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February 12, 2026

Negociar, forzar y resistir: así operan las élites políticas y digitales de EE.UU.

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By José-Francisco Jiménez-Díaz, Profesor Titular de Ciencia Política y de la Administración, Universidad Pablo de Olavide

El poder político no se tiene, más bien se ejerce. Pero ejercerlo implica negociar y gestionar las resistencias que provoca. Desde este ángulo se entiende mejor cómo ejercen o han ejercido el poder los actuales líderes de Estados Unidos: Donald Trump, Elon Musk, James D. Vance y Marco Rubio. Todos ellos, por sus posiciones y relaciones, disponen de un potencial transformador inédito.

Foucault y las relaciones de dominación

Michel Foucault (1926-1984), el pensador político más citado de la historia según Google Académico, nació, vivió y murió en el siglo XX. Todavía, en muchos sentidos, las élites políticas y las ciudadanías nacionales no han superado el contexto del siglo pasado. Sin embargo, los dirigentes de los estados digitales (Bezos, Musk, Zuckerberg, etc.) alardean de su poder ubicuo.

Foucault nos legó un concepto innovador de poder político. Para él, el poder no se tiene, se ejerce. Tener un cargo de poder no es lo mismo que ejercerlo.

El poder no es tangible, sino que se desenvuelve por medio de un entramado relacional. Quienes luchan por el poder se implican en relaciones de dominación. Estas relaciones se presentan mediante tres elementos: negociación, fuerza y resistencia en cierto campo. Comprender cómo funcionan dichos elementos requiere concebir el poder como un dispositivo relacional y simbólico.

El poder en el pensamiento político

Uno de los objetivos principales de la historia de las ideas es definir y comprender el fenómeno del poder político. La tradición de pensamiento occidental debatió cuestiones centrales al respecto: ¿qué es? (Sócrates, Platón), ¿quién debe ser el titular? (Platón, Aristóteles y Cicerón), ¿con qué finalidad utilizarlo? (Agustín de Hipona, Tomás de Aquino), ¿cómo ejercerlo? (Maquiavelo), ¿con qué limitaciones practicarlo? (Locke, Montesquieu), ¿sobre qué bases se fundamenta su legitimidad? (Weber).

Foucault, lector de Max Weber, reveló que el ejercicio del poder moderno muda de formas visibles y discontinuas (castigo físico) hacia formas sutiles y continuas (vigilancia y vida modulada por las tecnologías del poder). Su obra Vigilar y castigar expone esta mudanza. En el presente, los algoritmos vigilan, normalizan y disciplinan a un ser humano superado por los avances informáticos. Simone Weil y Hannah Arendt anticiparon varias ideas foucaultianas.

Donald Trump y el ejercicio del poder

La perspectiva de Foucault es útil para comprender el despliegue del poder presidencial en Estados Unidos. Asombra cómo lo ejerce Donald Trump (nacido en 1946). El magnate inmobiliario fue frenado durante su primer mandato (2017-2021) por su equipo para tomar algunas decisiones. Ahora, Trump dispone de colaboradores más fieles al movimiento MAGA (Make America Great Again), controla instituciones centrales y gobierna concentrando mucho poder.

En su segundo mandato, Trump encarna el superpoder de la persona con más margen de negociación en el marco de la presidencia estadounidense. El desarrollo de las estrategias de presión arancelaria han puesto a prueba dicho margen negociador, desde una perspectiva personal.

Pero los equipos que lideran esas conversaciones revelan otras muchas de las pretensiones presidenciales. En este caso, se trata de personas que negocian los asuntos diarios, como el vicepresidente James D. Vance, que, con 41 años (comparados con los 79 del presidente), ocupa un papel más relevante del habitualmente ostentado por este cargo.

Por su parte, Marco Rubio, Secretario de Estado y encargado de representar a Estados Unidos en el extranjero, negocia asuntos cruciales de la política mundial.

Prueba de esta presencia negociadora es el papel que Vance y Rubio jugaron en la reunión con el presidente Zelenski, el 28 de febrero de 2025.

Musk, la tecnología y el biopoder

Por su parte, el hombre más rico del planeta, Elon Musk, fue nombrado Consejero Superior del presidente de los Estados Unidos y administrador del Departamento de Eficiencia Gubernamental. Pero presidente y consejero deshicieron su alianza a finales de mayo de 2025 por diferencias relacionadas con la Big Beautiful Bill, una ley fiscal federal promovida por Trump y criticada por Musk, y otras cuestiones.

No obstante, los líderes tecnológicos siguen influyendo sobre el presidente. Este sabe que los primeros ejercen poder continuado sobre las vidas de muchos sujetos (biopoder). El biopoder promueve una vida conforme al poder.

El liderazgo de Trump y su impacto en Europa

El liderazgo político requiere la habilidad negociadora de quienes lo ejercen. Para los presidentes de Estados Unidos del último siglo, liderar casi siempre consistió en negociar con los fuertes e imponerse por la fuerza a los débiles. Pero el poder es relacional y los débiles pueden fortalecerse.

La Administración Trump, según la Estrategia Nacional de Seguridad (NSS, por sus siglas en inglés) de 2025, sustituye el lenguaje liberal democrático por otro soberanista e identitario. Ello implica la “ruptura doctrinal con la tradición del orden liberal” y el regreso a la política del poder duro (fuerza). En la NSS se considera a la Unión Europea un actor débil, y se apoya a partidos nacionalistas conservadores que cuestionan la integración europea.

Negociar, forzar y resistir

Trump conoce la negociación y el manejo de la fuerza. Pero saber gobernar una gran empresa no capacita para gobernar un país tan complejo como Estados Unidos. Los agentes fuertes de las esferas económicas, políticas y tecnológicas estadounidenses están aliados, pero esto podría cambiar. Y desentenderse de los actores en declive tiene consecuencias inesperadas. El giro de la NSS sacude las debilitadas instituciones liberales democráticas de Estados Unidos.

