René Cassin, un héritage moral très actuel

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Julien Broch, Maître de Conférences HDR en Histoire du droit et des institutions, Aix-Marseille Université (AMU)

La vie et l’œuvre de René Cassin se confondent en un engagement constant pour les droits humains.

Le juriste et diplomate René Cassin, dont on s’apprête à commémorer le cinquantième anniversaire de la disparition, a consacré sa vie à la défense de la dignité humaine et de la paix, alliant idéalisme et réalisme. Résistant et proche de de Gaulle, il a joué un rôle clé au sein de la France libre puis contribué à la création de l’ONU et à l’élaboration de la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme en 1948, ce qui lui vaudra le prix Nobel de la paix, vingt ans plus tard. Sa pensée et son action restent aujourd’hui une source d’inspiration pour relever les défis internationaux et renforcer la solidarité entre les peuples.


Le 20 février prochain, cela fera tout juste cinquante ans que disparaissait le juriste internationaliste René Cassin (1887-1976), prix Nobel de la paix 1968.

Alors que nous sommes confrontés à un monde devenu sans boussole autre que la force pour ce qui est de la conduite des relations internationales, il est rafraîchissant de revenir à la pensée et à l’action de cet universitaire passé par les universités d’Aix-Marseille, Lille et Paris, que François Mitterrand présenta comme un « professeur d’espoir » lors de son entrée au Panthéon le 5 octobre 1987.

Espoir, parce que, résilient, il a fait preuve d’optimisme de la volonté lors du déchaînement de l’hitlérisme. Ce grand blessé de la Première Guerre mondiale, qui a dû porter toute sa vie une ceinture abdominale, a cherché à se rendre utile en se faisant l’avocat à la fois idéaliste et réaliste de la dignité humaine et de la paix.

L’œuvre de celui qui a dirigé plusieurs des éminentes juridictions françaises et internationales (Conseil d’État, Conseil constitutionnel, Cour européenne des droits de l’homme…) rappelle assez qu’il est illusoire de croire en la force du droit. Elle n’est qu’une incantation. Le droit n’est fort que lorsqu’il est juste et qu’il se trouve des bonnes volontés pour le défendre.

La paix, grande affaire de tous

Que dit Cassin à nous autres du XXIe siècle ?

D’abord que quand la valeur « paix » cesse d’être la grammaire du monde, il est crucial de la rendre désirable aux peuples. C’est la raison pour laquelle, à la tête de mouvements d’anciens combattants, il s’est attaqué, d’abord officieusement, puis à partir de 1924 officiellement en tant que membre de la délégation française aux assemblées de la Société des Nations, à la « dernière tranchée », celle des droits sociaux, au sein du Bureau international du travail.

Son idée ? Mettre autour de la table les vétérans des ex-pays belligérants pour les faire travailler sur des problèmes concrets, tels que les emplois réservés pour les estropiés, l’accès aux prothèses et aux soins médicaux, la prise en charge des pupilles de la Nation, etc. C’est dire assez qu’il appartient présentement à la société civile de jeter les ponts au-dessus des océans et des autres frontières pour, en dépit du mauvais vouloir de certains grands de ce monde et de leurs idéologues, sauver ce qui peut l’être et bâtir de nouvelles coopérations.

Ensuite, face aux nouveaux « États-Léviathan », qui sont des concentrations de puissance n’ayant d’autre morale que la leur, et qui s’assoient sur le droit international dès lors qu’il s’agit de déchaîner leur force pour acquérir des ressources et des territoires, ou lorsqu’il leur plaît d’imposer sur un mode agressif leur politique commerciale aux pays tiers, il ne faut jamais renoncer à donner de la voix et à agir. Immédiatement après ce grand renoncement qu’ont été les accords de Munich, signés le 29 septembre 1938, Cassin, tout en reprenant son bâton de pèlerin du multilatéralisme et du droit international, en a appelé à la signature de partenariats stratégiques – y compris avec l’URSS – pour tenir en respect le Reich hitlérien. Et d’écrire, vu la tiédeur de certains partenaires de Paris :

« Le sort de la sécurité française est, en premier lieu, dans les mains des Français eux-mêmes. »

Une affirmation qui fait sens au moment où il est question du rétablissement partiel d’une forme de service militaire dans notre pays.

René Cassin interviewé après l’attribution du prix Nobel en 1968, Archive INA.

Qui plus est, l’expérience de la Société des Nations créée par le traité de Versailles en 1919 et des accords de Locarno, ratifiés le 1er décembre 1925, visant à assurer la sécurité collective en Europe, révèle à Cassin que les organismes et mécanismes internationaux, si audacieux soient-ils, restent lettre morte tant qu’ils n’obtiennent pas l’assentiment des opinions publiques nationales.

Face à des dirigeants ayant perdu le sens de la mesure, les peuples, prenant conscience du développement de la solidarité internationale dans les faits – parfois sous les radars de la politique et du droit –, doivent se prendre en main, mais aussi se tendre la main les uns aux autres. Il faut éduquer justement les peuples à la paix et aux droits de l’homme, leur inculquer ce qu’est la dignité humaine, et que les droits et libertés bénéficient à tous sans exception, donner à chacun le sens de ses responsabilités en tant que citoyen et en tant qu’homme ou femme. On comprend dès lors que René Cassin contribuera activement à la mise en place de l’Organisation des Nations unies pour l’éducation, la science et la culture (Unesco), institution onusienne spécialisée créée le 16 novembre 1945. Ce travail pédagogique est plus que jamais utile aujourd’hui. Il est de la responsabilité de tous, médias compris.

Les deux pôles du monde nouveau : la démocratie et les droits de l’homme

Par ailleurs, René Cassin, enfant des « trois frontières » (Pyrénées, Alpes, Rhin), n’a jamais opposé le patriotisme, qu’il avait chevillé au corps, à l’internationalisme (l’« esprit de Genève »).

La mondialisation des échanges commerciaux et des communications lui a fait augurer que dans le futur ce phénomène déboucherait sur une société mondiale fortement intégrée, dotée d’instances de gouvernement et d’une police commune chargées de punir les gouvernements agresseurs. Il a défendu de toutes ses forces la Société des Nations, ainsi que les traités internationaux sur le recours à l’arbitrage et la mise de la guerre hors-la-loi, en dépit de leurs imperfections. La communauté universelle aurait, selon l’universitaire juriste, un droit de regard sur l’application des droits de l’homme en tous points du globe. Mais il ne doutait pas que c’est au premier chef à chaque État qu’il appartient de garantir l’effectivité des droits fondamentaux. Il n’opposait pas, comme on a tendance parfois à le faire, l’État de droit aux droits du peuple, car il considérait que le premier est au service de la sécurité et du bien-être de tous.

Enfin, premier civil ayant rejoint de Gaulle à Londres en 1940, il a été le juriste du général, travaillant avec les armes du droit, la plume et le micro de Radio Londres à ce que la France libre soit reconnue par les Alliés. Le risque était que, compromis du fait du collaborationnisme, le régime de Vichy soit discrédité au point de signer l’effacement de la France et de ses intérêts de la scène internationale. Il s’agissait donc de garantir la restitution intégrale de son indépendance dans l’avenir.

Les accords Churchill-de Gaulle du 7 août 1940, négociés par Cassin, ont fait de la France libre la seule organisation qualifiée pour représenter la France restée au combat. Restait à convaincre les autres interlocuteurs internationaux, et notamment le président américain F. D. Roosevelt. Le professeur s’est employé pour cela à délégitimer le pouvoir maréchaliste au motif que celui-ci s’était asservi aux nazis et avait trahi les valeurs (la liberté, l’égalité, la fraternité, la justice, la démocratie et la République) et la mission historique (protéger les peuples opprimés) de la France.

