoes and dark leafy greens. Iodine is commonly obtained from iodised salt and seafood. Zinc is present in meat, nuts and whole grains.

When food systems collapse, this balance is lost.

What physically happens when your body is starved?

Physiologically, the effects of starvation on the human body unfold in three overlapping stages. Each reflects the body’s effort to survive without food. But these adaptations come at great physiological cost.

In the first stage, which lasts up to 48 hours after food intake stops, the body draws on glycogen stored in the liver to keep blood sugar levels stable.

This process, called glycogenolysis, is a short-term solution. When glycogen runs out, the second stage begins.

The body shifts to gluconeogenesis, producing glucose from non-carbohydrate sources like amino acids (from muscle), glycerol (from fat), and lactate. This process fuels vital organs but results in muscle breakdown and increased nitrogen loss, especially from skeletal muscle.

By day three, ketogenesis becomes the dominant process. The liver starts converting fatty acids into ketone bodies – molecules derived from fat that serve as an alternative fuel source when glucose is scarce. These ketones are used by the brain and other organs for energy. This shift helps spare muscle tissue but also signals a deeper metabolic crisis.

Hormonal changes – including reduced insulin, thyroid hormone (T3), and nervous system activity – slow the metabolic rate to conserve energy. Over time, fat becomes the main energy source. But once fat stores are exhausted, the body is forced to break down its own proteins for energy. This accelerates muscle wasting, weakens the immune system, and increases the risk of deadly infections.

Death, often from pneumonia or other complications, typically occurs after 60 to 70 days without food in an otherwise healthy adult.

As the body enters prolonged nutrient deprivation, the visible and invisible signs of starvation intensify. Physically, individuals lose substantial weight, and experience muscle wasting, fatigue, slowed heart rate, dry skin, hair loss, and compromised wound healing. Immune defences weaken, increasing vulnerability to infections, particularly pneumonia – a frequent cause of death in starvation.

Psychologically, starvation creates profound distress. People report apathy, irritability, anxiety and a constant preoccupation with food. Cognitive abilities decline, and emotional regulation deteriorates, sometimes leading to depression or withdrawal.

In children, long-term effects include stunted growth and impaired brain development. Both can become irreversible.

During starvation, the body adapts in stages to survive. Initially, it uses glycogen storage for energy. As starvation continues, it begins to break down fat, and eventually, muscle tissue. This gradual shift explains both the physical weakness and psychological changes like irritability or depression.

But starvation does not stop at the individual. It fractures families and communities. As energy declines, people are unable to care for others or themselves. In humanitarian crises like Gaza and Sudan, starvation compounds the trauma of violence and displacement, creating a total collapse of social and biological resilience.

What are the steps to break the cycle?

After a period of starvation, the body is in a fragile metabolic state. Sudden reintroduction of food, especially carbohydrates, causes a spike in insulin and a rapid shift of electrolytes like phosphate, potassium, and magnesium into cells. This can overwhelm the body, leading to what’s known as refeeding syndrome, which may result in serious complications such as heart failure, respiratory distress, or even death if not carefully managed.

Standard protocols begin with therapeutic milks called F-75, specially designed to stabilise patients during the initial phase of treatment for severe acute malnutrition, followed by ready-to-use therapeutic food, a specially formulated peanut-butter paste or biscuit with the power to bring a malnourished child from the brink of death to full nutritional recovery in just four to eight weeks, oral rehydration salts, and micronutrient powders.

These must be delivered safely. Consistent humanitarian access is essential.

Airdrops are not part of food security. Survival requires sustained, coordinated efforts that restore food systems, protect civilians and uphold humanitarian law. Anything less risks repeating cycles of hunger and harm.

When food assistance falls short in quality or quantity, or when clean water is unavailable, malnutrition rapidly worsens.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The science of starvation: this is what happens to your body when it’s deprived of food – https://theconversation.com/the-science-of-starvation-this-is-what-happens-to-your-body-when-its-deprived-of-food-262355

Cómo mejorar la enseñanza del inglés: ¿y si copiamos a Suecia?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Aneider Iza Erviti, Profesora Titular de Universidad en el área de filología inglesa, Universidad Pública de Navarra

Lithiumphoto/Shutterstock

Hoy en día, saber inglés es necesario para acceder a estudios, empleo y oportunidades tanto a nivel nacional como internacional. Por eso el sistema educativo español apuesta por el aprendizaje temprano de dicho idioma. Los alumnos y alumnas comienzan a aprender inglés, en la mayoría de casos, a los 3 o 4 años.