La oligarquía tecnológica ostenta un poder efectivo para definir los marcos y relatos políticos. Y Trump sabe utilizarlos en su beneficio. Musk, quien dirige un estado digital (Tesla, Red social X, SpaceX, Neuralink, entre otras empresas), ejerció el poder político y se tornó en elemento clave del equipo trumpista. Se atribuyó el soporte tecnológico (TECH support) al gobierno estadounidense. Otros líderes tecnológicos han dicho lo mismo a su modo (Bezos, Gates, Pichai, Zuckerberg, etc.). Los avances chinos en Inteligencia Artificial (IA) justifican el valor de dicho soporte.

El equipo presidencial de Estados Unidos habrá advertido que todo poder genera resistencias, como destacó Foucault. El poder ejercido por los fuertes provoca la reacción de los débiles. Muestra de ello son las recientes protestas contra el Gobierno estadounidense, así como la elección del joven treintañero de origen inmigrante para la alcaldía de Nueva York, Zohran Mamdani.

Las escenas de poder que protagonizan Trump y su equipo crean variadas resistencias en el mundo (China, Unión Europea, Ucrania, etcétera). Muchas críticas al poder de Trump radican en Estados Unidos: la sociedad civil estadounidense opone resistencias al poder constituido del presidente. Un hecho que se constata también a través de la reacción política y ciudadana que han desatado las violentas intervenciones del ICE (Inmigration and Customs Enforcement) en Minneapolis.

En su segundo mandato Trump muestra el espectáculo diario de su poder. Pero la exhibición del poder trumpista revela también las debilidades de los fuertes.

José-Francisco Jiménez-Díaz es miembro de Asociación Española de Ciencia Política y de la Administración (AECPA). También ha recibido financiación para el proyecto titulado “Análisis generacional del liderazgo político presidencial en España: estudio del Gobierno central y del Gobierno andaluz”. Proyecto de investigación en el marco de Ayudas al Desarrollo de Líneas de Investigación Propias, VI Plan Propio de Investigación y Transferencia (2023-2026), Universidad Pablo de Olavide. Referencia: PPI2404.

– ref. Negociar, forzar y resistir: así operan las élites políticas y digitales de EE.UU. – https://theconversation.com/negociar-forzar-y-resistir-asi-operan-las-elites-politicas-y-digitales-de-ee-uu-251334

February 12, 2026

La regularización masiva de 500 000 inmigrantes indocumentados en España no es extrema ni oportunista, y tiene precedentes

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Asbel Bohigues, Profesor de Ciencia Política, Universitat de València

Mientras los gobiernos de todo el mundo endurecen los controles migratorios, España ha tomado un camino sorprendentemente diferente. En enero de 2026, el Consejo de Ministros aprobó un decreto que abre la vía a la residencia legal para cientos de miles de migrantes indocumentados que ya viven en el país. En un momento en el que las deportaciones, las detenciones y la exclusión dominan los debates sobre migración en otros lugares, España ha optado por la regularización.

La medida permite a los migrantes sin estatus legal solicitar permisos de residencia temporal, sacándolos de la invisibilidad administrativa. El contraste con otros países es notable. Mientras que el ICE intensifica sus operaciones en Estados Unidos y los gobiernos europeos –incluido el del Reino Unido– avanzan hacia políticas de inmigración más duras, España ha manifestado su voluntad de integrar en lugar de excluir.

Un largo camino

El decreto no es el resultado de una iniciativa gubernamental repentina, sino de un largo proceso político y social. Sus raíces se encuentran en una iniciativa legislativa popular, un mecanismo consagrado en la Constitución que permite a los ciudadanos presentar propuestas legislativas al Parlamento con al menos 500 000 firmas de apoyo.

En este caso, más de 700 000 personas respaldaron una iniciativa promovida por organizaciones sociales que exigían la regularización extraordinaria de los migrantes que viven en España sin papeles. Según los organizadores, alrededor de 500 000 personas se veían afectadas, lo que significa que residían y trabajaban en España sin acceso a los derechos básicos.

En abril de 2024, el Congreso de los Diputados votó por abrumadora mayoría a favor de estudiar la propuesta. Un total de 310 diputados la apoyaron, con solo 33 votos en contra; Vox fue el único que se opuso. A pesar de este amplio respaldo parlamentario, la iniciativa se estancó a finales de ese año y siguió bloqueada.

El decreto aprobado en enero de 2026 reaviva explícitamente la propuesta ciudadana, pero también se basa en experiencias anteriores. El precedente más notable se remonta a 2005, cuando el Gobierno de José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero regularizó a más de 570 000 inmigrantes indocumentados.

Este proceso previo desempeña un papel importante en el debate actual: una investigación ha descubierto que condujo a un aumento de los ingresos fiscales y de las cotizaciones a la seguridad social, así como a una mejora de los resultados del mercado laboral. Es fundamental señalar que no provocó el efecto llamada a gran escala que suelen citar los detractores de las políticas de regularización.

Leer más:
¿Provocan las regularizaciones de migrantes un efecto llamada? Esto dicen los datos de los últimos 80 años

¿Qué se ha aprobado exactamente?

En virtud del nuevo régimen, cualquier ciudadano extranjero que ya se encontrara en España antes del 31 de diciembre de 2025 podrá solicitarlo, siempre que pueda demostrar al menos cinco meses de residencia continuada. La prueba de residencia puede acreditarse mediante documentos públicos o privados, o una combinación de ambos. Los solicitantes no deben tener antecedentes penales y no deben ser considerados una “amenaza para el orden público”.