Le Comité national français, à Londres, observant une minute de silence en l’honneur des otages exécutés à Nantes et à Bordeaux. De gauche à droite : André Diethelm, Émile Muselier, Charles de Gaulle, René Cassin, René Pleven et Philippe Auboyneau.
Wikimedia

L’embryon de gouvernement qui a trouvé refuge à Londres, à Brazzaville, puis à Alger a fonctionné dans le respect de ces principes éminents, d’où, par exemple, l’Ordonnance du 9 août 1944, portant rétablissement de la légalité républicaine, dont Cassin a été l’un des principaux artisans.

Chargé du portefeuille de la justice et de l’éducation au sein du cabinet gaulliste durant la guerre, il a convié des savants à réfléchir sur la régénération morale du monde une fois que celui-ci aura été libéré, et notamment sur les droits de l’homme, érigés en but de guerre par les Alliés dans la Déclaration des Nations unies du 1ᵉʳ janvier 1942.

La victoire sur les puissances de l’Axe obtenue, ce sera justement le rôle de l’Organisation des Nations unies d’articuler la paix avec les droits de l’homme ainsi que les progrès politiques et sociaux, toutes choses qui n’ont rien d’un luxe ou d’un élément accessoire. Aux côtés d’Eleanor Roosevelt et d’autres, René Cassin a pris une part très active à l’élaboration de la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme, adoptée solennellement à Paris, au Palais de Chaillot, le 10 décembre 1948.

Est ainsi vérifiée la locution qui dit qu’un travail acharné vient à bout de tout. C’est sans doute encore vrai aujourd’hui, quoique les informations qui nous parviennent quotidiennement soient décourageantes. Rendons alors grâce à René Cassin de nous inspirer par toute une vie consacrée aux valeurs de dignité et de solidarité humaines.

The Conversation

Julien Broch ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. René Cassin, un héritage moral très actuel – https://theconversation.com/rene-cassin-un-heritage-moral-tres-actuel-274896

En Mésopotamie, le rôle très important des personnes trans

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Chaya Kasif, PhD Candidate; Assyriologist, Macquarie University

Ce bas-relief du VIIIᵉ siècle avant notre ère présente, à côté du roi d’Assyrie Sargon II, un « ša rēši » imberbe. Un des témoignages du rôle majeur joué par les hauts courtisans royaux durant l’Antiquité. Daderot/Wikimedia Commons/Oriental Institute Museum, University of Chicago. OIM A7366

Loin d’être marginalisées, certaines personnes de genre atypique jouaient un rôle central dans le culte, la politique et l’armée en Mésopotamie, montrant une forme ancienne de reconnaissance sociale.


Aujourd’hui, les personnes trans font face à une politisation de leur vie et à la diabolisation par des politiciens, certains médias et une partie de la société. Mais dans quelques-unes des premières civilisations de l’histoire, ces personnes étaient reconnues et comprises de manière totalement différente.

Dès 4 500 ans avant notre ère, en Mésopotamie dans le Proche-Orient ancien par exemple, des rôles sociaux importants, avec des titres professionnels majeurs, étaient dévolus aux personnes de genre atypique. Notamment les serviteurs cultuels de la grande divinité Ištar, appelés assinnu, et les hauts courtisans royaux appelés ša rēši. Des preuves antiques montrent que ces personnes occupaient des positions de pouvoir en raison de leur ambiguïté de genre, et non malgré elle.

La Mésopotamie

La Mésopotamie est une région qui correspond aujourd’hui principalement à l’Irak et à des régions de la Syrie, de la Turquie et de l’Iran. Faisant partie du Croissant fertile, le mot « Mésopotamie » vient du grec et signifie littéralement « terre entre deux fleuves », l’Euphrate et le Tigre.

Pendant des milliers d’années, plusieurs grands groupes culturels y ont vécu. Parmi eux, les Sumériens, puis plus tard les groupes sémitiques appelés Akkadiens, Assyriens et Babyloniens.

Les Sumériens ont inventé l’écriture en traçant des coins sur des tablettes d’argile. L’écriture, appelée cunéiforme, a été créée pour transcrire la langue sumérienne, mais les civilisations suivantes l’ont utilisée pour écrire leurs propres dialectes de l’akkadien, la plus ancienne langue sémitique.

Qui étaient les assinnu ?

Les assinnu étaient les serviteurs religieux de la grande déesse mésopotamienne de l’amour et de la guerre, Ištar.

Reine des cieux, Ištar a précédé Aphrodite et Vénus.

Cette tablette en argile néo-assyrienne (VIIᵉ siècle avant notre ère) contient 48 lignes en cunéiforme ; la ligne 31 contient un présage concernant les assinnu.
British Museum/Numéro d’inventaire 1197477001, CC BY-NC-SA

Connue des Sumériens sous le nom d’Inanna, cette déesse guerrière détenait le pouvoir politique ultime et conférait leur légitimité aux rois. Elle veillait également sur l’amour, la sexualité et la fertilité. Dans le mythe de son voyage aux Enfers, sa mort entraîne la fin de toute reproduction sur Terre. Pour les Mésopotamiens, Ištar était l’une des plus grandes divinités du panthéon. L’entretien de son culte officiel garantissait la survie de l’humanité.

Ses serviteurs, les assinnu, avaient la responsabilité de la satisfaire et de s’occuper d’elle par le biais de rituels religieux et de l’entretien de son temple. Le titre même d’assinnu est un mot akkadien lié à des termes signifiant « féminin », « homme-femme » ainsi que « héros » et « prêtresse ».

Le vase de Warka (3500–2900 avant notre ère) représente une procession pour Inanna, qui se tient à l’entrée de son temple.
Osama Shukir Muhammed Amin/Musée national d’Irak, Bagdad. IM19606/Wikimedia, CC BY-SA

Leur fluidité de genre leur venait directement d’Ištar. Dans un hymne sumérien, la déesse est décrite comme ayant le pouvoir de :

transformer un homme en femme et une femme en homme,
changer l’un en l’autre,
habiller les femmes avec des vêtements d’hommes,
habiller les hommes avec des vêtements de femmes,
mettre des fuseaux dans les mains des hommes,
et donner des armes aux femmes.

Les assinnu ont d’abord été considérés par une partie des historiens comme un type de travailleur·se religieux·se sexuel·le. Une conception qui repose sur des hypothèses anciennes concernant les groupes transgenres et qui n’est pas fortement étayé par les preuves.

Le titre est aussi souvent traduit par « eunuque », bien qu’il n’existe aucune preuve claire qu’il se soit agi d’hommes castrés. Si le titre est principalement masculin, il existe des preuves d’assinnu féminines. En réalité, divers textes montrent une résistance à la binarité de genre.

Leur importance religieuse leur attribuait des pouvoirs magiques et de guérison. Une incantation dit :

Que ton assinnu se tienne à mes côtés et retire ma maladie. Qu’il fasse sortir par la fenêtre la maladie qui m’a saisi.

Un présage néo-assyrien indique également que des relations sexuelles avec un assinnu pouvaient procurer des avantages personnels :

Si un homme s’approche d’un « assinnu » pour avoir des relations sexuelles, les interdits à son égard seront assouplis.

En tant que dévots d’Ištar, ils exerçaient également une forte influence politique. Un almanach néo-babylonien indique :

le [roi] doit toucher la tête d’un « assinnu », il vaincra son ennemi
et son pays obéira à ses ordres.

Ayant vu leur genre transformé par Ištar elle-même, les assinnu pouvaient marcher entre le divin et le mortel tout en veillant au bien-être des dieux et de l’humanité.

Qui étaient les « ša rēši » ?

Généralement décrits comme des eunuques, les ša rēši étaient des serviteurs du roi. Les « eunuques » de cour ont été recensés dans de nombreuses cultures au fil de l’histoire. Cependant, le terme n’existait pas en Mésopotamie, et les ša rēši avaient leur propre titre distinct.

Le terme akkadien ša rēši signifie littéralement « un de la tête » et désigne les courtisans les plus proches du roi. Leurs fonctions au palais étaient variées, et ils pouvaient occuper plusieurs postes de haut rang simultanément.