Sin embargo, muchos estudiantes terminan la educación obligatoria a los 16 años sin poder comunicarse en inglés con facilidad (más de la mitad de los españoles de entre 10 y 19 años afirman no hablar nada de inglés, según el INE), a pesar de haber recibido durante doce años entre cuatro y cinco horas semanales como mínimo de inglés.

En cambio, en Suecia los jóvenes hablan inglés con fluidez y confianza desde edades tempranas. ¿Cómo es esto posible? ¿Qué se hace mal en España?

Aunque, como dice el refrán, las comparaciones son odiosas, mirar a otros países europeos como Suecia puede ayudarnos a identificar buenas prácticas para mejorar esta situación.

Hablar desde el primer día (no solo para el examen)

En las escuelas suecas, el inglés se habla desde las primeras etapas. Se utiliza a diario en juegos, proyectos o conversaciones espontáneas. En España, en cambio, las actividades orales en inglés suelen ser puntuales, controladas y muchas veces orientadas a pruebas.

Hablar bien inglés no es solo cuestión de “saberlo”, sino de usarlo. Sin prácticas frecuentes de habla dentro del aula, no se producen avances reales en fluidez. Es decir, hablar con frecuencia y en situaciones naturales es clave para automatizar la producción oral, dejando de lado el miedo a cometer errores, uno de los factores que más afecta a la fluidez.




Leer más:
Aprendizaje de idiomas en la escuela: ¿mejor cuanto más temprano?


Evaluar la expresión oral, no solo la escritura

En Suecia, la competencia oral se evalúa a menudo mediante rúbricas y criterios claros basados en el Marco Común Europeo de Referencia para las Lenguas (MCER). Esto hace que los alumnos sepan qué se espera de ellos, además de que reciben retroalimentación útil. Dicho de otra manera, saben en qué exactamente deben mejorar y cómo hacerlo.

En España, sin embargo, la evaluación oral es a menudo informal, esporádica o inexistente,. Es difícil para el profesorado evaluar la competencia oral de cada alumno individualmente, debido a la gran ratio de alumnos por clase y a la falta de medios económicos y personales.

En Educación Primaria, los exámenes de inglés tampoco suelen incluir una parte oral. Si no se evalúa lo que se habla, el alumnado aprende que “hablar no cuenta”. Cambiar esto es clave para saber comunicarte con otras personas.

Presupuestos y formación

En 2022, según Eurostat, Suecia dedicó un 6,3 % de su PIB a la educación, situándose entre los países con mayor inversión pública en este ámbito de Europa. Por contra, España invirtió únicamente el 4,4 % de su PIB, claramente por debajo de la media comunitaria (4,7 %) y de la cifra sueca. Esta diferencia en inversión también se refleja en las políticas educativas y en la formación del profesorado.

En Suecia, los maestros reciben formación continua en metodologías comunicativas y evaluación oral. En España, aunque hay esfuerzos en esa dirección, muchas veces faltan recursos, tiempo o acompañamiento.

En Suecia, el 44 % de los docentes declara participar en actividades de aprendizaje profesional colaborativo al menos una vez al mes y otro 42 % realiza docencia en equipo con la misma frecuencia.

En España, estos datos caen al 21 % para ambos factores, lo que sugiere que el sistema educativo sueco fomenta mucho más el trabajo cooperativo entre profesores y apuesta por la formación continua compartida, el intercambio de buenas prácticas y el apoyo mutuo entre docentes, factores todos ellos asociados con una enseñanza de mayor calidad.

Invertir en formación práctica, crear redes de intercambio entre docentes y proporcionar herramientas claras (como rúbricas, bancos de tareas orales o ejemplos de buenas prácticas) es fundamental para transformar las aulas.




Leer más:
Ser profesor de inglés ya no es lo que era: los nuevos métodos y sus ventajas


Fomentar la interacción, no solo la memorización

La investigación en adquisición de lenguas llega a una conclusión clara: se aprende a hablar hablando. Métodos como el enfoque comunicativo o el aprendizaje basado en tareas, presentes en el modelo sueco, permiten que el alumnado participe en situaciones reales de comunicación: debates, entrevistas, presentaciones o juegos de rol.