En el caso de los solicitantes de asilo, la elegibilidad depende de que hayan presentado una solicitud de protección internacional antes del 31 de diciembre de 2025 y puedan documentarla.

Los solicitantes seleccionados recibirán un permiso de residencia válido por un año. Transcurrido ese periodo, deberán pasar a una de las categorías de residencia ordinaria previstas en la normativa española de inmigración. La medida no concede la residencia permanente, la ciudadanía ni el derecho de voto (excepto en las elecciones locales, pero en condiciones muy exigentes).

Su objetivo principal es la formalización. La regularización permite a las personas que ya viven y trabajan en España entrar en el mercado laboral legal, pagar impuestos y cotizar a la seguridad social, en lugar de permanecer atrapadas en la economía informal. El proceso se aplica por igual independientemente de la nacionalidad.

La unidad familiar es otro de los pilares del decreto. Los hijos menores de edad de los solicitantes que ya se encuentran en España pueden regularizarse al mismo tiempo, recibiendo permisos de residencia válidos por cinco años. El Gobierno también ha confirmado que los menores a cargo de migrantes indocumentados y solicitantes de asilo que cumplan los requisitos están cubiertos por la medida.

Las estimaciones oficiales sugieren que más de 500 000 personas podrían beneficiarse, pero esta cifra podría ser inferior a la real. Según un informe reciente del think tank económico Funcas, basado en datos de 2025, el número de personas que viven en situación irregular en España podría ascender a 840 000.

El momento es importante

Más allá de su contenido, el momento en que se ha promulgado el decreto ha generado una intensa controversia política. Llega en un momento de evidente fragilidad para la coalición gobernante, en particular para el Partido Socialista (PSOE).

El Gobierno se ha enfrentado a resultados decepcionantes en las elecciones regionales, relaciones cada vez más tensas con sus aliados parlamentarios, en particular con el partido nacionalista catalán Junts. También existe un clima generalizado de malestar político relacionado con las acusaciones de corrupción que afectan a miembros del PSOE, incluida la familia del presidente Pedro Sánchez.

En este contexto, el Partido Popular (PP) y Vox han acusado al Gobierno de utilizar la política migratoria como distracción, señalando el mortal accidente ferroviario ocurrido en Adamuz el 18 de enero, que se cobró al menos 46 vidas, así como la crisis generalizada del sector ferroviario.

Sin embargo, esta narrativa de distracción pasa por alto la larga gestación de la medida. La recogida de firmas para la iniciativa legislativa popular comenzó en 2021, y el Congreso respaldó formalmente la propuesta en abril de 2024, casi 21 meses antes de que el decreto fuera finalmente aprobado en 2026.

La aritmética parlamentaria también ha desempeñado un papel importante en esta decisión, ya que el Ejecutivo español carece de mayoría parlamentaria. Desde las elecciones de 2023, los votos combinados del PP, Vox y Junts (que apoyó a Sánchez en 2023, pero que ya no puede considerarse un aliado parlamentario) suman una estrecha mayoría de derecha, a pesar de que el propio Gobierno está liderado por la izquierda.

Esto ayuda a explicar la decisión de proceder mediante un real decreto, un instrumento normativo que no requiere la ratificación parlamentaria. No se trata de un caso aislado: medidas como el gasto en defensa también se han promovido de esta manera.

Gobernar mediante la regularización

Irónicamente, en un sistema parlamentario como el español, en el que el Ejecutivo surge de una votación de investidura, el mismo Gobierno que se formó con el respaldo parlamentario en 2023 está ahora haciendo todo lo posible para evitar las votaciones en el Parlamento. España no ha aprobado un nuevo presupuesto estatal desde 2022, y el Gobierno ni siquiera presentó un proyecto de presupuesto en 2025.

La razón es sencilla: reunir una mayoría se ha vuelto extraordinariamente complejo. Cualquier coalición viable debe incluir no solo a los partidos gobernantes, el PSOE y Sumar, sino también a los nacionalistas regionales y a los partidos independentistas, así como a fuerzas tanto de izquierda como de derecha, todos con sus propias agendas, rivalidades y tensiones internas.

Nada de esto es nuevo. Los gobiernos en minoría y los parlamentos fragmentados son características habituales de la política española. Lo que sí es nuevo, sin embargo, es la intensidad de la polarización política, que crea la impresión de un escenario excepcional o totalmente novedoso.

Desde esta perspectiva, el decreto de regularización puede entenderse como un intento del Gobierno de recuperar la iniciativa sin pasar por el Congreso, marcar la agenda política y reparar las tensas relaciones con Podemos.

Aunque Podemos solo cuenta con cuatro de los 350 escaños de la cámara, esos escaños son decisivos: en un parlamento minoritario, ninguno puede darse por sentado. Así es como funcionan los gobiernos minoritarios, configurando la agenda y negociando constantemente con otras fuerzas políticas, y en ese sentido, no hay nada extraordinario aquí: es simplemente un gobierno que gobierna.

En última instancia, el decreto refleja una elección política más amplia. Mientras que muchos gobiernos dan prioridad al cierre de fronteras y a la expulsión, España ha optado por abordar la realidad de que cientos de miles de personas ya vivían y trabajaban en el país sin estatus legal.

La experiencia pasada demuestra que incorporarlos al sistema legal fortalece las finanzas públicas, mejora la cohesión social y, sobre todo, devuelve los derechos a personas que ya forman parte de la sociedad española.