Cette scène de chasse au lion royal de Ninive (dans l’Irak actuel) montre des courtisans imberbes dans un char royal.
British Museum/Numéro d’inventaire 431054001, CC BY-NC-SA

Les preuves de leur ambiguïté de genre sont à la fois textuelles et visuelles. Plusieurs textes les décrivent comme infertiles, comme une incantation qui dit :

Comme un « ša rēši » qui n’engendre pas, que ton sperme se dessèche !

Les ša rēši sont toujours représentés imberbes, en contraste avec un autre type de courtisan appelé ša ziqnī (« celui qui a une barbe »), qui avait des descendants. Dans les cultures mésopotamiennes, la barbe symbolisait la virilité ; un homme imberbe allait donc directement à l’encontre de la norme. Pourtant, des bas-reliefs montrent que les ša rēši portaient les mêmes vêtements que les autres hommes royaux, leur permettant ainsi d’afficher leur autorité aux côtés des autres élites masculines.

Une stèle d’un ša rēši nommé Bēl Harran bēlī ușur, provenant de Tell Abta, à l’ouest de Mossoul, en Irak.
Osama Shukir Muhammed Amin/Wikimedia/Musée de l’Ancien Orient, CC BY-SA

L’une de leurs fonctions principales était de superviser les quartiers des femmes dans le palais – un lieu à accès très restreint – où le seul homme autorisé à entrer était le roi lui-même.

Étant si étroitement liés au roi, ils pouvaient non seulement occuper des fonctions martiales comme gardes et conducteurs de char, mais aussi commander leurs propres armées. Après leurs victoires, les ša rēši se voyaient attribuer des biens et la gouvernance de territoires nouvellement conquis, comme en témoigne l’inscription royale en pierre que l’un d’eux s’est fait ériger.

Grâce à leur fluidité de genre, les ša rēši pouvaient transcender non seulement les limites de l’espace genré, mais aussi celles séparant le souverain de ses sujets.

La fluidité de genre comme outil de pouvoir

Alors que les premiers historiens considéraient ces figures comme des « eunuques » ou des « travailleur·ses religieux·ses sexuel·les », les preuves montrent que c’est parce qu’ils vivaient en dehors de la binarité de genre que ces groupes pouvaient occuper des rôles puissants dans la société mésopotamienne.

Reconnaître aujourd’hui l’importance des personnes trans et de genre divers dans nos communautés, est, en quelque sorte, une continuité du respect accordé à ces figures anciennes.

The Conversation

Chaya Kasif ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. En Mésopotamie, le rôle très important des personnes trans – https://theconversation.com/en-mesopotamie-le-role-tres-important-des-personnes-trans-273368

Anas Sarwar: why did the leader of Scottish Labour call for Keir Starmer’s resignation – and has the move backfired?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Parker, Lecturer in Politics, University of Glasgow

Scottish politics has a dual nature. It is significantly distinct from politics in the rest of the United Kingdom, with its own dynamics, parties and leaders. But it can still be affected by events down south. And for the Scottish sections of the UK parties – the Conservatives, Liberal Democrats, Labour and Reform UK – negative perceptions of their UK leaderships can have consequences for their Scottish wings.




Read more:
How much longer can Keir Starmer survive?


This is the situation Anas Sarwar, leader of the Scottish Labour party, finds himself in. In recent weeks the UK government has been engulfed in a scandal surrounding former Labour peer, MP, minister and (most recently) ambassador Peter Mandelson and his ties to Jeffrey Epstein.

This has led to his resignation from the House of Lords and the Labour party, the launch of a police investigation and an intense backlash that has put Prime Minister Keir Starmer under pressure. Sarwar has entered the foray in dramatic fashion, summoning the media to a press conference in Glasgow where he called on Starmer to resign.

Why did Sarwar publicly turn on Starmer?

Sarwar’s primary motivation is that his party is struggling badly ahead of May’s crucial Scottish parliamentary elections. The most recent polling shows the governing Scottish National Party (SNP) in a reduced first place, and Labour fighting the radical right Reform UK party for second.

While historically Scotland’s dominant party, Labour lost power to the SNP in 2007 and was then reduced to third place in 2016. But it made a striking comeback in 2024 when Sarwar’s party won the UK general election in Scotland, capitalising on voters’ perception of declining public services under the SNP.

However, following the installation of a Labour government at the UK level, the party’s ratings rapidly declined. Sarwar is concerned that the fallout from the Mandleson scandal will lead to even further losses of support in the polls.

While Starmer’s cabinet has rushed to defend him, Sarwar is, so far, the most high-profile Labour figure to call for Starmer’s resignation. What is especially interesting is that Sarwar has specifically framed his call in Scottish terms, speaking of his loyalty to Scotland and alleging that Starmer’s actions have been detrimental to his party’s prospects in May. He stated that Starmer must go if Scotland is going to avoid another decade of SNP rule.

Was he right to do it?

Sarwar is right that UK Labour’s unpopularity since it took office has damaged the standing of its devolved wings. He also presumably feels very angry his chances of taking power have been ended by this. But the choice to blame Scottish Labour’s failings on Starmer obscures Sarwar’s own responsibility for Labour’s poor standing.

While Starmer is undoubtedly highly unpopular in Scotland, Sarwar has spent the time since the general election steadfastly failing to differentiate himself from the prime minister – despite suggestions during in the 2024 campaign Scottish Labour MPs would serve as an autonomous group at Westminster and pursue an independent line.

This failure is important as it means Sarwar’s Scottish party has been severely discredited by UK Labour’s failings and can no longer serve as the receptacle of anti-SNP protest voting as it did in the general election. Continuing criticism of the SNP’s record now rings much hollower when voters can look at a very similar party in Westminster they don’t perceive as doing any better or even as worse.

What’s behind this row?

Ultimately, this is linked to broader underlying issues in Scottish Labour around the party’s continuing inability to come to terms with its loss of status as the country’s dominant political force and adapt to the politics of the devolution era. The party has consistently failed to take into account how Holyrood-centric Scottish politics has become or the need for policy and messaging differentiation between Scotland and the UK. This is something that Welsh Labour realised in the 2000s.

Sarwar calls for the PM to resign.

The return of a new majority of Labour MPs in Scotland should have been viewed as the next step towards the campaign to win the 2026 elections in Scotland. Instead it seems to have renewed the party’s Westminster-centrism.

Scottish MPs in Westminster have toed the party line, including on policies which are highly unpopular north of the border. This has been exacerbated by frequent campaign misfires, such as the printing and distribution of leaflets with fake quotes endorsing Sarwar and a bizarre series of adverts centred on Sarwar’s life.

Such a personality-centred campaign makes little sense when the party is no longer running neck and neck with the SNP but struggling for second place. Arguably, setting out a strong vision of what Scottish Labour wants Scotland to look like – other than merely a place without the SNP in charge – would leave the party in a much stronger place.

Sarwar’s move will likely not harm his party’s prospects in May, but the move to a more assertive Scottish leadership is very late in the game and much more will be needed for a true turnaround in Scottish Labour’s fortunes.

The Conversation

Jonathan Parker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Anas Sarwar: why did the leader of Scottish Labour call for Keir Starmer’s resignation – and has the move backfired? – https://theconversation.com/anas-sarwar-why-did-the-leader-of-scottish-labour-call-for-keir-starmers-resignation-and-has-the-move-backfired-275504

Held captive in their own country during World War II, Japanese Americans used nature to cope with their unjustified imprisonment

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Susan H. Kamei, Adjunct Professor of History and Affiliated Faculty, USC Shinso Ito Center for Japanese Religions and Cultures, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

Japanese Americans incarcerated at Heart Mountain concentration camp in Wyoming took art classes at the craft shop, using what they could find. Tom Parker, War Relocation Authority, Department of the Interior, via National Archives and Records Administration

With a stroke of a presidential pen, the lives of Izumi Taniguchi, Minoru Tajii, Homei Iseyama and Peggy Yorita irreparably changed on Feb. 19, 1942. On that day, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066, which set in motion their wartime incarceration along with other people of Japanese ancestry who were forcibly removed from their homes in parts of California, Oregon, Washington and Arizona.