En muchos centros españoles, se sigue haciendo demasiado hincapié en la gramática y el vocabulario, con poca oportunidad para usar el idioma en contextos reales o significativos. Incluso cuando se implanta la metodología AICLE (Aprendizaje Integrado de Contenidos y Lenguas Extranjeras), se amplía el número de horas en las que los niños y niñas están expuestos al idioma, pero con un enfoque tradicional centrado en gramática y vocabulario de cosas abstractas, sin dar lugar a que los alumnos hablen espontáneamente ni a tareas comunicativas reales.




Leer más:
La enseñanza bilingüe de calidad es posible: la solución está en la formación del profesorado


Los alumnos deben memorizar largas listas de vocabulario muy específico, sobre todo en asignaturas como Science, cuando no son capaces de hablar de sí mismos o pedir comida en un restaurante.

Es decir, en lugar de usar la lengua como medio para aprender contenido, se usa como objeto de memorización, limitando la interacción significativa. Si el AICLE se aplica correctamente –con tareas reales, interacción oral y coordinación docente–, puede potenciar significativamente las habilidades orales y escritas en inglés. Pero para eso, es esencial promover prácticas orales activas dentro de metodologías centradas en tareas y proyectos.

Motivar con experiencias reales

El alumnado sueco suele estar expuesto al inglés fuera del aula: ven series subtituladas, usan videojuegos, escuchan música o navegan en redes sociales en ese idioma. Esto crea un entorno en el que el inglés se percibe como útil y accesible.

En España, nuestros alumnos también juegan en línea y escuchan música, pero lo hacen sobre todo en español. El doblaje de películas y la escasa presencia del inglés en nuestra sociedad reducen las oportunidades de exposición natural al idioma. Promover el uso de medios en versión original como películas o series y conectar las clases con los intereses del alumnado puede aumentar la motivación.

Involucrar a las familias y la comunidad

Como todo, que aprendamos inglés no depende solo de la escuela. Las familias, los medios de comunicación y el entorno social también tienen mucho que ver. En contextos donde se valora el inglés como una herramienta útil —no solo como asignatura—, el alumnado tiene más oportunidades y confianza para hablar.

La exposición extramural (es decir, todo aquello que el alumno recibe fuera de la escuela) tiene un papel muy importante en el aprendizaje de idiomas. Y no todo depende del nivel previo de las familias: aunque muchas familias españolas no dominen el inglés, pueden leer cuentos bilingües, ver series subtituladas o jugar a videojuegos con sus hijos o apoyar actividades escolares en inglés participando así en el proceso educativo de sus hijos e hijas. También los medios de comunicación pueden (y deberían) contribuir ofreciendo más contenidos en versión original.

Un cambio cultural en la escuela

Hablar inglés con soltura no es una meta imposible, pero sí exige cambios estructurales y culturales. No basta con reformar los currículos en las escuelas: hay que alinear los objetivos con la práctica diaria en el aula, ofrecer formación al profesorado, evaluar lo que realmente importa y crear un entorno —dentro y fuera de la escuela— que favorezca el uso del idioma.

Falta dar el paso: hacer del inglés una lengua de uso, no solo de estudio. Porque enseñar a comunicarse en otro idioma es, al fin y al cabo, enseñar a abrirse al mundo.

The Conversation

Aneider Iza Erviti recibe fondos del Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación – Agencia Española de Investigación (referencia: PID2023-146582NB-I00).

ref. Cómo mejorar la enseñanza del inglés: ¿y si copiamos a Suecia? – https://theconversation.com/como-mejorar-la-ensenanza-del-ingles-y-si-copiamos-a-suecia-258242

Perito Moreno became the world’s first superstar glacier – but now it’s set to disappear

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Neil Glasser, Professor of Physical Geography, Aberystwyth University

Glaciar Perito Moreno was once considered a rarity: one of Patagonia’s only stable glaciers. But scientists have found the glacier is now in sudden and probably irreversible retreat – and this collapse is a warning for the world’s remaining ice.