Asbel Bohigues no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

– ref. La regularización masiva de 500 000 inmigrantes indocumentados en España no es extrema ni oportunista, y tiene precedentes – https://theconversation.com/la-regularizacion-masiva-de-500-000-inmigrantes-indocumentados-en-espana-no-es-extrema-ni-oportunista-y-tiene-precedentes-275509

February 12, 2026

For $40, you can name a star for your Valentine. But it won’t mean much

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Laura Nicole Driessen, Postdoctoral Researcher in Radio Astronomy, University of Sydney

With Valentine’s Day around the corner, romance is in the air. And what could be more romantic than a picnic under the stars, pointing up to the night sky, and gazing at a star you’ve named for your Valentine?

A quick online search reveals multiple paid services for naming a star, usually accompanied by a certificate and a star map for finding the star.

However, these names are not official and are not used by astronomers. According to the International Astronomical Union’s Working Group on Star Names, the official body that leads selecting star names: “the sky is not owned by anyone”.

So what names do astronomers use for stars and how are official star names selected?

Pay to name a star

Star-naming services offer a range of paid packages – some costing just A$40 – and add-ons to name a star or two.

If you dig into the FAQs you can usually find a disclaimer stating that the star names are recorded in their private database. They have to include this, as the International Astronomical Union explicitly states stars cannot be named after people (except for rare cases). Even without these rules and disclaimers, these websites have too many customers and not enough stars.

Many websites that sell star names claim the star will be visible to the naked eye. For those with excellent vision star-gazing on a dark night, roughly 2,500 stars are visible to the naked eye (5,000 in both hemispheres).

And if you pay for a higher-price package including only “extra bright stars” or visible binary systems (two stars orbiting each other), the number is even smaller.

Yet some of these websites claim to have 100,000-plus, or even 500,000-plus, satisfied customers.

This means that each star has been named at least 20 times. It’s a smidge less romantic when your Valentine’s name is the 20th, or even 100th, name for a star.

The proper process of naming stars

Astronomers never use these purchased names.

Instead we use proper names and designations for stars. Stars can only have one, official proper name, such as the stars Sirius, Betelgeuse and Polaris.

But many have a whole bunch of designations. Designations are unique combinations of letters and numbers used by astronomers when creating surveys and catalogues of stars. Most stars don’t have a proper name, but all known stars have at least one designation.

Fewer than 600 stars have a proper name. This is out of more than one billion stars that have been identified by astronomers.

The International Astronomical Union’s Working Group on Star Names keeps an up-to-date list. New stars were most recently added on December 25 2025. The working group has guidelines and rules for naming stars, sometimes including the public in the process.

Typically, star names are rooted in history and culture. Collecting historical and indigenous constellations is part of the working group’s strategy. For example, one of the most recently named stars is called “Sarvvis”, a name used by the Sami people of Northern Scandinavia.

Designations tell astronomers which telescope saw the star. This tells us information about the star, such as what types of light it emits.

Sirius has more than 60 designations, including 2MASS J06450887-1642566, HIP 32349 and CNS5 1676.

“2MASS” is the Two Micron All-Sky Survey in infrared, so this tells us Sirius emits infrared light. “HIP” refers to the European Space Agency Hipparcos mission, and tells us Sirius is a bright optical star. The “CNS5” is the Fifth Catalogue of Nearby Stars, telling us Sirius is closer than 25 parsec (or 82 light years) from the Sun.

The numbers “J06450887-1642566” are the coordinates of the star, and “32349” and “1676” are unique numbers to identify Sirius specifically in those catalogues.

New star names are rare

I have given many stars new designations in my Sydney Radio Star Catalogue. I also gave the star TYC 8332-2529-1 the new designation MKT J170456.2-482100 when I detected it for the first time using the MeerKAT telescope.

In that case, “MKT” stands for “MeerKAT” and the numbers give the coordinates of the star at the time we detected it. That star only has designations, no proper name. Stars can always get new designations when a new survey of the sky is performed or a new catalogue constructed. This is why some stars have tens of designations.

The International Astronomical Union’s Working Group on Star Names guidelines prohibit commercial, political or military names and even prohibit naming stars after pet animals.

Since official star naming is focused on historical and cultural names, it is rare for new star names to emerge.

Even for naming campaigns open to the public run by the International Astronomical Union, only stars too faint to be seen by the naked eye are considered. A very recent official star name is “Siwarha” – a name suggested by the team that discovered the star. The name means “her bracelet” and is the name for Betelgeuse’s small companion star.

So it is rare, but not impossible, for astronomers to name the stars they discover.

You can’t officially name a star after your Valentine. But you can plan a romantic evening of star-gazing and point out the officially named stars visible at this time of year. Betelgeuse, Sirius and Rigel can be seen in Australia in the early evening on Valentine’s day.

Laura Nicole Driessen is an ambassador for the Orbit Centre of Imagination at the Rise and Shine Kindergarten, in Sydney’s Inner West.

– ref. For $40, you can name a star for your Valentine. But it won’t mean much – https://theconversation.com/for-40-you-can-name-a-star-for-your-valentine-but-it-wont-mean-much-274742

February 12, 2026

Why do I get ‘butterflies in my stomach’?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Amy Loughman, Senior Lecturer in Psychology, The University of Melbourne

“Butterflies in the stomach” is that fluttery, nervous feeling you might have before a job interview, giving a speech or at the start of a romance.

It’s a cute description for one part of the fight-or-flight response that can kick in if you’re excited or afraid.

But what exactly are these butterflies? Why can we feel them in our stomach? And is there anything we can do about them?

Threat alert

These “butterflies” – along with a raised heart rate, sweating and feeling “jumpy” – are part of your survival mode. That’s when the part of your body known as the autonomic nervous system gets involved.

When you sense a possible threat – whether it’s physical or social, real or imagined – information is sent to the brain’s amygdala region for emotional processing. If the amygdala perceives danger, it sends a distress signal to another part of the brain, the hypothalamus, which kick-starts a cascade of changes to help the body prepare.