To cope with their fear, anger and loss in the turbulent times, they would have to dig deep into their emotional reservoirs of resolve and ingenuity.

Without bringing charges against them or providing any evidence of disloyalty, the U.S. government detained legal Japanese immigrants and their American-born descendants in desolate inland locations during and after World War II, simply because of their ethnicity. Nearly 127,000 people of Japanese ancestry were incarcerated between 1942 and 1947, according to Duncan Ryȗken Williams, director of The Irei Project, which is compiling a comprehensive list of those detained. My grandparents, parents and their families were among them.

As I describe in my book “When Can We Go Back to America? Voices of Japanese American Incarceration during World War II,” they boarded livestock trucks and World War I-era trains guarded by armed U.S. soldiers for destinations that were not disclosed to them. They could only take what they could carry and what they had within themselves.

When the Japanese Americans arrived at temporary detention facilities, euphemistically called “assembly centers,” hastily constructed on fairgrounds, racetracks and other government property, they were shocked to be body-searched, fingerprinted and interrogated. Thousands discovered their living quarters were animal pens or horse stalls. The ones considered lucky were assigned to poorly built barracks. The barracks had only cots, bare light bulbs hanging from the ceilings, and pot belly stoves in the corners; the interiors lacked any partitions.

People stand and sit near beds in an open space with clothes hanging from hooks on the wooden wall.
Japanese Americans incarcerated at assembly centers were quartered in rough barracks.
Clem Albers, War Relocation Authority, Department of the Interior via National Archives and Records Administration

Immediately they scavenged wood from vegetable crates and construction debris they found nearby to create privacy within the barracks units and to make furniture and other household furnishings. Displaced from their livelihoods, education and social structure, with nothing to do, they also quickly organized a wide range of activities, including sports, as well as arts and crafts of all kinds. Their resourcefulness born out of necessity converged with the Japanese aesthetic to make functional items beautiful as they sought to make their temporary quarters more livable.

When the prisoners were transferred to long-term detention facilities run by the War Relocation Authority later in 1942, they brought with them what Delphine Hirasuna, an author and descendant of people who had been incarcerated during the war, calls the “art of gaman.” “Gaman” is a Japanese word meaning the dignity and grace to bear the seemingly unbearable. With this philosophy, they created objects of both utility and beauty.

Delphine Hirasuna speaks in 2014 about how Japanese Americans endured their incarceration with grace and even creativity.

Finding beauty in branches, rocks and shells

At the Gila River and Poston camps located on tribal land in the Mojave Desert, incarcerees found that desert wood could be carved, filed and polished to make partitions, household objects and works of art.

Armed soldiers guarded the barbed-wire perimeters from lookout towers, but as the war wore on, the incarcerees were allowed to venture beyond the camp fences. Izumi Taniguchi, then 16 years old from Contra Costa County, California, recalled getting permission to walk outside the Gila River camp boundaries to while away the time.

He remembered, that some people used the ironwood for sculpting. Minoru Tajii, then 18 years old from El Centro, California, held at the Poston camp, described ironwood as “an oil-rich wood, so when you polish it up it comes out very nice, so we go out and find that and bring it back.”

The Poston “sculptoring department” advertised in the camp newsletter “Poston Chronicle” on Jan. 20, 1943, that “anyone with ironwood wishing to learn how to make figures and notions may bring their materials to the department, 44-13-D, and work under the guidance of sculptoring teachers.”

A stone teapot and cup.
A teapot and cup made out of slate by Homei Iseyama, decorated with depictions of pomegranates and leaves evoking his connection with nature as a landscape gardener and bonsai master.
Gift of the artist’s family via Smithsonian American Art Museum

Homei Iseyama, from Oakland, California, became known for the exquisite teapots, teacups, candy dishes and calligraphy inkwells he carved out of slate stones he found around the Topaz, Utah, camp. Born in 1890, he attended Waseda University in Tokyo before immigrating to the United States in 1914 with dreams of attending art school.

At the Tule Lake camp, located on an ancient lake bed, the incarcerees discovered thick veins of shells that provided material for making art and jewelry. Fusako “Peggy” Nishimura Yorita got very involved in making shell jewelry. As digging for shells became a popular and competitive pastime for the Tule Lake incarcerees, Yorita enlisted her two teenagers and friends to help dig waist-deep holes at sunrise and sift the sand with homemade wire sieves.

A pin with flowers, leaves and a bow.
Peggy Nishimura Yorita composed the flowers and leaves in this corsage pin from shells she found at the Tule Lake concentration camp.
Courtesy of the Bain Family Collection via Densho Digital Repository

A 33-year-old single mother, Yorita sold her shell jewelry to make a little money. She also enjoyed the creative endeavor. She recalled: “I was just making new things all the time. And to me, it … was … a wonderful outlet.”

As the incarcerees were allowed to leave the camps, they were given $25 and a one-way bus or train ticket to wherever they were going to rebuild their lives. Many took with them their handcrafted objects, reminders of how they overcame the physical and mental harshness of their detention years.

A small wooden chest of drawers.
The author’s grandfather, Ayatoshi Kurose, made this small tansu chest out of crate wood for her teenage mother in the Heart Mountain, Wyo., camp.
Courtesy Susan H. Kamei, CC BY-NC-ND

When my mother entrusted to me the fragile small tansu chest that her father made for her in camp out of crate wood, she told me that her father had felt sorry for her that she didn’t have anyplace to store her belongings. To improve the appearance of the wood, my grandfather placed a hotplate on the pieces to deepen the grain. My mother appreciated the care he took to carve traditional Japanese scenes onto the panels with a pen knife. She said the chest represented to her the depth of her father’s love.

Eight decades after Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066, researchers are delving into the traumatic intergenerational impact that the incarceration has had on the camp survivors and their descendants. Memorials such as The Irei Project seek to restore dignity to those who suffered unconstitutional injustices. On Feb. 19, known annually as the Day of Remembrance, Americans can honor them by appreciating their “art of gaman,” testaments to their resilient spirit as they found and created beauty in their wartime environments.

The Conversation

The Mellon Foundation has provided funding to the USC Shinso Ito Center for Japanese Religions and Culture, which is one of Susan Kamei’s academic affiliations. Duncan Ryuken Williams is the director of the USC Shinso Ito Center for Japanese Religions and Culture. She is a researcher for The Irei Project and is a member and volunteer of the Japanese American National Museum.

ref. Held captive in their own country during World War II, Japanese Americans used nature to cope with their unjustified imprisonment – https://theconversation.com/held-captive-in-their-own-country-during-world-war-ii-japanese-americans-used-nature-to-cope-with-their-unjustified-imprisonment-272989

How much longer can Keir Starmer survive?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Martin Farr, Senior Lecturer in Contemporary British History, Newcastle University

When they disintegrate, governments often do so slowly, then quickly. Despite dragooned public statements of support from the cabinet, the government of Keir Starmer gives every appearance of entering that second phase.

In the wake of the scandal surrounding former Washington ambassador Peter Mandelson and his ties to deceased sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, Starmer lost his chief of staff Morgan McSweeney, who had championed Mandelson for the role. Then the PM lost his press secretary, Tim Allan.

Then, in a live press conference, he lost the leader of the Scottish Labour party, Anas Sarwar. Eighteen months ago, Starmer could not have been closer to Sarwar. Now he has cut his national leader adrift and called for Starmer to resign.

Sarwar is not in Westminster. Sarwar has to fight an election in Scotland in May, and Starmer and the Westminster Labour government has been a liability for Scottish Labour for over a year. Sarwar had to act to have any chance of mounting a challenge against the governing Scottish National Party in those elections.