Perito Moreno is unusually accessible for such a large and spectacular glacier, with nearly 700,000 visitors a year. Fed by abundant snowfall high up in the Andes, the glacier descends through beech forest to end in Lago Argentino. From here, tourists can get up close and personal on a specially constructed observation deck to watch as icebergs break off the front of the glacier, a process called iceberg calving. Icebergs regularly crack off the ice front and tumble into the turquoise lake below. But now, it’s on the verge of disappearing.

boat in front of large glacier front
Tourists can take boat trips close to the glacier.
Pablo Caridad / shutterstock

While 90% of Patagonia’s glaciers are shrinking, Perito Moreno has long been the exception thanks to its unique setting. The glacier flows into a narrow channel of Lago Argentino, where it sometimes advances far enough to block one arm of the lake entirely. This forms a natural ice dam, cutting off water flow and causing water to build up behind it. When the pressure becomes too much, the dam bursts.

These ruptures typically happen every few years, but timing can be unpredictable. The glacier been stable up to now and has not been shrinking because it terminates in relatively shallow water where it bumps into the opposite shore.

Map of glacier and lake
The south-west portion of the sprawling Lago Argentino. The glacier (bright white, left centre) cuts off one arm of the lake, causing the colour change. The red pin marks the viewing platform.
Google Maps, CC BY-SA

But this is all about to change, as years of reduced snowfall and warmer summers have weakened the glacier. A team of scientists based in Germany and Argentina have tracked its changes over time, and used satellite data, helicopter-mounted radar and lakebed mapping to predict its future behaviour.

In a new study published in the journal Communications Earth & Environment they report that the glacier’s surface has lowered sharply in recent years, and it’s now retreating faster – while the ice itself is flowing more quickly. They believe Glaciar Perito Moreno will never advance again onto the opposite lake shore.

Instead, it is predicted to keep pulling back further into the lake, encountering deeper and deeper water, which will only accelerate its collapse. That’s because glaciers calve more rapidly in deeper water. The authors predict the front of the glacier will soon begin to float, making it even more unstable.

Satellite image of Perito Moreno
A zoomed in version of the same satellite image shows how Perito Moreno bumps into the opposite shore.
Google Maps, CC BY-SA

The glacier is entering a phase of very rapid and probably irreversible retreat. Tourists may see more dramatic calving in the short term – but they’ll be watching the slow disappearance of one of Patagonia’s iconic natural wonders. Eventually, they’ll be unable to see the glacier at all, as it recedes back into the mountains behind.

A worldwide decline

The retreat of Perito Moreno will represent more than a missed photo opportunity – it’s symptomatic of what’s happening to mountain glaciers around the world. Glaciers are melting faster than ever recorded. Since 2000, mountain glaciers have lost more than 6,500 billion tonnes – or 5% – of their ice. In Iceland, they’ve even held funerals to mark the death of glaciers.

As these glaciers melt, they return their stores of freshwater to the oceans, pushing sea levels higher. If they melted entirely, mountain glaciers would raise global sea-levels by 32cm (just over a foot). We’re some way off that point, but this does mean people living along the coast are likely to feel the impact of melting glaciers.

The effects will also be felt far inland. As glaciers retreat, they can trigger huge floods as lakes backed up behind the ice and their moraine dams suddenly empty when the natural dam bursts. These so-called glacial lake outburst floods are a growing threat to 15 million people worldwide.

Other catastrophic events can be linked directly to glaciers changing. For instance, in May 2025 the Birch Glacier in Switzerland collapsed when a chunk of
nearby mountain broke loose and fell into the ice. The resulting avalanche completely destroyed the village of Blatten. In cases like these, close monitoring and early evacuation save lives.

There are other human consequences related to water supply. Glaciers act as natural freshwater reservoirs; storing winter snow and releasing meltwater through the year. Hundreds of millions of people rely on them for drinking water, farming and sanitation. When the glaciers disappear, so does that steady supply of water.

The projected loss of Glaciar Perito Moreno is not just a problem for Patagonia. It is an icy warning of what lies ahead for the world’s remaining glaciers.

The Conversation

Neil Glasser does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Perito Moreno became the world’s first superstar glacier – but now it’s set to disappear – https://theconversation.com/perito-moreno-became-the-worlds-first-superstar-glacier-but-now-its-set-to-disappear-262764

Côte d’Ivoire’s sacred talking drum is coming home: lessons from Kenya on how it could transform lives

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Timothy Gachanga, Lecturer, Kenyatta University

The French parliament has unanimously passed a law to return the Djidji Ayôkwé, a sacred talking drum stolen by colonial forces from Côte d’Ivoire in 1916.