The adrenal glands on top of each kidney send the chemical messengers adrenaline and noradrenaline into the bloodstream, activating receptors in the blood vessels, muscles, lungs and heart. The heart rate and blood flow increase, blood sugar levels go up, and muscles are primed for strength (fight) and speed (flight).

Digestion can wait

Digestion can wait until after you have escaped from the tiger (or the job interview). So while all this is happening, your body reduces blood flow to your stomach and intestines, and pauses the constant digestive pulsing of the gut (known as peristalsis).

The autonomic nervous system also stimulates the stomach (and other organs) via the vagus nerve, the nerve that runs down from the brainstem alongside the vertebra, sending signals back and forth between the brain, heart and digestive system.

There isn’t direct evidence to explain which part of this cascade leads to the feeling of butterflies. But it is likely to be related to how the autonomic nervous system pauses the pulsing of the gut, and the vagus nerve sends signals about this change up to the brain.

The feeling of butterflies is technically a “gut feeling” but it’s just one of the signs of the gut communicating back and forth with the brain, along the so-called gut-brain axis. This is the system of communication pathways that shares signals about stress and mood, as well as digestion and appetite.

Could our gut microbes be involved?

Gut microbes are one part of this complex communication system. It’s tempting to think that the action of microbes is what causes the fluttery, butterfly feeling, but it’s unlikely to be that simple.

Microbes are, well, microscopic, as are the actions and changes they undergo from moment to moment. There would need to be coordinated microbial movements en masse to explain the sudden onset of that anxious feeling, like a flock of geese in formation, and there isn’t any evidence that microbes work like that.

However microbes have been shown to impact the stress response, with most research so far conducted in mice.

In humans, there is modest evidence from a small study linking microbes with the stress response. This showed that sticking to a microbiome-targeted diet – a diet, rich in prebiotic fibres, designed to feed fibre-loving members of your gut microbiome – could reduce perceived stress compared to a standard healthy diet.

But this single study isn’t enough on its own to definitively tell us exactly how this would work, or if this diet would work for everyone.

What can I do about the butterflies?

How can we manage those nervous bodily feelings?

The first thing to consider is if you need to manage them at all. If it’s a once in a blue-moon, high-stress situation, you might be able to just say “hi” to those butterflies and keep going about your day until your body’s rest-and-digest response kicks in to bring your body back to baseline.

Self-guided techniques can also help.

Mindfully observing your fluttery butterflies may help you notice subtle cues in your body about how you’re feeling, before you become overwhelmed.

By then moving through any actions in your control – from noticing your breath through to taking the next steps towards the plunge you fear most – you show your brain you can overcome the threat.

Sometimes it can be worth turning to the cause of the anxiety-causing situation itself. Could some extra interview prep (for example) help you feel more in control? Or is it more about reminding yourself of how getting through these situations aligns with your values? Sometimes a shift in perspective makes all the difference.

If anxiety is more frequent or is getting in the way of doing the things that matter to you, try the evidence-based method of “dropping the struggle”.

This means sitting with, instead of trying to fight or resist, anxiety and any other bothersome feelings. You might even thank your mind (and body) for its attempt to help, and for the reminder about what is important to you.

Or you can seek help from a psychologist to ease anxiety (as well as other common mental health struggles) using an evidence-based approach commonly known as ACT or acceptance and commitment therapy. This involves developing skills for living a meaningful life in spite of difficult emotions and situations. It helps people work with, rather than control, tricky thoughts and feelings.

In addition to her academic role, Amy Loughman delivers therapies including ACT (acceptance and commitment therapy) as a psychologist in private practice.

– ref. Why do I get ‘butterflies in my stomach’? – https://theconversation.com/why-do-i-get-butterflies-in-my-stomach-269489

February 11, 2026

Trump administration losing credibility with judges and grand juries – a former federal judge explains why this is “remarkable and unprecedented”

Source: The Conversation – USA – By John E. Jones III, President, Dickinson College

Turns out, grand juries − usually rubber stamps for prosecutors − might not indict a ham sandwich. ilbusca/iStock Getty Images Plus

The word “unprecedented” is getting a workout after a grand jury in Washington on Feb. 10, 2026, rebuffed an attempt by federal prosecutors to get an indictment against perceived enemies of President Donald Trump.

It began with an unprecedented video in November 2025 featuring six Democratic lawmakers alerting military and intelligence community members that they had the duty to disobey illegal orders. That enraged Trump, who in an unprecedented move said the lawmakers were guilty of sedition, which is punishable by death. The U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, Jeanine Pirro, made the unprecedented attempt to indict the lawmakers. The final element in this drama – the federal grand jury’s rejection of Pirro’s request – wasn’t itself unprecedented. That’s because it’s only the latest in an unprecedented string of losses for the Trump administration before grand juries.

Dickinson College President John E. Jones III, a former federal judge, spoke with The Conversation politics editor Naomi Schalit about the role of grand juries, why a grand jury would not indict someone – and how all of this is a reflection of the administration’s remarkable loss of credibility with judges and the citizens who make up grand juries.

Six Democratic lawmakers advising the military and intelligence community that they do not need to obey illegal orders.

How does the grand jury process work?

The grand jury really dates back to before the Bill of Rights, but for our purposes it’s memorialized in the Fifth Amendment within the Bill of Rights. It is meant to be a mechanism that screens cases brought by prosecutors.

Ordinary citizens, not fewer than 16 or more than 23, have the facts presented to them by a United States attorney or assistant United States attorney. They must make a determination as to whether or not there is probable cause to believe that a crime has been committed. It is not the purview of grand jurors to determine guilt or innocence, but merely to determine whether there is probable cause sufficient to indict.

So that means that a prosecutor will come to a grand jury and present them with the facts that they have chosen to present them with. There’s no defense at that point, and the grand jury then, relatively routinely, says OK, “Indict that person,” or “Indict those people”?

