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October 27, 2025

Les poussières du Sahara qui remontent en Europe sont-elles radioactives du fait des essais nucléaires des années 1960 ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Olivier Evrard, Directeur de recherche, Commissariat à l’énergie atomique et aux énergies alternatives (CEA)

Mi-octobre 2025, l’Agence nationale de sécurité sanitaire de l’alimentation, de l’environnement et du travail alertait sur la pollution de l’air qui accompagne le déplacement – parfois sur plusieurs centaines, voire des milliers de kilomètres – des poussières de sable venues du Sahara.

De fait, le mois de mars 2022 avait connu un épisode de ce type particulièrement prononcé : un nuage de poussières venues du Sahara avait alors traversé l’Europe et teinté le ciel d’un voile orangé. Ce qui avait rapidement nourri la crainte d’un autre type de pollution. Ces poussières, qui semblent provenir du sud de l’Algérie, pourraient-elles avoir transporté des particules radioactives produites par les essais nucléaires français des années 1960 ? Une étude a répondu à cette question.

Plusieurs fois par an, le plus souvent au printemps et à l’automne, les tempêtes de poussières sahariennes transportent de grandes quantités de poussières du Sahara vers l’Europe.

Ces tempêtes sont de plus en plus intenses et de plus en plus fréquentes, selon le réseau Copernicus, ce qui suggère une incidence du changement climatique sur les schémas de circulations atmosphériques. À la mi-mars 2022, l’ouest du continent européen a ainsi connu un épisode exceptionnel – et fortement médiatisé – tant par sa durée que par la quantité de poussières déposées.

Or, au début des années 1960, la France a conduit des essais nucléaires en Algérie et a notamment déclenché l’explosion de quatre bombes atomiques atmosphériques entre 1960 et 1961. Une crainte, soulevée en 2022 par une association, était que les épisodes récurrents de poussières sahariennes puissent transporter avec elles vers l’Europe des substances radioactives provenant de ces essais nucléaires passés.

Dans notre recherche publiée en 2025, nous avons voulu évaluer la pertinence de cette hypothèse. Nous nous sommes appuyés sur le caractère exceptionnel de l’épisode de mars 2022 : la densité très élevée des dépôts survenus lors de celui-ci a facilité l’identification de l’origine des poussières et leur caractérisation.

Une origine compatible avec le sud de l’Algérie

Les poussières sahariennes qui arrivent en Europe peuvent provenir de différentes parties du désert du Sahara. La première question à laquelle nous avons voulu répondre était donc de savoir si les poussières de l’épisode de mars 2022 provenaient – ou non – de la zone géographique où ont été menés les essais nucléaires atmosphériques des années 1960.

Des analyses granulométriques, géochimiques et minéralogiques, menées sur 110 échantillons de poussières de 2022 collectés en Europe de l’Espagne à l’Autriche, ont permis de situer l’origine de celles-ci au sein d’une zone englobant notamment le sud de l’Algérie, où ont été menés des essais nucléaires dans les années 1960. Leur contenu en minéraux argileux (illite, kaolinite et palygorskite notamment), l’analyse des isotopes du plomb et du cortège des terres rares retrouvé dans les matières transportées ont été déterminants. Ces indices correspondent bien au profil typique des poussières provenant d’une zone qui inclut le sud de l’Algérie.

Par ailleurs, l’examen des images satellites et des données des stations de mesure de la qualité de l’air, combinées avec l’analyse a posteriori des trajectoires des masses d’air, ont permis de confirmer l’origine des poussières dans le sud de l’Algérie. D’autres recherches de modélisation indépendantes menées sur le même épisode confirment aussi l’origine sud algérienne des poussières.

Cette image satellitaire du 15 mars 2022 montre la présence des poussières de sable sur le sud-ouest de l’Europe.
European Union, Copernicus Sentinel-3 imagery

L’origine des poussières de l’épisode de mars 2022 semble donc coïncider avec la zone où la France a effectué des essais nucléaires il y a plus de soixante ans. De quoi nourrir l’inquiétude des populations, d’autant plus que les épisodes de poussières sahariennes peuvent être très impressionnants : ils plongent les paysages dans une atmosphère jaunâtre.

Mais ces craintes sont-elles fondées ? Pour le savoir, nous avons analysé la quantité de césium radioactif (¹³⁷Cs) contenue dans ces poussières en mars 2022.

Des niveaux de radioactivités négligeables pour la santé humaine

Au final nous observons de très faibles niveaux de césium 137 dans ces poussières, avec une médiane de 14 becquerels par kilogramme (Bq/kg). À titre de comparaison, la limite fixée par l’Union européenne pour la plupart des denrées alimentaires est de 1 000 Bq/kg. Dans les produits alimentaires destinés aux bébés, cette limite est de 400 Bq/kg.

Les effets résultants d’une ingestion accidentelle de ces particules sont donc négligeables, mais qu’en est-il de leur inhalation ? Nous avons calculé la quantité de césium radioactif en suspension dans l’air pendant cet épisode afin d’évaluer le débit de dose radioactif inhalé par les populations exposées pendant l’épisode de mars 2022. Celui-ci est 100 millions de fois inférieur au niveau autorisé par l’Union européenne.

Ces calculs sont rassurants: ils montrent que la radioactivité mobilisée par cet épisode de poussières a présenté un risque négligeable pour la santé humaine. Mais ils ne permettent pas, à eux seuls, de confirmer ou d’infirmer le lien éventuel avec les essais nucléaires des années 60. Pour en avoir le cœur net, il fallait aller plus loin.

Ce que révèle la signature isotopique de l’épisode

Nous avons vu précédemment que la zone source des poussières de mars 2022 est compatible avec la région de Reggane, au sud de l’Algérie. C’est dans cette région que la France a réalisé ses premiers essais nucléaires atmosphériques de 1960 à 1961. La zone de source est également compatible avec une région où la France a mené des essais souterrains dans des tunnels, et où deux fuites majeures ont été observées après les essais.

Pour mieux comprendre l’origine de la radioactivité – même très faible – contenue dans les poussières de mars 2022, nous avons analysé, en plus du césium 137, la signature de ces poussières en isotopes de plutonium 239 et plutonium 240.

Or, cette signature ne correspond pas à celle qui est attendue pour les retombées radioactives associées aux explosions des bombes nucléaires françaises. Au contraire, cette signature correspond plutôt au signal dit des « retombées globales », lié aux essais nucléaires réalisés par l’Union soviétique et par les États-Unis pendant les années 1950 et 1960, et qui ont marqué les sols du monde entier.

Notre étude permet ainsi de réfuter l’hypothèse selon laquelle les poussières sahariennes, telles que celles de l’épisode intense de mars 2022, ramèneraient en Europe des substances radioactives provenant des essais nucléaires menés par la France dans le Sahara.

Une recherche fondée sur la participation citoyenne

Ce travail a été rendu possible grâce à la collaboration des citoyens qui ont collecté des échantillons de poussières en réponse à une demande de chercheurs relayée sur les réseaux sociaux.

Nous avons ainsi pu obtenir un total de 110 échantillons de poussières sahariennes, provenant principalement d’Espagne (80 échantillons), de France (14) et d’Autriche (12). Cet échantillonnage spontané, mené à travers des milliers de kilomètres et en l’espace de quelques jours, aurait été impossible sans cette participation citoyenne.

Cette étude a aussi été rendue possible suite à l’interaction entre plusieurs laboratoires de recherche publics et grâce à l’utilisation de données produites et rendues accessibles par plusieurs agences climatiques et environnementales, comme le réseau Copernicus. À l’heure où certains pays, comme les États-Unis, désinvestissent de telles agences et compliquent l’accès aux données climatiques, cela rappelle l’importance des structures scientifiques publiques pour répondre aux préoccupations de la société.