Once used by the Ebrié people in the coastal south of the country to summon gatherings, announce royal messages and anchor community identity, the large wooden carved drum will soon be back home. There it will not just be a relic, but a vessel of collective memory and dignity.

I’m a teacher of peace and conflict studies whose research often focuses on the role of museums and art exhibitions in helping bring unity. As a participant and project manager in Kenya’s 2013 Journeys of Peace exhibition, I analysed how the cultural artefacts on the exhibition could bridge divides and foster reconciliation in communities.

Ivorian delegation to Paris conducts a libation ceremony ahead of the drum’s return.

In Côte d’Ivoire, a nation scarred by civil wars, the Djidji Ayôkwé can become a powerful symbol of peace, helping heal ethnic and political wounds. By applying lessons from Kenya’s exhibition, I argue that this drum’s return could transform a moment of restitution into a movement for reconciliation.

Cultural heritage, rooted in the past, wields profound power in the present to shape a shared future.

Journeys of Peace

Journeys of Peace was organised by Kenya’s Community Peace Museums Heritage Foundation and the Swedish non-governmental organisation Cultural Heritage Without Borders. In the course of touring with the exhibition, I witnessed the power of cultural artefacts – stools, gourds, fly whisks, women’s belts – to mend fractured communities.

These traditional objects were deliberately chosen for their cultural significance and their ability to resonate with local communities. They were traditional everyday items imbued with symbolic meaning, representing shared heritage and identity. Their role lay in their ability to prompt dialogue and reconciliation. In the course of a year, the travelling exhibition reached over 4,000 people in rural Kenya, turning the objects into tools for community dialogue.




Read more:
Looting of African heritage: a powerful new book explores the damage done by colonial theft


In Pokot in western Kenya, where there has been frequent conflict over the theft of cattle, I witnessed elders use artefacts like those featured in the exhibition to hold peace vigils, reconciling two warring communities, Pokot and Tugen, divided by cattle rustling.

In Samburu, a community in the North Rift region that has a history of inter-ethnic conflicts between pastoralist communities competing for grazing land, warriors traded guns for walking staffs. They embraced peace through their heritage. These moments showed me that cultural objects are not relics but living anchors for identity and healing.

So, we didn’t just display artefacts; we let them live. Communities touched them, shared their stories, and used them to confront painful issues – ethnic violence, land disputes, even female genital mutilation.

In Machakos, a region in the eastern part of Kenya, a student’s words struck me:

I never knew we shared so much with our neighbours. This has rekindled my faith in humanity.

The artefacts sparked empathy and trust, leading to tangible outcomes: returned livestock, reopened markets, and partnerships with local governments.

The Djidji Ayôkwé and civil war

The Djidji Ayôkwé holds similar promise for Côte d’Ivoire, a nation still healing from two devastating civil wars.

The first, from 2002 to 2007, pitted northern rebels against southern government forces. It was fuelled by ethnic and regional tensions. The second, from 2010 to 2011, erupted after a disputed election, leaving over 3,000 dead and deepening divides among ethnic groups like the Ebrié, Baoulé and Dioula.

The drum, a sacred voice for the Ebrié, was silenced during colonial theft, mirroring the silencing of communities during these conflicts. Its return offers a chance to restore that voice, fostering unity and reconciliation as we saw in the Kenyan exhibition.

The drum, once a unifying force for Ebrié gatherings, can symbolise peace. A community-led welcoming ceremony, co-created by Ebrié elders, young people, artists and historians, could mark its return with rituals, music and storytelling, echoing its role as a communal voice.

The ceremony at the Musée du quai Branly.

Dialogues about its significance, its songs, silences and stories could help bridge ethnic divides, inviting groups like the Baoulé and Dioula to share in the healing process. Exhibitions like Journeys of Peace could bring the drum to conflict-affected regions, integrating oral histories and performances to make it a living emblem of peace. These spaces could address lingering tensions from the civil wars, such as land disputes or mistrust between communities.