That’s correct. It’s a very one-sided process. There are no defense attorneys present. There’s a court reporter, the grand jury, the United States attorney, and such witnesses as the United States attorney decides to call. While the target of a grand jury can endeavor to present witnesses, including themselves, that generally never happens because of the danger of self-incrimination. The grand jurors can ask questions of the witnesses, but the United States attorney can choose the evidence that it wants to present to the grand jury, and typically they present only such evidence as is necessary in order to establish probable cause that a crime has been committed.

Does the public know what is presented in a grand jury room by the prosecutor?

The grand jury proceedings are absolutely secret and they remain that way, unless a federal judge authorizes that they be unsealed. So in the case involving the six lawmakers, we don’t know what the prosecutor presented to the grand jury. We just know that the grand jury refused to return an indictment. As far as I know, we don’t even know what crimes were put before the grand jury, let alone what testimony was presented. What we do know is that in all six cases, the grand jury refused to vote in favor of the indictment that was requested by the United States attorney.

Why would a grand jury refuse to give the prosecutor what they want?

It’s unprecedented, although we now see a wave of grand juries pushing back against the government. I don’t recall a single instance, during the almost 20 years I served as a U.S. District judge, when a grand jury refused to return a true bill, an indictment. It just is completely aberrational. The grand jury would have to totally reject the whole premise of the case that’s being presented to them by the United States attorney because, remember, there are typically no witnesses appearing before the grand jury to dispute the facts. The grand jury is clearly saying, “Even accepting the facts you’re putting before us as true, we don’t think under these circumstances this case is worthy of a federal indictment.”

Can a prosecutor just try again?

They can return to the well, so to speak, and they did that in Virginia in the case of Letitia James. But it’s pretty perilous because, bluntly, it’s a way that a prosecutor can get their head handed to them twice.

Originally, as set out in the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution, the grand jury was supposed to be a vigorous and robust check against prosecutors simply charging people with crimes. But over time, it’s become far less than that. And there is the famous quote by Judge Sol Wachtler in New York that a grand jury can be made to “indict a ham sandwich.”

So to see a grand jury fail to return true bills multiple times over the past couple of months is remarkable and unprecedented. It occurs to me that what is happening here is kind of parallel to what’s taking place with the administration and federal judges. I think we now have entered a world where the Department of Justice has lost its credibility with the judiciary.

We’re seeing that time and again in appearances in court where judges simply don’t believe what U.S. attorneys are telling them, based on past demonstrable falsehoods that have been stated in open court. And now we see grand juries that are also doubting the credibility of federal prosecutors. And these grand jurors are not blind to what is taking place in the world around them.

I think that this is further polluted by the fact that the president of the United States, for example, in the case of the six defendants from Congress and the Senate, said that they had committed seditious acts – which is punishable by death.

Obviously, this tilts the scales and is fundamentally unfair because it is destroying the concept of due process of law. People notice what the president says, and I am happy to see that the average citizen serving on a grand jury has retained what I think is a fundamental sense of fairness, even in the face of a pretty stacked deck.

A screenshot of a social media post by President Trump, which says 'SEDITIOUS BEHAVIOR, punishable by DEATH!' — President Donald Trump’s social media post of Nov. 20, 2025, responding to the lawmakers’ video.
Truth Social

What does it mean if you have a court system, judges and the grand juries who do not have faith in the administration and its legal claims?

It’s a complete drag on our system of justice. For all of the time that I sat on the federal bench, I had great respect for the Department of Justice, and the department had tremendous credibility. They were straight shooters. The prosecutors who appeared in front of me were professionals. I didn’t always agree with their arguments, of course, nor did I agree with a few of their charging decisions, but I can tell you that not once did I see a federal prosecution in front of me that I felt strongly should never have been brought at its inception.

But we now have a system where, because of the whims of the president, the Department of Justice has become utterly weaponized against his perceived enemies, and that’s a gross misuse of our prosecutorial power at the federal level.

Also, if, for example, these members of Congress had been indicted, they’d have to lawyer up, they’d have to fight their way out. That would take a lot of resources.

So, yes, the judiciary can be a bulwark against improvident prosecutions. But that comes at a cost to the defendant, and it’s been said that the process itself is the punishment. I suspect that’s what the president wants; it’s the trauma that you put somebody through that can be almost as bad as being convicted. And, of course, there’s the reputational harm as well.

John E. Jones III is affiliated with Keep Our Republic’s Article Three Coalition.

– ref. Trump administration losing credibility with judges and grand juries – a former federal judge explains why this is “remarkable and unprecedented” – https://theconversation.com/trump-administration-losing-credibility-with-judges-and-grand-juries-a-former-federal-judge-explains-why-this-is-remarkable-and-unprecedented-275741

February 11, 2026

Le vieillissement n’est pas le même partout – pourquoi l’inflammation peut être un problème lié au mode de vie

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Samuel J. White, Associate Professor & Head of Projects, York St John University

Les Orang Asli vieillissent différemment. (Azami Adiputera/Shutterstock.com)

Pendant des années, les scientifiques ont cru que l’inflammation augmentait inévitablement avec l’âge, alimentant silencieusement des maladies comme les maladies cardiaques, la démence et le diabète. Une nouvelle étude menée auprès de populations autochtones vient ébranler cette idée, au point de bouleverser notre conception du vieillissement.

Depuis des décennies, les scientifiques ont identifié l’inflammation chronique de faible intensité, appelée « inflammaging », comme l’un des principaux facteurs responsables des maladies liées à l’âge. Imaginez que le système immunitaire de votre corps soit en hyperactivité, menant constamment des combats qui n’existent pas, usant progressivement vos organes et vos systèmes.