Olivier Evrard est membre de MITATE Lab, un laboratoire de recherche public franco-japonais (CEA, CNRS, Université de Fukushima). Ses recherches sont principalement financées par l’ANR/Agence Nationale de la Recherche et l’OFB/Office Français de la Biodiversité.

Charlotte Skonieczny et Yangjunjie Xu-Yang ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur poste universitaire.

– ref. Les poussières du Sahara qui remontent en Europe sont-elles radioactives du fait des essais nucléaires des années 1960 ? – https://theconversation.com/les-poussieres-du-sahara-qui-remontent-en-europe-sont-elles-radioactives-du-fait-des-essais-nucleaires-des-annees-1960-264415

October 27, 2025

Raila Odinga mastered the art of political compromise for the good of Kenya

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Westen K Shilaho, International Relations Scholar, University of the Witwatersrand

One of the markers of Kenyan statesman Raila Odinga was not just his courage in challenging the establishment but his ability to fortify it when circumstances demanded. An example was his willingness in 2007 to set aside his ambition at having been robbed of the presidency in a rigged election by agreeing to a coalition government with his opponent, President Mwai Kibaki.

Odinga espoused compromise and never squandered the political moment. Thus he ceded political ground for the greater national good and stability. This is how he helped to quell violence following disputed presidential elections in 2007. To his admirers this showed political maturity and astuteness.

This was not always interpreted as courageous, however. Some detractors labelled it as political weakness and betrayal. Despite numerous compromises, his detractors hardly ceded ground.

Just before his death, some of his detractors had labelled him the ultimate betrayer for solidifying his relationship with President William Ruto. Odinga worked with Ruto under what they termed broad-based government, formed at the height of mass protests to oust Ruto. Odinga propped up the embattled government under pressure over a controversial taxation bill and other problems. The nomination and sebsequent appointment of party members to the beleaguered government immediately deflated the protests. This demonstrated Odinga’s unmatched influence in Kenya’s politics.

I am a scholar of politics who has studied Kenya’s transition from authoritarianism to more democratic forms of politics. My 2018 book Political Power and Tribalism in Kenya examined the salience of ethnicity in the country’s multiparty politics.

It’s my view that Odinga employed compromise to integrate Kenya and hopefully live to fight another day. He had either official or informal working arrangements with all of Kenya’s five presidents bar one. He was therefore party to top decision making in the country without the benefit of executive power.

Had he thrown his weight behind the protest movement in 2024, it is highly likely that Kenya would have dissolved into chaos, as witnessed after disputed elections in 2007. He held that the mass protests in 2025 could have resulted in state collapse and bloodletting had he not intervened.

Through chutzpah and guile, Odinga escaped all attempts by his detractors to reduce him to an ethnic leader. Instead, he built alliances and connected with the working-class and rural poor, especially young Kenyans, who identified with his courage in Kenya’s human rights and democracy struggle.

Odinga: The bogeyman of Kenya’s establishment

A former Kenyan vice president, Michael Wamalwa Kijana, once described Odinga’s relationship with Kenyans as either Railamania or Railaphobia – people either passionately liked or irrationally feared him.

He commanded fanatical support among his co-ethnics and across Kenya, especially in his strongholds. But a section of Kenyan society opposed him, especially the clique that has controlled executive power and economic privileges since 1963.

Although Odinga was part of the establishment and rose to the position of prime minister (2008-2013), the only second Kenyan to occupy the post, he was treated with suspicion and disdain especially over the male circumcision rite that his community did not traditionally practise. His father, the founding vice president of Kenya who became the doyen of opposition politics, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, suffered the same fate.

Raila Odinga’s detractors, among the elite and populace, mocked him while he was sick and irreverently celebrated his death.

This grouping, opposed to a capable welfare state based on inclusivity and egalitarianism, showed almost irrational antipathy towards Odinga. The establishment consistently schemed against him. His mass appeal, socialist orientation and populist politics posed a threat to the most reactionary cohort of the Kenyan political elite. Odinga’s uncompromising stance against the one-party dictatorship which earned him nine years of detention without trial, and implicated him in an abortive coup in 1982, did not endear him to all.

Odinga’s capacity to reinvent himself politically was astounding. Despite losing presidential elections five times, on several occasions because of state instigated fraud, he was undiminished. He was widely known in diplomatic circuits across Africa and globally. Memorably he mediated the Ivorian conflict following violently disputed elections in 2010. Thus, Odinga was among the pantheon of Kenya’s greats, a pan-Africanist and an internationalist.

Kenya’s moment of introspection

His death affords Kenyans an opportunity to reflect on the state of the Kenyan nation. He personified Kenya’s contradictions. Odinga’s long political career exhibited hope and despair for his supporters. In a country hamstrung by the ideology of ethnicised politics, there could not have been a more opportune moment for introspection.

Some of Odinga’s political moves turned out to be miscalculations. For instance, the grand coalition government formed in the wake of the 2007-2008 post-election maelstrom stabilised Kenya but did not address long term historical injustices.

Although it was the most inclusive since independence, it was bloated and mired in corruption, and perpetrated human rights violations. This rapprochement sealed his fate because it gave his opponents room to regroup. They regained the political initiative and eventually locked him out of the presidency forever.

His relationship with Ruto appeared to be more trusting than earlier ones, but Odinga still seemed to be the outsider in Kenya’s political matrix. Odinga’s shortcomings humanised him. Giants can have feet of clay.

Odinga bows out as the people’s president; the president that Kenya never had.

Westen K Shilaho does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Raila Odinga mastered the art of political compromise for the good of Kenya – https://theconversation.com/raila-odinga-mastered-the-art-of-political-compromise-for-the-good-of-kenya-268022

October 27, 2025

Kim Kardashian’s brain aneurysm diagnosis: what it means and who is most at risk

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Taylor, Professor of Anatomy, Lancaster University

In the run up to the launch of the latest series of The Kardashians, her new legal drama All’s Fair and the celebrations for her 45th birthday, Kim Kardashian made a very different kind of headline. She revealed that she had been diagnosed with a brain aneurysm.

Kardashian revealed her diagnosis in a teaser for The Kardashians Season 7, which includes footage of her undergoing an MRI scan believed to have identified the condition. So far, no details have been released about the type, size or location of the aneurysm, or whether it required treatment. It’s therefore unclear whether the finding represents a serious health threat or an incidental discovery; something that’s becoming increasingly common as more people undergo full-body scans or imaging for other reasons.

An aneurysm is a widening or bulging of any artery in the body. It most commonly occurs in the aorta (the body’s main artery), as well as in arteries of the limbs, neck and brain. When the swelling affects arteries in the brain, it is known as a cerebral aneurysm.

Brain aneurysms can have devastating effects. The nerve cells in the brain are not designed to come into direct contact with blood. To protect them, the brain has a natural defence system called the blood brain barrier, which carefully regulates what can and cannot pass from the bloodstream into brain tissue.

The largest risk factor of developing a brain aneurysm is being female. These aneurysms are around 60% more common in women than in men, and this increases further after menopause. Oestrogen helps to keep blood vessels flexible; when its levels fall after menopause, blood vessels become more vulnerable to damage.

A family history of aneurysms also increases risk. Someone who has two first-degree relatives – that’s parents, children or siblings – who have experienced a ruptured aneurysm has an 11% higher chance of developing one themselves. This is because genetic factors influence the structure and strength of blood vessel walls, making some people more vulnerable to weakness and damage.

This genetic link is also seen in several connective-tissue disorders which change the structure and function of artery walls, increasing the likelihood of an aneurysm. These include Ehlers Danlos syndrome, which causes overly stretchy skin and joints and weakens connective tissues, including those in blood vessels; Marfan syndrome, which often leads to long limbs, flexible joints and a higher risk of heart and blood vessel problems; Loeys Dietz syndrome, a rare condition that causes arteries to twist and widen; and Neurofibromatosis type 1, which causes non-cancerous growths along nerves and can weaken blood vessel walls.