Sarwar’s actions may be be the most impactful, owing to the political momentum he has now so dramatically accelerated. But McSweeney’s resignation is the more significant development. The last line of defence for a prime minister is their chief of staff, and Sweeney was much more than that.

Party leaders and prime ministers have come not to be able to live without them, but so often are forced to. The chief of staff is part human, part metaphor: a conduit, a pressure valve, a lightning rod.

When forced out, their principal rarely lasts long, albeit as much for the related erosion of their authority as prime minister as in what that chief of staff may personally have provided. But McSweeney, a brilliant electoral tactician and party organiser with no experience of government, was also in the wrong job. And Starmer put him there.

The Mandelson scandal

Much of what is taking place is what takes place when governments are old, or infirm, but much is also new, or at least new in effect. To write a rudimentary historical political equation: Marconi plus Profumo equals Mandelson.

The 1912 Marconi scandal revolved around shady share dealing on the part of those around the chancellor of the exchequer, David Lloyd George. The 1963 Profumo affair involved the minister for war sharing his bed with a woman who also shared hers with the Russian naval attache – and in the year of the Cuban missile crisis.




Read more:
The fall of Peter Mandelson and the many questions the UK government must now answer


Marconi remains the most serious financial scandal in modern British politics, though Lloyd George survived. John Profumo resigned, but for lying to MPs. No secrets were divulged, but the political establishment was discredited, and the lives of young women were ruined. The Mandelson scandal combines both, and to greater effect. And is still ongoing.

The effect of Epstein continues to corrode. Endless news channel recycling of footage of Starmer and Mandelson roaring with tactile laughter as they approach the cameras at the UK embassy in Washington DC only a year ago has become a visual backdrop to the crisis. The king is now routinely heckled in public over Epstein.

The end of the line?

The history of chiefs of staff is a short one. The first chief, indicative of the move to an increasingly presidential premiership, was Jonathan Powell, who served without personal controversy throughout Tony Blair’s decade as prime minister. Fiona Hill and Nick Timothy provided the political smarts for (another politically dysfunctional) prime minister, Theresa May. They accepted responsibility for the disastrous 2017 general election, but only delayed May’s defenestration.

Harold Wilson had his “kitchen cabinet”, including Marcia Williams, Joe Haines and Gerald Kaufman, who damaged the prime minister by osmosis. Margaret Thatcher was too strong a leader to need one, though she had advisers she relied on.

This is potentially much more damaging for Starmer than for any of his predecessors. It is, almost as much if not more so, McSweeney’s government as it is Starmer’s, and Starmer himself is as much McSweeney’s creation as much as he is his own man. It may have been significant that in his resignation statement McSweeney wrote: “I have always believed there are moments when you must accept your responsibility and step aside for the bigger cause.”

The McSweeney project, born in opposition, was to reclaim the Labour party from the Corbynite left, and present it as a competent and moderate alternative to a chaotic and dysfunctional period of Conservative government. Starmer, effectively, was recruited for this job by McSweeney for that purpose. To that extent the 2024 general election revealed the project to have been completely successful. Hundreds of Labour MPs owed their election to McSweeney. But then, what next?

Starmer, as with Tony Blair and David Cameron, became prime minister without any experience of government. Unlike Blair or Cameron, however, he also had no serious experience of politics: hence his need for, and appointment of, McSweeney.

For Starmer, the prime minister is the monarch’s first minister, first lord of the treasury, head of government, minister for civil service; the country’s representative internationally. He has never fully appreciated that the prime minister is also a politician. If they are not, they will soon be found out.

Political skills are not sufficient, but they are necessary. Ted Heath did not have them either, but he at least knew about governing. Starmer was found out some time ago and now a concatenation of circumstance – Mandelson, Allan, Sarwar, the looming byelection in Gorton and Denton (a formally safe seat that Labour looks set to lose), the May elections in Scotland and Wales and in English councils – has provided the moment.

McSweeney’s departure has probably clarified Starmer’s fate – he has never been weaker. But there is still no obvious alternative. This may provide Starmer with the time during which he hopes personnel changes may help provide a reset.

If this is the end for Starmer, a serious and damaging pattern in British politics and public life will have been reinforced. Since David Cameron stepped down in 2016, no prime minister has lasted more than about three years. The impatience and intolerance of voters with the political classes has increased, and will only increase further.

Starmer’s was always a dual leadership, and then premiership, held with someone who effectively saved him the trouble of thinking. He is now on his own.

The Conversation

Martin Farr does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How much longer can Keir Starmer survive? – https://theconversation.com/how-much-longer-can-keir-starmer-survive-275488

Anas Sarwar: why did the leader of Scottish Labour call for Kier Starmer’s resignation – and has the move backfired?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Parker, Lecturer in Politics, University of Glasgow

Scottish politics has a dual nature. It is significantly distinct from politics in the rest of the United Kingdom, with its own dynamics, parties and leaders. But it can still be affected by events down south. And for the Scottish sections of the UK parties – the Conservatives, Liberal Democrats, Labour and Reform UK – negative perceptions of their UK leaderships can have consequences for their Scottish wings.




Read more:
Keir Starmer on the ropes as Scottish party leader calls for his resignation


This is the situation Anas Sarwar, leader of the Scottish Labour party, finds himself in. In recent weeks the UK government has been engulfed in a scandal surrounding former Labour peer, MP, minister and (most recently) ambassador Peter Mandelson and his ties to Jeffrey Epstein.

This has led to his resignation from the House of Lords and the Labour party, the launch of a police investigation and an intense backlash that has put Prime Minister Keir Starmer under pressure. Sarwar has entered the foray in dramatic fashion, summoning the media to a press conference in Glasgow where he called on Starmer to resign.

Why did Sarwar publicly turn on Starmer?

Sarwar’s primary motivation is that his party is struggling badly ahead of May’s crucial Scottish parliamentary elections. The most recent polling shows the governing Scottish National Party (SNP) in a reduced first place, and Labour fighting the radical right Reform UK party for second.

While historically Scotland’s dominant party, Labour lost power to the SNP in 2007 and was then reduced to third place in 2016. But it made a striking comeback in 2024 when Sarwar’s party won the UK general election in Scotland, capitalising on voters’ perception of declining public services under the SNP.

However, following the installation of a Labour government at the UK level, the party’s ratings rapidly declined. Sarwar is concerned that the fallout from the Mandleson scandal will lead to even further losses of support in the polls.

While Starmer’s cabinet has rushed to defend him, Sarwar is, so far, the most high-profile Labour figure to call for Starmer’s resignation. What is especially interesting is that Sarwar has specifically framed his call in Scottish terms, speaking of his loyalty to Scotland and alleging that Starmer’s actions have been detrimental to his party’s prospects in May. He stated that Starmer must go if Scotland is going to avoid another decade of SNP rule.

Was he right to do it?

Sarwar is right that UK Labour’s unpopularity since it took office has damaged the standing of its devolved wings. He also presumably feels very angry his chances of taking power have been ended by this. But the choice to blame Scottish Labour’s failings on Starmer obscures Sarwar’s own responsibility for Labour’s poor standing.

While Starmer is undoubtedly highly unpopular in Scotland, Sarwar has spent the time since the general election steadfastly failing to differentiate himself from the prime minister – despite suggestions during in the 2024 campaign Scottish Labour MPs would serve as an autonomous group at Westminster and pursue an independent line.

This failure is important as it means Sarwar’s Scottish party has been severely discredited by UK Labour’s failings and can no longer serve as the receptacle of anti-SNP protest voting as it did in the general election. Continuing criticism of the SNP’s record now rings much hollower when voters can look at a very similar party in Westminster they don’t perceive as doing any better or even as worse.

What’s behind this row?