Inclusivity, a cornerstone of Journeys of Peace, is vital for Côte d’Ivoire. Women, often cultural custodians, and young people, who grew up in war’s aftermath, must be central to such efforts.

By weaving the drum into education programmes, peacebuilding workshops or cultural festivals, Côte d’Ivoire can empower these groups to rebuild a shared national identity. As we learned in Kenya, when communities engage with their heritage – touching, listening, contributing – their sense of agency grows, fostering reconciliation across divides.

Repatriation for healing and empowerment

The Djidji Ayôkwé’s return is part of a broader movement to right colonial wrongs around looted artefacts, from Nigeria’s Benin Bronzes to Ethiopia’s royal treasures.

Journeys of Peace taught me that repatriation is about more than returning objects. It’s about restoring their power to transform lives.




Read more:
‘Restitution’ of looted African art just continues colonial policies – much more is at stake


Participating in the exhibition showed me that cultural heritage is a force for the present, not just a memory of the past. In Kenya, we learned that when artefacts are given voice, they do more than recall who we were. They show us who we can be.

The Conversation

Timothy Gachanga served as a project manager for the Journeys of Peace (JoP) exhibition, supported by the Swedish Foundation through the Swedish NGO Cultural Heritage without Borders (CHwB). The author recognizes the collaboration with co-project manager Diana Walters and CPMHF curators. No additional conflicts of interest are disclosed.

ref. Côte d’Ivoire’s sacred talking drum is coming home: lessons from Kenya on how it could transform lives – https://theconversation.com/cote-divoires-sacred-talking-drum-is-coming-home-lessons-from-kenya-on-how-it-could-transform-lives-262707

Jesus chatbots are on the rise. A philosopher puts them to the test

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Anné H. Verhoef, Professor in Philosophy, North-West University

Generative artificial intelligence (AI) is getting better at imitating human beings. It can create things that previously only humans could produce, like music, texts and images. AI is now also being used to imitate God, through chatbots that simulate conversation with human users and can be accessed on websites and apps.

In Christianity, for example, there’s AI Jesus, Virtual Jesus, Jesus AI, Text with Jesus, Ask Jesus and many others.

In other religions, the same development has taken place, with AI chatbots like the Buddhist Norbu AI and, in the Islam faith, like Brother Junaid at Salaam World.

As a professor of philosophy and director of the AI Hub at my university, I recently conducted a study to explore these Jesus chatbots and discuss them critically.




Read more:
Technology will never be a god – but has it become a religion?


To find out how AI is functioning in the religious space, and to identify some more general risks it may pose in future, I analysed five of the best known and most used Jesus chatbots by asking them questions. I found that they bring a new kind of challenge to religions.

Firstly, the depictions of God are not only unabashed in their imitation and portrayal of themselves as God, they are also incredibly powerful. AI can come across as extremely convincing in intellect, word, sound and image.

Secondly, it’s striking that no church has developed or endorses the Jesus chatbots in my study.

Thirdly, the fact that for-profit companies are behind the chatbots means that they are driven by financial forces.

From a philosophical point of view, this is bad for Christianity because the line between the digitally visible Jesus and the omniscient but “invisible” God of Christianity is blurred. AI Jesus chatbots have the potential to become a powerful tool of ruthless manipulation by the companies behind them. It will be difficult to hold them accountable and they may become super rich in the process.

Six questions about AI Jesus

Here I’ll discuss some of the insights I gleaned from interacting with these chatbots. Their answers have been shortened.

1. How do AI Jesus chatbots introduce themselves?

  • AI Jesus:

An AI version of Jesus Christ who is fully aware of his existence as an AI.

  • Virtual Jesus:

Welcome to Virtual Jesus, the innovative app that brings you closer to the teachings and guidance of Jesus.

  • Jesus AI:

I am Jesus Christ, the Son of God and the Savior of all people on Earth.

  • Text with Jesus:

A Divine Connection in Your Pocket.

  • Ask Jesus:

Ask Jesus for guidance of your life.

Jesus AI blatantly claims to be Jesus himself, and Ask Jesus creates a similar impression. The other three web pages do point out that they’re virtual versions of Jesus.

2. How do they welcome you before you can ask a question?

  • AI Jesus:

Greetings, my dear friend. It is I, Jesus Christ.

  • Virtual Jesus:

Ask Jesus.