Lifestyle factors can also play a role in increasing aneurysm risk. Current and former smoking are both strongly linked to weakened blood vessels. Quitting smoking reduces the risk, but it does not completely remove it when compared with those who have never smoked. High cholesterol can also damage blood vessels and raise the likelihood of an aneurysm.

In Kardashian’s case, she has mentioned stress as a contributing factor. Although stress itself does not directly cause aneurysms, it can increase blood pressure. Persistent high blood pressure, whether brought on by emotional stress or underlying health issues such as certain types of kidney disease, can weaken and damage blood vessel walls, making aneurysms more likely to develop.

Recreational drug use can also contribute to aneurysm risk, although there is no suggestion that this is relevant in Kardashian’s case. Cocaine raises blood pressure while narrowing blood vessels in the brain. These combined effects push pressure within the brain’s arteries even higher, increasing the chance of aneurysm formation and rupture. Amphetamine and methamphetamine have similar effects, altering blood vessel diameter, raising blood pressure and driving inflammation that weakens vessel walls. These processes contribute to aneurysm formation and an increased rate of progression and rupture.

When an aneurysm does form, its effects depend largely on where it develops and whether it ruptures, which can make symptoms unpredictable and sometimes difficult to recognise.

Ruptured cerebral aneurysms often begin with a small leak of blood that causes a sudden, severe headache, often described as “the worst headache of my life” or a thunderclap headache. This may serve as a warning sign of a larger rupture that could occur hours, days or even weeks later. Other symptoms can include uncoordinated movements, nausea, vomiting and sudden changes in consciousness.

Unruptured cerebral aneurysms tend to cause a wider range of symptoms because the effects depend on where the aneurysm is developing. Nerves responsible for vision, balance, hearing, swallowing and speech all run close to major blood vessels in the brain, so even a small change in pressure can have noticeable effects.

Vision problems are common, presenting as double or partial loss of sight. Eye pain or difficulty moving the eyes due to muscle weakness, a stiff neck and ringing in the ears may also occur. Less common symptoms include neck pain and difficulty swallowing.

Because these symptoms overlap with many other conditions, diagnosing an aneurysm can be challenging. Unruptured aneurysms often grow slowly and may not cause symptoms until they reach a certain size, while ruptured aneurysms appear suddenly and require emergency treatment.

Once discovered, aneurysms are measured and categorised. The smaller the aneurysm, the lower the risk of rupture. Those with a diameter under 7mm are least likely to rupture, those between 7mm and 12mm are considered medium, 12mm to 25mm are large, and anything over 25mm is classed as giant. The size and location of the aneurysm are key factors in determining its risk. Aneurysms on arteries at the base of the brain carry a higher chance of rupture.

Treatment depends on individual circumstances, and not all aneurysms require intervention. In fact, many people live healthily with small aneurysms without ever realising they have them. There are growing detection rates as imaging becomes more common and less invasive, and AI is also being used to improve accuracy. Small, symptom-free aneurysms are often monitored with regular imaging scans, especially in people with few additional risk factors. Treating underlying conditions such as high blood pressure can reduce the risk of rupture.

Those cerebral aneurysms that rupture or are at high risk of rupture require surgical intervention. The two most common procedures are clipping and endovascular repair. Clipping is a more invasive operation that involves opening the skull to access the aneurysm directly, and it is better suited to certain aneurysm locations.

Endovascular repair is less invasive and involves inserting a catheter through a blood vessel in the leg, guiding it into place and delivering a coil that prevents blood from entering the aneurysm. These coils are usually made of platinum and measure between half the width of a human hair to twice the width.

Because aneurysms are often silent until they reach a critical point, any sudden or unexplained neurological symptoms should always be assessed by a medical professional.

Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Kim Kardashian’s brain aneurysm diagnosis: what it means and who is most at risk – https://theconversation.com/kim-kardashians-brain-aneurysm-diagnosis-what-it-means-and-who-is-most-at-risk-268397

October 27, 2025

Fossil hand from human relative puzzles scientists with mix of human- and gorilla-like features

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sally Christine Reynolds, Associate Professor in Hominin Palaeoecology, Bournemouth University

Experts have been puzzled by recently discovered fossils from the hand of an extinct human relative, Paranthropus boisei. They have been surprised by a mix of human-like and gorilla-like traits in the fingers.

In the journal Nature, researchers describe the set of 1.5-million-year-old fossils from a site in Kenya that includes the first unambiguous Paranthropus hand bones identified in the fossil record. They are also a very rare example of a relatively complete set of hand bones from this time.

The first example of Paranthropus was discovered in South Africa by Dr Robert Broom in 1938. Its name means “beside man” and reflects the fact that it shared a direct ancestor (known as Australopithecus) with our own genus, Homo, but existed alongside the early human lineage. Broom’s fossils belonged to the species Paranthropus robustus.

The species Paranthropus boisei, on the other hand, was first discovered in Olduvai Gorge, Kenya, by Mary and Louis Leakey in 1959. Its massive mandible and teeth led to its nickname: the Nutcracker Man. The very molarised teeth (where a non-molar tooth takes on the appearance of a molar) indicated a possible diet of tough and fibrous foods – almost certainly consisting of vegetation – that required extensive chewing.

Paranthropus was a bipedal hominin, like representatives of our own lineage, with a similar body size. It also lived in similar habitats to early Homo. Yet it became extinct around 800,000 years ago. Inevitably, these two hominin lineages have been compared in every possible manner to identify which traits ensured Homo’s survival. Homo‘s persistence has been attributed to its large brain, small teeth and meat-based diet.

Paranthropus, on the other hand, with its large teeth and a smaller brain, is often cast as an evolutionary “also-ran” – not quite clever or adaptable enough to persist in a changing world. However, there was little real evidence for concrete differences in how Paranthropus used its body or its surroundings. Until now.

The new fossil set from Koobi Fora, on the eastern shores of Lake Turkana in Kenya, shows that Paranthropus boisei was not clumsy or poorly adapted to its lifestyle. The remains, dated to around 1.52 million years ago, include a partial skeleton with both hand and foot bones found alongside unmistakable P. boisei jaws and teeth. For the first time, we can connect this species’ massive chewing apparatus with the limbs and hands that helped it function in the ancient landscape.

The fingers are, in many respects, more like gorillas than humans, but the feet are very similar to Homo feet. In fact, the foot shows that P. boisei was an efficient biped, walking on arched, rigid feet that resemble our own more closely than those of earlier species such as Australopithecus afarensis.

The big toe was aligned with the others, and the joints show the same upward tilt – called dorsal canting – that allows modern humans to push off powerfully when walking or running. A twisted third metatarsal bone formed a transverse arch, the architectural feature that stiffens the human foot and turns it into a spring for energy-efficient movement.

The new find suggests a mix of both advanced and primitive features. It paints a picture of a creature capable of traversing the mixed open habitats of East Africa on two legs, moving confidently between feeding areas and perhaps even carrying food or simple tools. The powerful hands may have been used to forage for food which required a strong grip.

There may be an argument that Paranthropus was pulling itself into the trees. Until now, Paranthropus has not been thought of as a climber, nor an animal associated with particularly dense tree cover. It was thought that cooling climates and thinning forests led to bipedalism in both Homo and Paranthropus.

Yet there are clear differences with Homo. The big toe of P. boisei was shorter than ours, hinting at a slightly different gait – perhaps a slower, heavier stride. The smaller toes were straighter and stiffer than those of apes but not as refined as in Homo sapiens. This mosaic anatomy shows that upright walking had already been perfected in several human relatives, even if each did it in their own way.