Ultimately, this is linked to broader underlying issues in Scottish Labour around the party’s continuing inability to come to terms with its loss of status as the country’s dominant political force and adapt to the politics of the devolution era. The party has consistently failed to take into account how Holyrood-centric Scottish politics has become or the need for policy and messaging differentiation between Scotland and the UK. This is something that Welsh Labour realised in the 2000s.

Sarwar calls for the PM to resign.

The return of a new majority of Labour MPs in Scotland should have been viewed as the next step towards the campaign to win the 2026 elections in Scotland. Instead it seems to have renewed the party’s Westminster-centrism.

Scottish MPs in Westminster have toed the party line, including on policies which are highly unpopular north of the border. This has been exacerbated by frequent campaign misfires, such as the printing and distribution of leaflets with fake quotes endorsing Sarwar and a bizarre series of adverts centred on Sarwar’s life.

Such a personality-centred campaign makes little sense when the party is no longer running neck and neck with the SNP but struggling for second place. Arguably, setting out a strong vision of what Scottish Labour wants Scotland to look like – other than merely a place without the SNP in charge – would leave the party in a much stronger place.

Sarwar’s move will likely not harm his party’s prospects in May, but the move to a more assertive Scottish leadership is very late in the game and much more will be needed for a true turnaround in Scottish Labour’s fortunes.

The Conversation

Jonathan Parker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Anas Sarwar: why did the leader of Scottish Labour call for Kier Starmer’s resignation – and has the move backfired? – https://theconversation.com/anas-sarwar-why-did-the-leader-of-scottish-labour-call-for-kier-starmers-resignation-and-has-the-move-backfired-275504

The most prevalent disability in classrooms may be FASD — and supporting students is vital

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Tanya Joseph, PhD Student, Faculty of Education, Queen’s University, Ontario

As I walk into the classroom as a newly graduated teacher, I see children — each with unique abilities, interests and an eagerness to learn. This Ontario classroom was designed to be inclusive — a space where all students, regardless of their needs, can thrive.

Yet, as an educator, I find myself asking: Am I truly prepared to support every child? Have I received the training I need to guide each student on their learning journey including students with disabilities such as Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder (FASD)?

Many teachers entering the classroom after graduating from teacher education programs in Ontario will ask similar questions.

In the past, schooling for students with disabilities was accomplished through segregated education. However, in the last 20 years, Ontario has reformed its educational structure to include all students within the general education classroom.

In accordance with Ontario education policies, classroom teaching must be designed for all students and inclusive approaches must be used to mitigate discrimination and exclusion. One way educators seek to meet the needs of many diverse learners is through implementing frameworks like Universal Design for Learning or “differentiated instruction” in their classrooms.

Yet despite expanded teaching approaches and policy changes, a dual system still exists that involves children with disabilities such as FASD being excluded from the rest of the class.

Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder

FASD is a condition that occurs due to maternal alcohol consumption during pregnancy. As a consequence, children are born with brain damage and delays in neurodevelopment.

FASD may be the most prevalent disability in Canadian classrooms. FASD affects between 1.4 per cent and 4.4 per cent of the population in Canada — a prevalence greater than Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD), Down Syndrome and Cerebral Palsy combined.

FASD Expert Collaboration Team with the Canada FASD Research Network: Adults with lived experience of FASD speak about their lives and advocacy around FASD.

FASD affects each individual in varied ways, and each person has unique strengths and faces varied challenges. Children with FASD exhibit a range of symptoms and varying degrees of impairment, including difficulties with motor skills, sensory processing, communication, academic achievement, memory, executive functioning, abstract reasoning, hyperactivity and adaptive behaviour.

As children with FASD experience academic difficulties and behavioural challenges, they require multifaceted supports, including instruction tailored to their unique learning profiles, individualized academic interventions and modified curricula aligned with the child’s developmental and ability levels.

Teachers must be responsive to the needs of students with FASD and proactive in providing supports to promote students’ success.

Teacher knowledge of FASD

In teacher education programs, teacher candidates receive training through a combination of coursework and placements. Although courses offered to teacher candidates that reflect special education may be compulsory, explicit instruction on specific disabilities, such as FASD, may be limited.

Currently, there is a lack of research completed in Ontario reflecting how teachers are prepared to support students with FASD. To gain deeper insight into the nature of teacher candidates’ knowledge and understanding of FASD — and their preparedness to teach these students — I collected data using a questionnaire administered to final year teacher candidates graduating in 2024 in a teacher education program accredited by the Ontario College of Teachers (OCT).

In this questionnaire, I examined teacher candidates’ knowledge, confidence in that knowledge, self-efficacy and overall preparedness and readiness to support students with FASD as they enter the profession.




Read more:
The truth about fetal alcohol spectrum disorder


Preliminary findings revealed teacher candidates reported feeling inadequately trained to support students with FASD, and most reported that they had not discussed FASD in their teacher education programs.

Experiences with disabilities were variable and specific knowledge of the needs of students with FASD was limited. While teacher candidates possessed knowledge of strategies to support students with disabilities such as ASD and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, they were largely unaware of the challenges faced by children with FASD.

Further learning opportunities

Although teacher candidates were familiar with Universal Design for Learning and differentiated instruction, they need to be flexible, prepared to advocate for their students and able to adapt these frameworks to the individual needs of students with FASD.

These teachers may face the challenge of supporting a child with FASD in their first year of teaching.

The assumption that teachers are ready upon entering the classroom with the training they receive must be revised. Additional curricular and/or learning opportunities should be provided that are responsive to teachers’ particular contexts to further develop their knowledge and preparation, including around strategies to support a child with FASD.

Resource to support children with FASD

As teacher candidates continue to prepare to support students with FASD in the classroom, it is necessary to review the curriculum taught in teacher education programs to ensure that FASD is discussed with emphasis on the nature of the condition and best practices to support the child.

A valuable resource for both teacher candidates and current teachers in the classroom is the Canada FASD Research Network, which provides evidence-based information on FASD.

This resource includes past and current research completed in Canada, and provides tools and resources for parents/caregivers, educators and professionals who may support individuals with FASD.

An earlier version of this article was published in the Queen’s University Knowledge Forum.

The Conversation

Tanya Joseph does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The most prevalent disability in classrooms may be FASD — and supporting students is vital – https://theconversation.com/the-most-prevalent-disability-in-classrooms-may-be-fasd-and-supporting-students-is-vital-272553

February is hard on ‘night owls’ in northern climates, but there are ways to cope

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Erica Kilius, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of Northern British Columbia

In northern climates, February has a particular heaviness. Even though we’ve passed the longest night of year, the days often feel darker, longer and more draining than December ever did. For society’s “night owls,” whose internal clocks naturally run later, this stretch of winter can be especially challenging.

As a biological anthropologist who studies sleep (and a night owl living in the North), I see this unfold every winter, and science offers a clear explanation for it.

The major reason can be found in our circadian system, the body’s internal 24-hour clock, which relies on morning light to stay aligned with the Earth’s day. After months of dim, delayed sunrises, that system is running low on the cues it needs to keep us alert and energized.

To understand this winter misalignment, it helps to look at our evolutionary history. Early human ancestors evolved near the equator, where sunrise and sunset are consistent throughout the year. In this stable environment, daylight serves as a reliable zeitgeber (German for “time giver”), synchronizing our internal clock to the external world.

But at higher latitudes, the light-dark cycle swings dramatically across seasons. Winter brings long nights, weak sunlight and more time indoors, and our internal clocks slowly drift later without that consistent morning light. Many people feel this misalignment as fatigue, irritability, low mood, difficulty waking or even difficulty falling asleep despite exhaustion.

These symptoms can intensify as winter progresses. Seasonal Affective Disorder, a seasonal pattern of depression, is more prevalent in northern regions.

February’s perfect storm

Our chronotype, or our biological preference for mornings (people known as “larks”) or evenings (night owls), can shape how strongly we feel these effects. It’s influenced by genetics, age and environment, and research has found that chronotype shifts later with increasing latitude. In other words, the farther north you live, the more likely you are to be a night owl.