Mais l’inflammaging n’est peut-être pas une caractéristique universelle du vieillissement. Il pourrait plutôt être un effet secondaire de notre mode de vie dans la société moderne.

Cet article fait partie de notre série La Révolution grise. La Conversation vous propose d’analyser sous toutes ses facettes l’impact du vieillissement de l’imposante cohorte des boomers sur notre société, qu’ils transforment depuis leur venue au monde. Manières de se loger, de travailler, de consommer la culture, de s’alimenter, de voyager, de se soigner, de vivre… découvrez avec nous les bouleversements en cours, et à venir.

La recherche, publiée dans Nature Aging, a comparé les schémas d’inflammation dans quatre communautés très différentes à travers le monde. Deux groupes provenaient de sociétés modernes et industrialisées : des personnes âgées vivant en Italie et à Singapour.

Les deux autres étaient des communautés autochtones menant un mode de vie plus traditionnel : le peuple Tsimane de l’Amazonie bolivienne et les Orang Asli des forêts de Malaisie.

Les chercheurs ont analysé des échantillons sanguins prélevés sur plus de 2 800 personnes, en examinant un large éventail de molécules inflammatoires appelées cytokines. Leur objectif était de déterminer si un schéma observé dans des études antérieures, selon lequel certains signes d’inflammation augmentent avec l’âge et sont liés à des maladies, se retrouve également dans d’autres régions du monde.

Il s’avère que la réponse est à la fois oui et non.

Chez les participants italiens et singapouriens, les chercheurs ont observé un modèle d’inflammaging assez constant. Avec l’âge, les taux de marqueurs inflammatoires dans le sang, tels que la protéine C-réactive et le facteur de nécrose tumorale, augmentaient simultanément. Des taux plus élevés étaient associés à un risque accru de maladies chroniques, notamment les maladies rénales et cardiaques.

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Mais chez les populations Tsimane et Orang Asli, le modèle d’inflammaging était absent. Les mêmes molécules inflammatoires n’augmentaient pas de manière constante avec l’âge et n’étaient pas fortement liées aux maladies liées à l’âge.

En effet, chez les Tsimane, qui sont exposés à des taux élevés d’infections parasitaires et d’autres agents pathogènes, les niveaux d’inflammation étaient souvent élevés. Pourtant, cela n’a pas entraîné les mêmes taux de maladies chroniques que ceux observés dans les pays industrialisés.

Malgré des marqueurs inflammatoires élevés, les Tsimane présentent des taux très faibles de maladies telles que les maladies cardiaques, le diabète et la démence.

L’inflammaging n’est peut-être pas universel

Ces résultats soulèvent d’importantes questions. Une possibilité est que l’inflammaging, du moins tel qu’il est mesuré par ces marqueurs sanguins, ne soit pas une caractéristique biologique universelle du vieillissement. Il pourrait plutôt résulter d’un mode de vie moderne : alimentation riche, sédentarité et faible exposition aux infections.

En d’autres termes, l’inflammation chronique liée au vieillissement et à la maladie pourrait ne pas résulter simplement d’un processus biologique inévitable, mais plutôt d’un décalage entre notre physiologie ancestrale et l’environnement moderne.

L’étude suggère que dans les communautés ayant des modes de vie plus traditionnels, où les gens sont plus actifs, mangent différemment et sont exposés à davantage d’infections, le système immunitaire pourrait fonctionner différemment. Dans ces groupes, des niveaux d’inflammation plus élevés pourraient être une réponse normale et saine à leur environnement, plutôt qu’un signe de déclin physique lié à l’âge.

Il se pourrait aussi que l’inflammaging touche tous les humains, mais prenne des formes différentes qui ne sont pas détectées par la mesure des molécules inflammatoires dans le sang. Il pourrait se produire au niveau cellulaire ou tissulaire, où il reste invisible aux tests sanguins utilisés dans cette recherche.

Un homme mange un repas rapide — Une inflammation chronique de faible intensité peut être liée à un mode de vie.
(Nattakorn_Maneerat/Shutterstock)

Pourquoi est-ce important ?

Si ces résultats sont confirmés, ils pourraient avoir des conséquences importantes.

Tout d’abord, ils remettent en question la manière dont nous diagnostiquons et traitons l’inflammation chronique chez les personnes âgées. Les biomarqueurs utilisés pour définir l’inflammaging dans les populations européennes ou asiatiques pourraient ne pas s’appliquer dans d’autres contextes, voire parmi tous les groupes au sein des pays industrialisés.

Deuxièmement, ils suggèrent que les interventions sur le mode de vie visant à réduire l’inflammation chronique, telles que l’exercice physique, les changements alimentaires ou les médicaments ciblant des molécules inflammatoires spécifiques, pourraient avoir des effets différents selon les populations. Ce qui fonctionne pour les personnes vivant en ville pourrait être inutile, voire inefficace, pour celles qui ont un mode de vie traditionnel.

Enfin, cette recherche nous rappelle qu’une grande partie de nos connaissances sur la santé humaine et le vieillissement provient d’études menées dans des pays riches et industrialisés. Les résultats obtenus auprès de ces groupes ne peuvent pas être automatiquement transposés à l’échelle mondiale.

Les chercheurs sont clairs : cette étude n’est qu’un début. Ils exhortent les scientifiques à approfondir leurs recherches à l’aide de nouveaux outils capables de détecter l’inflammation non seulement dans le sang, mais aussi dans les tissus et les cellules, où se déroule peut-être le véritable processus du vieillissement. Tout aussi important, ils appellent à des recherches plus inclusives, couvrant toute la gamme des expériences humaines, et pas seulement les populations riches et urbanisées du monde.