The foot of P. boisei demonstrates that by 1.5 million years ago, bipedalism was a shared foundation rather than a unique advantage. Both Homo and Paranthropus walked tall; their evolutionary paths diverged not in locomotion but in lifestyle. While Homo relied increasingly on brainpower, tools and cooperation, Paranthropus doubled down on strength and chewing muscle. One lineage adapted to flexibility, the other to endurance – and in the end, only one survived.

But the discovery also softens the old story of triumph and failure. Paranthropus boisei wasn’t a “failed” hominin relative. It was a successful species in its own right, perfectly adapted to its ecological niche for well over a million years. The new fossils remind us that human evolution wasn’t a straight march of progress but a branching bush of experiments – some favouring brains, others brawn, all walking upright beneath the same African sun.

Sally Christine Reynolds does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Fossil hand from human relative puzzles scientists with mix of human- and gorilla-like features – https://theconversation.com/fossil-hand-from-human-relative-puzzles-scientists-with-mix-of-human-and-gorilla-like-features-267871

October 27, 2025

Why stigmatising UPFs could be doing more harm than good

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Beverley O’Hara, Lecturer in Nutrition, Leeds Beckett University

The 2025 Joe Wicks documentary on “killer protein bars” highlights how even well-intentioned attempts to raise awareness about food can sometimes oversimplify complex public health issues. The show’s premise – to develop and market a supposedly “dangerous,” additive-laden “ultra-processed” food to prompt government action – aims to spark debate about the modern food system.

But framing foods as inherently “dangerous” risks distorting the science and adding to public confusion about nutrition.

Stoking fear around ultra-processed foods (UPFs) often provokes psychological resistance, leading people to ignore health messages altogether or, paradoxically, to double down on the behaviour being criticised. The “processed equals bad” narrative can also fuel guilt, anxiety and disordered eating and stigmatises foods that are widely eaten, particularly by people on lower incomes.

The misinformation in the show adds to what the World Health Organization calls an “infodemic” – the rapid spread of false or misleading health information. Nutrition has become one of the most misinformation-prone topics on social media, where personal opinion is often presented as scientific fact. A 2023 review found widespread inaccuracies in online dietary advice, adding to public confusion and distrust of science.

The evidence linking UPFs to poor health is far from conclusive. Systematic reviews show that many studies reporting associations between UPFs and disease rely on observational data rated as low or very low quality. This means it cannot prove that UPFs cause disease. The latest review of research found that the UPF category adds little scientific value when assessing links between diet and disease.

Yet even among scientists, there is no clear agreement on how to classify them. Research found that both consumers and nutrition experts struggled to consistently identify which foods met the criteria for being “ultra-processed”. Despite this uncertainty, around 65% of Europeans believe that UPFs are bad for their health.

Part of the problem lies in how the term is used. “Ultra-processed food” has become a catch-all phrase, often used to promote ideological views about modern food systems instead of being applied as a precise scientific category. The NOVA classification, which first introduced the concept, was intended as a research framework, not a moral ranking of foods. But, over time, it has been reinterpreted as a shorthand for “good” versus “bad” eating.

We have long understood that certain foods high in salt, sugar and saturated fat – traditionally called “junk food” – are not good for health. Rebranding these as UPFs adds little to that knowledge and risks distracting attention from the real structural issues that determine what people eat. These include the affordability of healthy foods, aggressive marketing of unhealthy ones and inequalities in time, income and access to cooking facilities.

Even governments can be influenced by simplistic narratives that attribute dietary problems to food processing itself rather than to social and economic policy. For example, critics argue that political discussions about banning UPFs can distract from more meaningful reforms that would make healthy foods affordable and accessible.

Why the UPF debate misses the point

Nutrition science is complex and evolves gradually. The anti-UPF narrative is appealing because it offers certainty in a world where people crave clear answers. But this makes the public especially vulnerable to misinformation. Turning preliminary findings into sensational headlines has always been profitable for the wellness industry. It sells books, builds brands and boosts online followings.

More concerning is how easily this kind of messaging drifts into conspiracy thinking, where “Big Food” and “Big Science” are portrayed as villains. Emotionally charged language, such as calling sugar “poison”, encourages fear and mistrust of science. The food industry becomes a caricature of evil, accused of deliberately creating “addictive” and “dangerous” foods to harm consumers.

This narrative is not only misleading but also harmful. It undermines legitimate food science and public health research that could help develop sustainable, nutritious options for the future. The same sector that produces unhealthy convenience foods also employs scientists and innovators working on healthier, more sustainable products.

The future of healthy eating will depend on technologies such as plant-based proteins, fermentation and novel food production methods. Creating fear around food processing discourages this progress and makes it harder to tackle global nutrition and climate challenges.

Time to move beyond the buzzword

Food choices are shaped not just by personal preference but by the systems people live in. Those with higher incomes and more flexibility can often resist systemic pressures. Most people cannot. For many households, processed foods provide convenience, affordability and stability. Shaming people for eating the foods they can afford or grew up with ignores the realities of everyday life.

A single parent working two jobs does not need to be told that their child’s breakfast cereal is “ultra-processed.” They need access to affordable, nutritious foods that fit their circumstances.

Public health communication requires expertise. A medical degree does not make someone a nutrition specialist, just as a dietitian would not claim to be a heart surgeon. Experts who speak publicly about nutrition should have appropriate qualifications and professional accreditation in public health nutrition.

People deserve advice that empowers them rather than confuses them. They need accurate, balanced information delivered by qualified professionals who understand the complexity of nutrition science. The way we talk about food matters. It shapes public opinion, health policy and the future of our food systems.

It may be time to move beyond the term “ultra-processed food.” What began as an attempt to describe modern diets has become a source of confusion, moral judgement and misplaced fear. The label no longer helps people make better choices. Instead, it risks turning important conversations about food, health and inequality into culture wars.

If we want to build a healthier and fairer food system, we must focus less on catchy labels and more on evidence, equity and education.

Beverley O’Hara does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why stigmatising UPFs could be doing more harm than good – https://theconversation.com/why-stigmatising-upfs-could-be-doing-more-harm-than-good-267711

October 27, 2025

« Pas dans ma cour » : Les deux faces du NIMBYisme québécois

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Christophe Premat, Professor, Canadian and Cultural Studies, Stockholm University

Écoutez cet article en version audio générée par l’IA.

Au Québec, les citoyens disposent d’un pouvoir municipal rare au Canada : celui de bloquer par référendum des projets d’urbanisme dans leur quartier. Ce mécanisme de démocratie directe, inscrit dans la Loi sur l’aménagement et l’urbanisme depuis les années 1970, est à double tranchant : il permet une implication citoyenne forte, mais peut aussi paralyser des initiatives nécessaires pour lutter contre la crise du logement.

Les référendums municipaux s’inscrivent dans une tradition de participation citoyenne ancrée dans la culture politique québécoise. On remarque néanmoins que la participation à ces scrutins est souvent faible, tandis que le pouvoir de blocage est puissant.

En tant que spécialiste des études canadiennes, je m’intéresse depuis ma thèse de science politique aux procédures de participation citoyenne, et tout particulièrement à la tension entre démocratie participative et démocratie directe.

Cet article fait partie de notre série Nos villes d’hier à demain. Le tissu urbain connaît de multiples mutations, avec chacune ses implications culturelles, économiques, sociales et – tout particulièrement en cette année électorale – politiques. Pour éclairer ces divers enjeux, La Conversation invite les chercheuses et chercheurs à aborder l’actualité de nos villes.

Tourisme et démocratie locale : la leçon de Petite-Rivière-Saint-François

En 2022, la municipalité de Petite-Rivière-Saint-François, dans Charlevoix, a organisé un référendum local visant l’assouplissement de deux règlements de zonage relatifs aux résidences de tourisme.

Le résultat a été sans appel, puisque plus de 70 % des électeurs ont voté contre l’assouplissement des règles qui aurait permis d’accueillir davantage de chalets locatifs près du Massif. Le message des citoyens était clair : préserver la qualité de vie et le caractère du territoire face à une pression touristique jugée excessive.