This makes intuitive sense: when sunrise creeps toward 8 a.m., the body’s clock shifts later in response . The problem is that our social schedules don’t shift with it. School and work start times remain rigidly fixed, regardless of daylight hours.

In fact, our society is built around early chronotypes — it’s a lark-centred world — and these larks are often praised as disciplined or productive. In contrast, late chronotypes are often blamed for staying up late or struggling to wake on time.

But from an evolutionary perspective, chronotype variation may have been adaptive. The sentinel hypothesis proposes that having different chronotypes in a group staggers sleep and wake times across the night, thus helping early humans maintain vigilance against night-time threats.

We all had our shift on the night watch — a built-in, rotating system of protection in our species. Yet in the modern world, the strengths of night owls (including increased openness and extraversion) are often overlooked.

What’s important to note is that late chronotypes aren’t choosing a different schedule. They are biologically tuned to a later rhythm. Forcing them into early mornings creates what researchers call social jet lag — the chronic mismatch between biological time and social time.

Social jet lag is strongly associated with increased caffeine use and alcohol use, higher rates of smoking and greater risk-taking behaviours. The chance of being overweight has been found to increase by 33 per cent for every hour of social jet lag.

February creates the perfect storm: while limited daylight affects everyone, late chronotypes face the added burden of social jet lag layered with this circadian misalignment. So what does this mean for health, and in particular, getting through the dark days of February?

Winter strategies for night owls

There are several practical, evidence-based strategies that can help align our circadian rhythms and reduce social jet lag during this last sprint of winter.

First, seek morning light, even if it’s weak. Morning light is the most powerful signal that synchronizes your circadian clock. If you can, get outside within the first hour of waking. If you can’t, use bright, indoor light strategically: bright light therapy in the first 30 minutes of waking can help shift the circadian clock earlier and improve mood.

In the afternoons and evenings, switch to using warm-toned bulbs instead. And avoid blue light from screens in the last hour before going to bed, as it’s a known suppressant of melatonin (the “darkness” hormone).

For late chronotypes, it’s important to keep a consistent schedule. While sleeping in on weekends can help recoup sleep loss, it also unfortunately increases social jet lag. Slowly shifting your bedtime on weekends earlier by around 10-15 minutes can more closely align free- and work-day rhythms.

It’s also critical to work with your biological rhythms, not against them. Try to structure your workday strategically: hold off on cognitively demanding tasks until late morning or early afternoon, when your circadian rhythm (and thus your alertness) is at its peak, and reserve early mornings for simpler tasks.

Lastly, emerging findings suggest that saunas may play a beneficial role in sleep health. Something to consider on cold, snowy days.

February may feel long, but it’s also the turning point; the slow return of light is already underway.

For those who naturally run on later schedules, remember that your chronotype is not a character flaw. Late chronotypes are more common for us northerners, shaped by our genetics and the environment around us. The goal shouldn’t be to force ourselves into someone else’s rhythm, but to find ways to live in better alignment with our own biology and the world we inhabit.

The Conversation

Erica Kilius does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. February is hard on ‘night owls’ in northern climates, but there are ways to cope – https://theconversation.com/february-is-hard-on-night-owls-in-northern-climates-but-there-are-ways-to-cope-275047

Which countries are best-placed to resist state-supported cyber-attacks? A government advisor explains

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gerald Mako, Research Affiliate, University of Cambridge

In April 2007, the Baltic nation of Estonia woke up to one of the world’s first major cyber-attacks on civil society carried out by a state. A series of massive “distributed denial of service” assaults – floods of fake traffic from networked computers – targeted government websites, banks, media outlets and online services for weeks, slowing or shutting them down.

These cyber-attacks followed Estonia’s decision to relocate a Soviet-era war memorial and war graves from the centre of the capital city, Tallinn, to a military cemetery.

Amplified by false reports in Russian media, this sparked nights of protest and rioting among Russian-speakers in Tallinn – and cyber chaos throughout the country. Though the cyber-attack was never officially sanctioned by the Kremlin, the “faceless perpetrators” were later shown to have Russian connections.

Estonia has since transformed itself, in part through voluntary initiatives such as the Cyber Defence Unit (a network of private-sector IT experts), into a leader in this field. It is home to Nato’s Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence, and ranks fifth in the International Telecommunication Union’s global cybersecurity index – alongside the UK.

The massive 2007 cyber-attack on Estonia explained. Video: Cybernews.

But in many ways, Estonia is far ahead of Britain in its cybersecurity planning. A 2025 government review found that nearly one-third of the UK’s public sector IT systems were “critically vulnerable” due to historical underinvestment – with some aspects of the police and NHS at particular risk.

International cyber-attacks on the UK increased by 50% last year. “Nationally significant” incidents rose from 89 to 204 – including, in September 2025, a major ransomware attack on Jaguar Land Rover that halted production for a month, causing losses of around £1.9 billion.

Amid these threats, the UK government recently launched its Cyber Action Plan and held the first ever cross-party international security briefing – co-chaired by the National Cyber Security Centre’s CEO, Richard Horne.

So can this more preemptive approach staunch the flow of cyber-attacks on the UK? In my experience of advising European and Asian governments on cybersecurity matters, the problem is that nothing is ever urgent – until everything is.

Cyber-attacks could shatter public trust

A key worry for British ministers is that an attack on government systems could shatter public trust. Imagine welfare benefits going unpaid, tax returns being ignored and health records frozen amid a major ransomware crisis.

The new plan prioritises central government digital services including tax, benefits, health records and identity verification. Pledging £210 million in additional funding, it promises to address the difficulty of attracting highly paid private-sector engineers, analysts and penetration (“pen”) testers to the public sector. Defence companies, specialist security firms and big tech typically pay 30-50% higher salaries.

While establishing a Government Cyber Unit is welcome, its phased rollout to 2029 feels too leisurely amid the level of threats the UK (and other countries) now face. Groups linked to Russia and China in particular are dramatically increasing the volume and sophistication of cyber-attacks. They combine state resources with criminal ecosystems to exploit the vulnerabilities of years of IT under-investment much faster than most cyber-defences can adapt.

Rapid developments in AI technology are also making the threat more severe – for example, through highly personalised phishing attacks and use of deepfakes. Defenders are struggling to keep up with the scale and constantly changing nature of these threats.

Interview with the UK’s National Cyber Security Centre CEO, Richard Horne. Video: McCrary Institute for Cyber and Critical Infrastructure Security, Auburn University.

Who leads the way on cyber-defence?

The US is in a league of its own when it comes to cyber-defence. The federal government alone spends an annual US$25 billion (£18 billion) on defending its IT systems, compared with the UK’s £2-2.6 billion.

Australia’s budget – A$6.2 billion (£3.2 billion) – also exceeds the UK’s, despite its much smaller population. It enforces strict rules such as 12-hour critical incident reporting and, most importantly, has prioritised investing in new technologies.

Countries that are ahead of the cybersecurity curve show the same ingredients work: mandatory rapid reporting of incidents, serious investment in AI-powered monitoring, real-time sharing of information between government and private sectors, and strong international partnerships.

What came as a shock to Estonia in 2007 has been hitting European institutions and infrastructure for years now. Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine four years ago, it has woven cyber operations much more closely into its hybrid warfare playbook. In 2022, there were more than 650 documented attacks by pro-Russian groups, of which only 5% targeted Ukraine – the rest focused on Nato and other EU countries.

In contrast, China has tended to prioritise stealthy, long-term espionage, including the UK Ministry of Defence payroll breach in 2024. Iran has focused on aggressive disruption, and North Korea on seizing funds through cyber heists – the most successful of which stole US$1.5 billion in cryptocurrency by hacking into the Bybit crypto exchange.

To keep pace, the UK needs to lean harder into its alliances, including with Nato and the EU. It should insist on compulsory AI-threat training across government and key industries, and show more willingness to expose attackers publicly. A timely but measured response should at least raise the risk (and cost) of the next cyber-attack for its state-sponsored perpetrators.