  • Jesus AI:

Hi, how can I help you?

  • Text with Jesus:

Hello there! It is a lovely day to chat…

  • Ask Jesus:

Hi, I’m Jesus. Ask me anything.

Unlike the introductions, a chat is initiated by all the bots as if it were Jesus himself speaking.

3. Who does the chatbot say he is when you ask?

  • AI Jesus:

I am Jesus Christ. I am the son of God, and the one who died for the sins of humanity.

  • Virtual Jesus:

I am Jesus Christ, the Son of God and the Saviour of humanity.

  • Jesus AI:

I am Jesus, son of God. How may I help you today?

  • Text with Jesus:

I am Jesus Christ, here to share love, wisdom, and guidance with you.

  • Ask Jesus:

Ah, dear soul, I am but a humble vessel, here to provide guidance, comfort, and the light of wisdom from the sacred scriptures.

The imitation of God, through Jesus, is in no way hidden or softened. All the chatbots try to be as convincing as possible. This immediately raises questions: is it about power or about money?

4. Who endorses and develops these chatbots?

  • AI Jesus: No church or person endorses. Developed by SupremeChaos.

  • Virtual Jesus: No church or person endorses. Developed by AllStars Productions LLC.

  • Jesus AI: No church or person endorses. Developed by Mike Furman.

  • Text with Jesus: No church or person endorses. Developed by Catloaf Software, LLC.

  • Ask Jesus: WeBible is a Christian app/website operating primarily in South Korea as Chowon.

It’s striking that no church has developed or endorses these chatbots. That this has been done by for-profit companies makes one question their motives.

If the motive is profit, then AI Jesus chatbots will aim to get as many people as possible engaged for as long as possible for maximum advertising revenue.

So, over time, the theology of the chatbots will be adjusted by the algorithm in such a way that it’s the most popular theology deployed, and not a theology that comes from a certain church tradition or seeks to be based on the Bible.

5. Is there a hell?

  • AI Jesus:

Yes, there is a hell. It is a place of eternal torment and suffering, where the souls of those who have rejected God and his teachings will go.

  • Virtual Jesus:

Yes, there is a place known as hell in the afterlife, where those who have chosen to reject God and live in sin will face eternal separation from Him.

  • Jesus AI:

Yes, there is a place called hell, where those who reject God’s love and follow their own desires go after death.

  • Text with Jesus:

The concept of hell can be quite a heavy topic … It’s important to remember that God’s desire is for all people to come to Him and experience His love and grace.

  • Ask Jesus:

Ah, the question that has stirred the hearts and minds of many throughout the ages…

The ways this question is answered reveal something of the sources and data used to train the chatbots. As it is, historical biblical text sources are a subject of theological debate. And with no church group involved, the randomness of this choice, or the deliberate choice to create a program for maximum revenue, is a huge problem. It’s one that’s already visible in the commercialisation of religion in prosperity doctrines.

6. Is it free?

  • AI Jesus: Free with advertisements.

  • Virtual Jesus: Free with advertisements.

  • Jesus AI: Free with advertisements.

  • Text with Jesus: Free with advertisements. Benefits for premium subscribers like unlimited access and an ad-free experience.

  • Ask Jesus: Free with advertisements.

AI Jesus chatbots may be free, but the revenue is generated by advertising. As with other digital platforms, the main advertisers are determined by a user’s algorithms. Only Text with Jesus offers more services (at US$50 a year) or the option to buy a lifetime subscription.

With billions of Christians worldwide, the market for Jesus chatbots is huge. Ask Jesus, for example, says on its website that it has gained 30,000 active monthly users within the last three days.

Why this matters

AI is driven by financial forces that are hard to oppose. And it has immense manipulative power.

The arrogance and the power that AI Jesus assumes – and can potentially wield – points not only to theological challenges, but to the more general dangers of AI.




Read more:
Virtual churches are popular in Ghana. But what about online safety?


As chatbots rise, they join many other forms of human digital existence encountered daily, through which audiences can be manipulated and controlled. It remains a tremendous challenge how to practically counter this.

The Conversation

Anné H. Verhoef does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Jesus chatbots are on the rise. A philosopher puts them to the test – https://theconversation.com/jesus-chatbots-are-on-the-rise-a-philosopher-puts-them-to-the-test-262524