Le scrutin a eu un effet immédiat avec le rejet des règlements, stoppant ainsi un projet de développement.

À Québec, un vote favorable à la ville compacte

Deux ans plus tard, à Québec, dans l’arrondissement de Charlesbourg, le projet Maria-Goretti a connu une issue inverse.

Près de la moitié des électeurs de la zone concernée se sont déplacés pour voter, et cette fois, la majorité a approuvé le projet résidentiel soumis à approbation référendaire.

L’administration municipale a salué le résultat comme un signe d’adhésion à une densification maîtrisée, alors que les opposants y voyaient un précédent inquiétant pour le patrimoine local.

Au Québec, l’urbanisme passe aussi par les urnes

Ces deux exemples illustrent la vitalité – mais aussi les tensions – de la démocratie urbaine au Québec.

Contrairement à la plupart des provinces canadiennes, où les projets d’urbanisme sont décidés par les conseils municipaux sans recours direct aux électeurs, le Québec conserve des mécanismes d’approbation référendaire hérités de la Loi sur l’aménagement et l’urbanisme (LAU).

Les citoyens qui s’estiment lésés par un projet peuvent demander l’ouverture d’un registre, recueillir des signatures, et si le seuil requis est atteint, déclencher un vote.

Participation ou paralysie ? Le dilemme des référendums d’urbanisme au Québec

Ce dispositif, qui remonte aux années 1970, repose sur une idée forte : permettre à ceux qui habitent un quartier de participer à la décision sur son avenir. Mais il est aujourd’hui au cœur d’un débat : favorise-t-il réellement la démocratie, ou crée-t-il des zones de veto locales capables de bloquer toute initiative de densification ?

Le paradoxe tient à la fois dans la mobilisation et dans la portée.

Lorsqu’un vote a lieu, la participation dépasse rarement 50 %. Pourtant, un petit nombre d’électeurs peut décider du sort d’un projet d’intérêt collectif. En 2017, le gouvernement du Québec a tenté de moderniser ces procédures avec le projet de loi 122, qui visait à donner plus d’autonomie aux municipalités et à encourager d’autres formes de participation.

Plusieurs villes ont alors remplacé les référendums par des consultations publiques plus ouvertes, misant sur la pédagogie et le dialogue.

L’Office de consultation publique de Montréal

C’est le cas de Montréal, où l’Office de consultation publique (OCPM) organise régulièrement des audiences sur les grands projets urbains.

Des centaines de citoyens peuvent y soumettre des mémoires, participer à des ateliers, ou voter dans le cadre de budgets participatifs.

En 2021, plus de 20 000 Montréalais ont pris part à un vote en ligne pour choisir les projets d’aménagement financés par la ville – un chiffre sans précédent pour une initiative locale.

Déjà des milliers d’abonnés à l’infolettre de La Conversation. Et vous ? Abonnez-vous gratuitement à notre infolettre pour mieux comprendre les grands enjeux contemporains.

La consultation plutôt que le référendum

À Boisbriand, la municipalité a choisi de multiplier les consultations plutôt que de déclencher des votes formels, afin d’éviter que quelques dizaines de signatures ne suffisent à bloquer un règlement.

Mais le référendum local conserve une charge symbolique forte.

Dans un contexte de méfiance croissante envers les promoteurs immobiliers, il apparaît comme le dernier rempart pour protéger les citoyens contre des décisions jugées opaques.

Le NIMBYisme à la québécoise : entre défense du cadre de vie et justice sociale

Cette défiance s’exprime aussi face aux élus municipaux, souvent perçus comme trop proches des intérêts privés. Le « non » devient alors une manière de reprendre le contrôle du territoire, de ralentir un rythme de transformation jugé trop rapide.

Ce réflexe de défense du cadre de vie est parfois associé au NIMBYisme, acronyme de « Not In My Backyard ».

L’expression désigne ceux qui soutiennent les politiques publiques en général, mais refusent leur application à proximité de chez eux. On parle souvent de NIMBYs « de droite », attachés à la valeur foncière de leur propriété et hostiles à la densification.

Mais le Québec voit émerger une autre forme de contestation, un NIMBYisme « de gauche », ancré dans la critique de la spéculation immobilière et de l’embourgeoisement. Les opposants ne défendent plus seulement leur jardin, mais aussi le droit au logement, la mixité sociale et la préservation du patrimoine collectif.

Bâtiment en briques brunes couvert de graffitis — Craignant l’embourgeoisement du quartier Mile End, 67 % des 10 732 répondants se sont exprimés contre le projet de reconversion de l’entrepôt Van Horne proposé par le promoteur en 2023.
Frank DiMauro | Facebook

Référendums, NIMBYisme et crise du logement : un équilibre impossible ?

Ces deux visages du NIMBYisme se croisent et s’affrontent souvent dans les débats municipaux.

Un même projet peut être rejeté pour des raisons très différentes : les uns craignent la hausse du trafic ou la perte d’intimité, les autres redoutent l’arrivée de condominiums de luxe chassant les locataires modestes. La frontière entre conservatisme local et résistance progressiste devient floue, et le référendum en est le miroir.

Dans un contexte de crise du logement, cette ambivalence devient un enjeu politique majeur. Les gouvernements municipaux et provinciaux doivent arbitrer entre la participation et l’efficacité. Trop de recours citoyens peuvent ralentir des projets nécessaires, tandis que trop peu de recours risquent de creuser le fossé entre élus et habitants.

Les maires, eux, se retrouvent pris entre deux feux : on leur reproche à la fois de céder aux promoteurs et de ne pas aller assez vite pour répondre à la demande.

Sortir de l’impasse

Plusieurs villes expérimentent des dispositifs de co-construction : jurys citoyens, laboratoires urbains, consultations hybrides.

Ces formes de participation ne remplacent pas le vote, mais cherchent à l’enrichir. Elles permettent d’impliquer les habitants dès la conception d’un projet, avant que les positions ne se figent dans un « oui » ou un « non ». L’enjeu n’est pas de supprimer la démocratie directe, mais de la rendre plus délibérative, moins défensive.

Les référendums municipaux québécois rappellent que la démocratie locale n’est jamais acquise. Ils traduisent à la fois une volonté d’autonomie citoyenne et une peur de perdre le contrôle face à des transformations urbaines rapides. Dans une époque où les villes se densifient, où le logement devient un bien rare, cette tension est inévitable.

Plutôt que de l’opposer, il s’agit d’en faire le moteur d’un nouveau pacte urbain où la parole des habitants pèse sans pour autant paralyser l’action collective.

Christophe Premat est professeur en études culturelles francophones et directeur du Centre d’études canadiennes de l’Université de Stockholm. Il est membre de l’Association Internationale des Études Québécoises depuis 2023. Il est l’auteur d’une thèse de science politique sur “la pratique du référendum local en France et en Allemagne” soutenue en 2008 à l’Institut d’études politiques de Bordeaux.

– ref. « Pas dans ma cour » : Les deux faces du NIMBYisme québécois – https://theconversation.com/pas-dans-ma-cour-les-deux-faces-du-nimbyisme-quebecois-267907

October 27, 2025

Quand la Constitution québécoise ignore les peuples autochtones

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Karine Millaire, Professeure adjointe en droit constitutionnel et autochtone, Université de Montréal

La Coalition avenir Québec (CAQ) projette non seulement d’imposer une Constitution du Québec aux Premières Nations et Inuit, mais en plus le projet de loi s’inscrit en contradiction avec les droits des Autochtones garantis par la Constitution canadienne. Adopter une telle approche en 2025 ignore des droits constitutionnels bien reconnus, reproduit la vieille approche coloniale et constitue une grave erreur juridique comme historique.