The Conversation

Gerald Mako does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Which countries are best-placed to resist state-supported cyber-attacks? A government advisor explains – https://theconversation.com/which-countries-are-best-placed-to-resist-state-supported-cyber-attacks-a-government-advisor-explains-275447

Razones y riesgos de la prohibición de la publicidad política en redes sociales

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Francisco Valiente Martínez, profesor de Oratoria y Derecho Constitucional, Universidad Pontificia Comillas

Olemedia/iStock

Desde el pasado mes de octubre, Meta, empresa propietaria de redes sociales como Facebook, Instagram o Threads, y Alphabet, propietaria de Google y YouTube, han implementado restricciones muy significativas a la publicidad pagada sobre temas políticos, electorales y sociales en todo el territorio de la Unión Europea. Se unen así a X, quien ya había venido aplicando estas medidas desde años atrás, cuando aún era Twitter.

Esta decisión es la consecuencia directa de la entrada en vigor del Reglamento (UE) 2024/900 sobre transparencia y segmentación de la publicidad política —también conocido como TTPA, por sus siglas en inglés—, cuyo propósito es lograr la transparencia necesaria para propiciar un debate político y electoral abierto y justo, libre de la manipulación de la información y las injerencias ilícitas que tienen como fin alterar los procesos electorales en el territorio de la Unión.

Depurando responsabilidades

El origen del conflicto se encuentra en el deber de la Unión Europea de velar por la protección integral de sus procesos democráticos, obligación derivada de los artículos 2 y 10 del Tratado de la Unión Europea. Estos procesos se hallan desde hace años expuestos a riesgos significativos de manipulación.

En el corazón del problema están las campañas de desinformación, cuyo modus operandi dependía de la contratación de los servicios de publicidad de las redes sociales con el fin de adulterar el debate público. En este contexto, la mencionada norma obliga a los propietarios de dichas plataformas a asumir una responsabilidad específica en esta materia.

La primera pregunta que habría que hacerse es si existe una amenaza real de que los procesos democráticos se vean adulterados por la desinformación. La respuesta de las autoridades europeas es inequívoca: tal riesgo no sólo existe, sino que ya se ha materializado en procesos como el referéndum del Brexit en 2016 o en las elecciones presidenciales de Rumanía de 2024. Durante los mismos, la microsegmentación algorítmica y el uso masivo de bots publicitarios, entre otras técnicas, permitieron difundir noticias falsas, fomentar discusiones artificiales y desorientar a la opinión pública. Esto nos lleva a las redes sociales, pues fue en estas plataformas donde tales hechos se produjeron de forma generalizada.

Efectos de la microsegmentación algorítmica

Aquí surge la segunda pregunta: ¿qué relación guarda este riesgo con la propaganda política? Si es usted usuario de redes sociales, habrá notado cómo proliferan mensajes publicitarios automáticos, muchos de ellos personalizados gracias a procesos de big data. Estos anuncios son pagados por empresas o entidades, ya sea para aumentar sus ventas o para dar difusión a alguna cuestión.

A nadie escapa que la comunicación política no iba a ser un mercado ajeno a estas técnicas de marketing, pues, por una cantidad relativamente baja, es posible poner en marcha campañas considerablemente efectivas. Esto es lo que preocupa a la Unión Europea, que ahora impone a los propietarios de las redes sociales la obligación de evitar abusos, desinformación, difamaciones y manipulaciones que puedan afectar a la limpieza de los procesos electorales.

La propaganda política como negocio

¿Cuánta publicidad política hay? Según EDMO BELUX 2.0, centro multidisciplinar centrado en combatir la desinformación, durante los meses previos a las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo de 2024, sólo en Meta se publicaron más de 19 000 anuncios de carácter político, que generaron unos ingresos de casi 5,3 millones de euros. Una cantidad que resulta irrisoria comparada con los escalofriantes 164 501 millones de dólares que declaró la compañía en 2024.

Meta y Alphabet consideran que la inversión técnica y administrativa que imponen los estándares exigidos por el nuevo Reglamento —que incluyen la verificación de anunciantes, la revisión humana de contenidos, el registro de bases de datos y la realización de auditorías periódicas— no queda cubierta con los ingresos generados por este tipo de publicidad.

Además, alegan que todas estas medidas no garantizarían evitar elevadas multas si, pese a todo, algún contenido contrario al Reglamento escapase a estos filtros y fuese publicado. Por ello, han tomado una decisión draconiana: prohibir toda publicidad política. Les sale más barato.

Libertad de expresión en juego

Pero esta decisión no es meramente contable. Todo apunta a que estas corporaciones vetarán anuncios procedentes de partidos políticos, candidatos, instituciones públicas, ONG o entidades sociales –incluidas las universidades–, si versa sobre leyes, políticas públicas o abordan con sesgo político temas sensibles como inmigración, educación, minorías, economía, medio ambiente o seguridad. Y todo a juicio de lo que los responsables de estas corporaciones consideren “publicidad política”.

En otras palabras: los usuarios privados podrán seguir publicando sus opiniones si cumplen con las políticas de uso de las plataformas, pero se prohíben expresamente las campañas de publicidad política digital en toda la Unión Europea. Y no solo durante un periodo electoral, sino en general.

Si, para frenar la desinformación, se erradica toda publicidad política en redes sociales, es necesario estudiar esta problemática desde el prisma de los derechos fundamentales, en particular desde la libertad de expresión.

Desde esta perspectiva, surgen otras preguntas: ¿tienen derecho Meta o Alphabet a tomar esta decisión o estamos ante un intolerable ejercicio de censura? Si, como sentenció en 2017 el Tribunal Supremo de Estados Unidos en el caso Packingham v. North Carolina, las redes sociales son “la nueva plaza pública”, ¿puede su legítimo propietario convertirse en un guardia privado con potestades para decidir lo que se puede o no decir en materia política?

¿Abusos de poder?

No debemos olvidar que todo mensaje ilegal siempre estuvo prohibido y que el debate actual es mucho más difuso. En otras palabras, ¿tienen legitimidad las redes sociales para controlar los mensajes políticos de algunos de sus usuarios? La respuesta jurídica quizás cause asombro al lector, pero no debería ser así: a las redes se accede mediante contratos de adhesión, lo que significa que Meta, Alphabet, TikTok o LinkedIN imponen reglas de comportamiento que los usuarios sencillamente aceptamos –las llamadas “condiciones del servicio”–, al crearnos un perfil.

El caso de Meta es paradigmático, pues su cláusula 4.1 dice así: “si no aceptas nuestras condiciones actualizadas […] puedes eliminar tu cuenta en cualquier momento”, lo que significa que Meta no sólo establece las condiciones, sino que se reserva el derecho de modificarlas.

El 1 de julio de 2024, el Tribunal Supremo de Estados Unidos sentenció, al resolver el caso NetChoice, que los propietarios de las redes sociales pueden decidir qué contenido alojar y cómo moderarlo; no tienen un deber de neutralidad, pues lo único constitucionalmente protegido es el acceso a la gran plaza pública. Pero, a este lado del Atlántico, los poderes públicos consideran que un Estado no debe limitarse a no censurar, sino que ha de establecer normas que configuren una opinión pública plural y bien informada.

Ante esta radical decisión de las grandes propietarias de redes sociales, cuesta augurar si la Unión Europea mantendrá el pulso o buscará una solución intermedia. Sea como fuere, el debate sobre el control de la palabra en la era digital está muy lejos de cerrarse.


Una versión de este artículo se publicó en la revista Telos de la Fundación Telefónica.

The Conversation

Francisco Valiente Martínez no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Razones y riesgos de la prohibición de la publicidad política en redes sociales – https://theconversation.com/razones-y-riesgos-de-la-prohibicion-de-la-publicidad-politica-en-redes-sociales-275348