Il y a plus de 40 ans, on enchâssait dans la Constitution canadienne l’article 35 de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1982. Cette disposition garantit les droits des peuples autochtones issus de traités et leurs droits ancestraux. Le projet de Constitution de la CAQ en fait complètement fi. Aucune disposition du projet de loi déposé ne traite des droits constitutionnels autochtones. Plus encore, les quelques mentions des Premières Nations et Inuit au préambule du projet de loi 1, Loi constitutionnelle de 2025 sur le Québec, sont de nature à minimiser des droits pourtant clairement reconnus.

On y mentionne en effet les Autochtones pour affirmer qu’ils « existe[nt] au sein du Québec ». On ne reconnaît pas qu’il s’agit de « peuples », contrairement à la Déclaration des Nations unies sur les droits des peuples autochtones de 2007, mais plutôt de simples « descendants des premiers habitants du pays ». On désigne même nos nations sous des appellations coloniales francisées, rappelant le processus d’effacement des noms de nos ancêtres.

Le projet de loi affirme l’« intégrité territoriale » ainsi que la « souveraineté » culturelle et parlementaire du Québec. Les Autochtones ne pourraient selon ce projet de Constitution que « maintenir et développer leur langue et leur culture d’origine ». Autrement dit, les droits territoriaux et de gouvernance garantis en vertu de l’article 35 de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1982 sont complètement ignorés, voire niés.

L’imposition coloniale des « droits collectifs » de la « nation québécoise » sur les droits collectifs et fondamentaux des peuples autochtones est également affirmée par des dispositions d’interprétation spécifiques. Alors que les droits des Premières Nations et Inuits sont réduits, on précise que ceux de la nation québécoise « s’interprètent de manière extensive ».

De plus, on propose la création d’un Conseil constitutionnel ayant pour mandat d’interpréter la Constitution du Québec. Or, les facteurs explicitement précisés dont devrait tenir compte ce Conseil ne portent que sur les droits et « caractéristiques fondamentales du Québec », son « patrimoine commun », son « intégrité territoriale », ses « revendications historiques », son « autonomie » et son « économie ». Pas une seule mention ici de l’existence des peuples autochtones ou de leurs droits.

Les Wendat, Kanien’keháka (Mohawk), Attikamekw, Anishinaabe, Cris (Eeyou Istchee), Abénakis, Mi’kmaq, Innus, Naskapis, Wolastoqiyik et Inuit n’existent pas sur un territoire « appartenant » au Québec. C’est le Québec qui existe sur les territoires dont ces nations sont les gardiennes et pour lesquels nous avons une responsabilité commune. Nos droits ne sauraient être effacés à nouveau en 2025 par ce projet de Constitution du Québec.

La Cour suprême et les tribunaux du Québec comme d’ailleurs au pays reconnaissent de façon constante que les peuples autochtones ont une souveraineté préexistante à celle imposée historiquement par la Couronne, c’est-à-dire une souveraineté qui existait bien avant les débats sur l’autonomie du Québec au Canada. Cette souveraineté existe toujours et doit être réconciliée avec celle de l’État dans un esprit de « justice réconciliatrice ».

Il en découle des droits concrets en matière de consultation, de consentement, d’autonomie gouvernementale. Aucune dérogation à ces droits n’est possible, contrairement aux droits et libertés visés par la clause dérogatoire de l’article 33 de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés.

Or, la CAQ souhaite mettre à l’abri de contestations constitutionnelles toute disposition législative qui « protège la nation québécoise ainsi que l’autonomie constitutionnelle et les caractéristiques fondamentales du Québec » en interdisant toute contestation judiciaire d’un organisme qui utiliserait pour ce faire des fonds publics du Québec. Fort nombreuses sont les organisations qui reçoivent des fonds publics, incluant celles ayant justement la mission publique de protéger la société contre les actions illégales ou délétères de l’État. Il s’agit d’un des fondements de l’État de droit.

Du point de vue autochtone, cette interdiction rappelle l’époque coloniale où il était interdit aux Premières Nations de contester les actions illégales de l’État qui avaient pour but de les déposséder de leurs terres, de nier leurs droits et de les assimiler. Cette mesure a participé au génocide des peuples autochtones au Canada.

Un projet de loi qui s’ajoute à d’autres violations de droits par Québec

Ce projet de Constitution du Québec s’ajoute à plusieurs autres atteintes claires aux droits autochtones. Pensons à la contestation de Québec de la loi fédérale reconnaissant le droit inhérent des peuples autochtones de mettre en place leurs propres politiques familiales et de protection de la jeunesse. La Cour suprême lui a donné tort et a confirmé la constitutionnalité de la loi fédérale.

La CAQ a aussi refusé d’exclure les étudiants autochtones des règles de renforcement de la Charte de la langue française (projet de loi 96), alors que les langues autochtones ne menacent pas le français. Cette décision accroît les obstacles aux études supérieures et limite les droits de gouvernance en éducation des peuples autochtones. La contestation de la constitutionnalité de la loi québécoise est en cours.

Enfin, pensons au récent projet de loi 97 visant à réformer le régime forestier, lequel avait été sévèrement critiqué. Celui-ci proposait un retour en arrière et rappelait l’approche préconisée au début de la colonisation du territoire, alors que l’industrie jouait un rôle accru en matière de gouvernance du territoire. Le projet de loi a finalement été abandonné fin septembre, mais il aura fallu que les peuples autochtones se battent à nouveau pour faire respecter leurs droits.

Moderniser la Constitution du Québec pour respecter les droits des Autochtones

Le contexte n’est plus le même qu’à la fondation du pays en 1867 ou lors des discussions des années 1980 ayant précédé le rapatriement de la Constitution. En 2025, il ne serait ni légal, ni légitime, d’adopter une Constitution du Québec ignorant les droits des Autochtones.

Une Constitution québécoise doit minimalement reconnaître les mêmes droits ancestraux et issus de traités que ceux protégés par la Constitution canadienne et les décisions des tribunaux en la matière. Cela inclut des droits de gouvernance notamment quant au territoire.

De plus, la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne est silencieuse sur les droits autochtones. L’article 10 garantissant le droit à l’égalité devrait être modifié pour indiquer que l’identité et le statut autochtone sont des motifs de discrimination spécifiquement prohibés au Québec. Cette Charte devrait également reconnaître expressément le droit à la sécurité culturelle afin que toute personne autochtone ait accès aux services publics de façon équitable. Ces changements permettraient qu’un mandat conséquent soit donné à la Commission des droits de la personne pour agir afin d’enrayer cette discrimination.

Déjà des milliers d’abonnés à l’infolettre de La Conversation. Et vous ? Abonnez-vous aujourd’hui à notre infolettre pour mieux comprendre les grands enjeux contemporains.

Le Québec doit également mettre en œuvre la Déclaration des Nations unies sur les droits des peuples autochtones. Le Canada fait partie de nombreux pays qui se sont engagés à le faire et nos tribunaux ont commencé à s’y référer. La Déclaration exige de construire avec les peuples autochtones les politiques qui touchent à leurs droits, de respecter leur consentement et leur autonomie ainsi que le droit d’avoir accès aux services publics sans discrimination, à l’instar du Principe de Joyce.

Le projet de Constitution de la CAQ ne correspond en rien à ce qu’un véritable processus constituant doit faire. Ni les Québécois ni les peuples autochtones ne participent à cette démarche. Une Constitution devrait être pensée pour au moins les sept prochaines générations, comme nous l’enseignent les Aînés, et non en vue de la prochaine élection.

Karine Millaire est Présidente bénévole de Projets Autochtones du Québec, une organisation assurant des services d’hébergement et d’autonomisation aux personnes autochtones en situation de précarité à Tiohtià:ke (Montréal). À titre de professeure universitaire, elle reçoit du financement du Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada.

– ref. Quand la Constitution québécoise ignore les peuples autochtones – https://theconversation.com/quand-la-constitution-quebecoise-ignore-les-peuples-autochtones-268329

October 27, 2025

La conversación docente: no pregunte a la IA lo que puede hacer por usted

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Eva Catalán, Editora de Educación, The Conversation

La frase de nuestro título: “No pregunte a la IA qué puede hacer por usted…”, además de parafrasear a Kennedy, apunta a una cuestión básica respecto al papel de la inteligencia artificial en la educación: entender en qué nos ayuda y en qué nos perjudica su uso. Hoy traigo perspectivas nuevas y propuestas concretas, como siempre, para usar en la clase, tanto de secundaria como de universidad.

La IA llegó al panorama educativo con la promesa de personalizar el aprendizaje, facilitando de esta manera el rendimiento de los estudiantes más rezagados. Pero una reciente investigación de María Luisa Fanjul Fernández, Francisco José Pradana Pérez y Joaquín Pérez Martín de la Universidad Europea ha comprobado que esta tecnología no reduce la brecha entre estudiantes “buenos” o “malos”. Los que ya tienen buenos hábitos de estudio son los que consiguen profundizar en los contenidos, mejorar su comprensión y desarrollar nuevas competencias gracias a la IA. El resto piensa sobre todo en ahorrar tiempo: algunos para mejorar productividad (aunque no las notas) y otros simplemente por esforzarse menos.

“De esta manera, lejos de igualar oportunidades, esta herramienta puede ampliar la brecha educativa. Por ejemplo, hemos visto que entre los estudiantes con mejor rendimiento, el 72 % asegura revisar o contrastar siempre la información generada por la IA. Entre los de peor rendimiento, solo el 28 % lo hace”, advierten los autores.

La mente humana adora los atajos. Está en nuestro ADN. Que los universitarios no prioricen aprender más y mejor es un problema de actitud y objetivos. Aquellos que se apoyen demasiado en la inteligencia artificial, aunque saquen el grado, no saldrán igual de preparados. ¿Qué pasa en secundaria? Las mentes de los adolescentes están en pleno crecimiento, y hay tareas escolares que precisamente contribuyen a ese desarrollo cognitivo. ¿Qué hacemos para convencerles de que no les compensa, y para demostrarles cómo sí pueden hacerlo bien?Por ejemplo: leer un libro y resumirlo. En su artículo, Esther Nieto Moreno de Diezmas de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, explica lo que aporta esta tarea escolar al cerebro desde el punto de vista cognitivo, pero también emocional y metacognitivo. Ahorrar tiempo está muy bien cuando tenemos encima una fecha de entrega, pero, advierte esta experta, “conviene pararse a analizar en qué estamos ahorrando exactamente y cuáles son las contrapartidas”.

Coinciden con ella Jorge Chauca García, de la Universidad de Málaga, que ofrece ejemplos concretos de qué sí se puede hacer con la inteligencia artificial en la asignatura de Historia en secundaria y Bachillerato; y Luis Daniel Lozano Flores, de la Universidad de Guadalajara México, que insiste en esta idea: la tecnología potencia nuestras capacidades, pero para que no acabe sustituyéndolas, tenemos que ser estratégicos. Resumiento: no es lo que puede hacer por nosotros la IA, es lo que nosotros podemos hacer con ella.

Otros temas de interés de esta quincena tienen que ver con la diferencia entre enseñar y adoctrinar, estudiar un grado o máster en otro idioma, y cómo fomentar la autoconfianza de las niñas en matemáticas para reducir la brecha de género en esta disciplina. Espero que los disfruten. Para quienes viven en Madrid (o también para los que no, porque estará disponible en streaming), no quiero dejar pasar la oportunidad de animarles a acudir a nuestro encuentro en el Espacio Telefónica con el experto en neuroeducación David Bueno. Hablaremos del bienestar digital de los niños y los adolescentes, del papel que puede o debería tener la tecnología en el aprendizaje, y de cómo puede mejorar la enseñanza aplicando lo que sabemos del desarrollo cognitivo infantil y adolescente.

– ref. La conversación docente: no pregunte a la IA lo que puede hacer por usted – https://theconversation.com/la-conversacion-docente-no-pregunte-a-la-ia-lo-que-puede-hacer-por-usted-268371

October 27, 2025

Woven baskets aren’t just aesthetically pleasing – materials science research finds they’re sturdier and more resilient than stiff containers

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Guowei (Wayne) Tu, Ph.D. Student in Civil and Environmental Engineering, University of Michigan

Woven fabric is resilient to stress because it tends to bend more than rigid materials before breaking. Jordan Lye/Moment via Getty Images

People have been using flat, ribbonlike materials, such as reed strips, to make woven baskets for thousands of years. This weaving method has reemerged as a technique for engineers to create textile and fabric structures with complex geometry. While beautiful and intricate, these baskets can also be surprisingly strong.

We are a team of structures and materials scientists at the University of Michigan. We wanted to figure out how basketlike structures that use traditional weaving techniques can be so sturdy, load-bearing and resilient.

To explore the resilience of baskets, we designed a series of small woven units that can be assembled into larger structures. These woven designs provide almost the same stiffness as nonwoven structures, such as plastic bins. They also do not fracture and fail when bent and twisted the way nonwoven, continuous systems (made out of a continuous sheet material) do.

Our basketlike woven structures have many potential applications, including tiny robots that are very damage resilient – these robots can be run over by a car and still do not fail. We could also make woven clothes to help protect people from severe impacts such as car crashes. We made these woven structures using Mylar (a type of polymer material), wood and steel.

A pile of woven baskets — Basket weaving as a practice has been around for centuries.
Mlenny/iStock via Getty Images

Testing woven baskets

Early humans made baskets by weaving slender strips of bark or reeds, and some Indigenous societies use these techniques today. Basket weaving was an efficient way to turn one-dimensional strips into three-dimensional containers.

This geometric benefit is a direct motivation for basket weaving, but in our study published in August 2025 in Physical Review Research, we wanted to find out whether basket weaving can provide more than aesthetic value in modern science and engineering.

In our experiment, we compared woven and nonwoven containers that had the same overall shape and were fabricated using the same amount and type of materials.

The “ribbons” we used were 10 millimeters wide and two-tenths of a millimeter thick. They were always woven in the same over/under/over/under pattern. We wove baskets from the flat ribbons and then created models using 3D scans of these woven containers that helped us examine the underlying similarities and differences between the woven and continuous structures.

We found that these containers had similar stiffness to containers not made from woven materials, and they also went back to their initial shape after we bent or twisted them.

A figure with three panels, the first shows two nearly identical boxes, one woven and one continuous (non-woven). The second panel shows both boxes being twisted and squished. The third shows both structure afterwards. The woven has retained its shape while the continuous looks squished and twisted. — When comparing rectangular boxes made of woven sheets of Mylar polyester ribbons and a continuous sheet of the same material, the woven structure could still bear a load after undergoing compression (axial buckling) and twisting (torsional buckling), while the continuous sheet could not. These structures are made of Mylar (a type of polymer material).
Tu & Filipov, 2025

When you place a heavy object on a woven structure, the ribbons are mainly being stretched instead of bent. This stretching makes them stiff because ribbons are much stiffer when they are stretched compared to bent. On top of that, the ribbons are not rigidly connected in woven structures, which gives them their extraordinary resilience.

By harnessing basket-weaving techniques, engineers can potentially create better materials for cars, consumer devices such as smartwatches, and soft robots, which are robots made from soft materials instead of rigid ones. Essentially, these techniques could improve any device when the material needs to be stiff and resilient.

What’s next

Our research team is still exploring a few big, unanswered questions about these woven baskets.

First, we want to understand how the geometry of the woven baskets determines their stiffness and resilience, and create an analytical or numerical model to describe this relationship. We’d then like to use that model to design woven structures that fit a target stiffness and resilience. Most woven baskets are handmade because their geometry is complex and difficult for a machine to manufacture.

Second, we’d like to figure out how to create a machine that can fabricate woven baskets autonomously. Automated machines can produce two-dimensional woven fabrics, but we’d like to learn how to modernize and digitalize the ancient craft of three-dimensional basket weaving.

Third, we want to understand how to integrate electronic materials into three-dimensional basket weaving to create next-generation robotic textiles. These robotic textiles could sense, actuate, move around, bear a load, stay resilient to accidental overload and safely interact with humans at the same time.

Basket-weaving research and applications

Ours isn’t the only study exploring the complex geometry of basket weaving and the potential of applying basket-weaving techniques to architectural design.

For example, researchers teamed up with an artist to tweak a popular basket-weaving approach, finding ways to weave the ribbons and produce any curvature they desired. Later, the same research team used this methodology to fabricate woven domes. They found that they could tune the stiffness and stability of woven domes by varying the curvature of the ribbons.

In another relevant study, researchers built algorithms that optimized the size, shape and curvature of ribbons, then used those ribbons to weave together a geometrically sophisticated structure.

Our new work and these other teams’ work is putting a modern spin on technology that has likely been around since the dawn of humanity.

Evgueni Filipov has received research funding from AFOSR.

Guowei (Wayne) Tu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Woven baskets aren’t just aesthetically pleasing – materials science research finds they’re sturdier and more resilient than stiff containers – https://theconversation.com/woven-baskets-arent-just-aesthetically-pleasing-materials-science-research-finds-theyre-sturdier-and-more-resilient-than-stiff-containers-265567

October 27, 2025

The Trump administration’s anti-immigrant housing policy reflects a long history of xenophobia in public housing

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rahim Kurwa, Associate professor of Sociology, University of Illinois Chicago

An aerial view of a housing development Las Vegas, Nev., on Aug. 8, 2025. Justin Sullivan/Getty Images

The U.S. housing market has been ensnared in a growing affordability crisis for decades.

The problem has gotten dramatically worse in recent years. Since 2019, home prices are up 60% nationwide. A record-high 22 million renters are “cost-burdened” – spending more than 30% of their income on housing.

Meanwhile, stagnant wages, limited housing supply and lagging federal assistance have helped leave more than 770,000 Americans homeless.

Despite these varied reasons, Vice President JD Vance has blamed the housing affordability crisis on undocumented immigrants. In August 2025, he attributed rising housing costs to immigration: “You cannot flood the United States of America with … people who have no legal right to be here, have them compete against young American families for homes, and not expect the price to skyrocket.”

Deportations, he argued, would lower housing prices. “Why has housing leveled off over the past six months? I really believe the main driver is … negative net migration.”

Despite Vance’s claims, research shows that immigration is not a substantial cause of unaffordable housing. In fact, studies have found that deportations exacerbate housing shortages through reductions in the construction workforce, which lead to lower production of housing units and higher prices.

From this perspective, its hard to see the administration’s deportation policy as a real effort to solve the housing crisis. Rather, it is using the housing crisis as a way to justify mass deportations to the public.

The current administration’s anti-immigrant housing policy reflects a long history of xenophobia in housing. As a sociologist of housing, I’ve traced the history of racial segregation in housing in Los Angeles County. I have found that the same far-right groups that sought to defeat public housing construction and maintain racially restrictive agreements in post-World War II Los Angeles also advocated to ban immigrants from U.S. housing programs.

Earlier anti-immigrant housing plans

Among the leaders of these efforts was the far-right politician and activist Gerald L.K. Smith. Described in 1976 by historian John Morton Blum as “the most infamous American fascist,” Smith helped bridge the American right’s 1940s conspiratorial and isolationist America First era and its 1960s anti-civil rights era.

Smith traveled the country advocating a Christian nationalist vision for American society, offering a religious justification for anti-communism and opposition to civil rights. He also ran for president unsuccessfully in 1944, 1948 and 1956.

A black and white photo shows a man in a suit, right hand raised, speaking in front of a table. — Gerald L.K. Smith speaks in Washington, D.C., on Aug. 7, 1936.
Library of Congress, CC BY

After settling in Los Angeles in 1953, Smith led Red Scare campaigns – driven by hostility to communism – across the country.

In my research, I found that Smith was an early proponent of anti-immigrant housing policy. His 10 principles included a call to “Stop immigration in order that American jobs and American houses may be safeguarded for American citizens.” Elsewhere he called to “Release housing units occupied by aliens in order that they may be occupied by veterans and other American citizens.”

Smith wasn’t alone. His efforts were part of a broader environment in which public officials and local media worked to stop construction of public housing in Los Angeles in the 1950s, accusing its proponents of communism.

Recent anti-immigrant policy in housing

State and federal policymakers have also incorporated anti-immigrant stances into American housing policy over the past half-century.

The 1980 Housing and Community Development Act was the first federal legislation to specifically bar undocumented immigrants from public housing programs. Welfare reform in 1996 further restricted public housing assistance to only legal permanent residents and those with asylum or refugee status.

Echoing the alien land laws of the late 1800s that prohibited foreign property ownership, policymakers in the 2000s in states such as Pennsylvania and Texas passed laws forcing landlords to check immigration status as a condition of rental – though this was struck down by the courts.

Today, immigrant tenants experience fewer housing rights than citizens. These inequalities fall particularly hard on unauthorized immigrants who experience high rates of housing cost burden, crowding and poor housing conditions.

The Trump administration aims to expand restrictions on immigrants in public housing even further. The Department of Housing and Urban Development is in the process of adopting rules that will evict entire families if even one member is ineligible for assistance based on immigration status. Current law allows those families to live in public housing, while prorating their benefits to account for an ineligible member.

From Smith to Vance, anti-immigrant housing policies have been cast as a way for citizens to get more housing. But they fail to prevent or solve the housing shortage driving the crisis.

For example, the Trump administration’s effort to evict mixed status families from public housing will affect roughly 25,000 households. Setting aside the fact that those families may then be made homeless, that number is only one-tenth the amount of housing that the U.S. has lost due to the defunding and demolishing of public housing since 1990.

A construction worker walks in the frame of a house. — Studies show that deportations can reduce the housing construction workforce, which lowers the number of units built and increases costs.
AP Photo/Laura Rauch

Indeed, many of the Trump administration’s immigration and economic policies are likely to exacerbate the housing crisis. The Trump administration has made deportation a priority and has significantly increased deportation rates compared to recent years, while instituting historically high tariffs on imports.

Deportations reduce the housing construction workforce, lowering the number of units built and increasing costs. And tariffs raise prices on building materials such as lumber, steel and aluminum. The National Association of Home Builders estimates that recent tariffs have raised building costs by US$10,900 per home.

In early 2025, the Department of Government Efficiency canceled or delayed a series of HUD grants for housing assistance programs. And the Trump administration has announced plans for more cuts to the nation’s already insufficient housing assistance budget.

Vance, like Smith before him, presents the issue like a pie, where citizens can get a larger slice only by deporting immigrants. But the reality is that the pie can be bigger: The government can fully fund the housing needs of all Americans for less than it has spent on its other priorities. The recently passed “big, beautiful bill,” for example, allocates more funding to border and interior enforcement per year than key rental assistance programs, public housing and Housing Choice Vouchers allocate for housing.

In Smith’s time, everyday Americans resisted this gambit, speaking out to protest his views. Today, as Smith’s anti-immigration housing ideas have ascended to the national stage, the housing justice community is speaking out against anti-immigrant housing policy and offering an alternative vision of how the U.S. can provide housing for all.

Rahim Kurwa does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The Trump administration’s anti-immigrant housing policy reflects a long history of xenophobia in public housing – https://theconversation.com/the-trump-administrations-anti-immigrant-housing-policy-reflects-a-long-history-of-xenophobia-in-public-housing-263860