À tout le moins, cette étude offre une leçon importante. Ce que nous pensions être une vérité universelle sur la biologie du vieillissement pourrait en fait être une réalité locale, façonnée par notre environnement, notre mode de vie et notre façon de vivre.

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

– ref. Le vieillissement n’est pas le même partout – pourquoi l’inflammation peut être un problème lié au mode de vie – https://theconversation.com/le-vieillissement-nest-pas-le-meme-partout-pourquoi-linflammation-peut-etre-un-probleme-lie-au-mode-de-vie-260625

February 11, 2026

Pourquoi les jeunes Suédois sont-ils si doués en anglais ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Una Cunningham, Professor Emerita, Department of Teaching and Learning, Stockholm University

En Suède, l’apprentissage de l’anglais ne se limite pas à ce qui se passe à l’école. (LightField Studios/Shutterstock)

Le suédois est une langue vivante parlée par environ 10 millions de personnes, principalement en Suède et en Finlande. Mais les jeunes Suédois maîtrisent souvent aussi l’anglais.

La Suède se classe régulièrement parmi les premiers pays dans les classements de maîtrise de l’anglais. Les jeunes Suédois parlent en fait si bien l’anglais que d’autres pays les regardent avec envie.

Bien que l’anglais n’ait pas de statut officiel en Suède, la maîtrise de cette langue est une exigence formelle pour progresser dans les études, et souvent aussi pour l’emploi et les activités sociales. Le programme scolaire national suédois souligne que « la langue anglaise nous entoure dans notre vie quotidienne et est utilisée dans des domaines aussi divers que la politique, l’éducation et l’économie ».

Comme beaucoup de langues nationales en Europe, le suédois partage de plus en plus son espace avec l’anglais. Les espaces publics sont depuis longtemps tapissés d’enseignes et de publicités en anglais, ou en suédois et en anglais.

Les jeunes Suédois ne manifestent guère d’intérêt pour l’apprentissage d’autres langues étrangères : l’anglais est considéré comme suffisant.

L’anglais est la langue par défaut pour les locuteurs suédois dans toutes les situations où l’on pense que quelqu’un ne maîtrise pas parfaitement le suédois, tant lors de voyages internationaux qu’à la maison en Suède lorsqu’ils s’adressent à des touristes ou à des migrants. En fait, les migrants rapportent qu’ils ont du mal à amener les Suédois à parler suédois avec eux.

Les jeunes Suédois passent naturellement à l’anglais et parlent de plus en plus anglais entre eux. Beaucoup de jeunes envisagent une vie hors de Suède et considèrent l’anglais comme la langue de leur avenir.

L’anglais à l’école et au-delà

Dans les écoles secondaires suédoises, l’enseignement de l’anglais vise à aider les élèves à parler anglais avec assurance. Les compétences en communication en anglais (écoute, expression orale, lecture et écriture) sont enseignées et évaluées, avec des tests nationaux qui commencent en sixième année (à l’âge de 12 ans). L’accent est mis sur les connaissances linguistiques implicites (être capable d’utiliser la langue) plutôt que sur les connaissances linguistiques explicites (connaissance de la langue).

La précision linguistique précise n’est pas un objectif explicite du programme d’études. Par conséquent, les jeunes, bien que souvent compétents à l’oral grâce à une exposition généralisée à l’anglais, peuvent manquer de connaissances en grammaire et en conventions, ce qui leur permet de communiquer efficacement, mais pas toujours avec une précision totale.

Ce manque potentiel de précision n’empêche pas les jeunes Suédois de se tourner vers l’anglais. En dehors des salles de classe, les étudiants suédois utilisent davantage l’anglais que beaucoup de leurs pairs à l’étranger. L’anglais conserve un attrait important en raison de sa place prépondérante dans les médias et la publicité, de la popularité de la culture britannique et américaine, et de la prévalence des artistes suédois utilisant l’anglais dans leurs compositions musicales.

De plus, de nombreux jeunes ont tendance à utiliser l’anglais sur les réseaux sociaux, notamment pour les jurons et les expressions argotiques. La langue que les jeunes Suédois rencontrent le plus en ligne est l’anglais. La consommation médiatique des jeunes en Suède – de Netflix à YouTube, de TikTok à Snapchat – se fait principalement en anglais.

Fille assise sur son lit regardant son téléphone — La plupart des contenus sur les réseaux sociaux avec lesquels les adolescents suédois interagissent sont en anglais.
Ground Picture/Shutterstock

De nombreux influenceurs suédois créent des contenus en anglais. Les jeux vidéo en Suède ont toujours été majoritairement en anglais.

Bien que les écoles exposent les élèves aux aspects formels de la langue et leur offrent la possibilité de recevoir des corrections, ceux-ci acquièrent généralement en parallèle l’anglais de manière informelle en dehors de la salle de classe.

Cette utilisation de la langue anglaise repose sur les intérêts personnels des élèves, tels que les jeux vidéo, le sport, la musique pop et la lecture. Les élèves ne cherchent pas activement à développer leur anglais, mais acquièrent du vocabulaire, améliorent leur prononciation et approfondissent leurs connaissances des structures de la langue anglaise en s’adonnant à diverses activités.

La volonté d’utiliser l’anglais n’est pas la même chose qu’une solide connaissance de la langue. La plupart des élèves tirent profit de la combinaison de l’apprentissage en classe et de l’exposition à la langue en dehors de l’école pour développer pleinement leurs compétences en anglais.

Idéalement, les enseignants devraient reconnaître et intégrer cette utilisation de la langue dans leur enseignement. Le nouveau programme d’anglais du secondaire supérieur reflète cette approche en soulignant l’importance de sensibiliser les élèves à la manière dont la langue peut être apprise en dehors de l’école.

Ce qui se passe à l’école ne représente qu’une petite partie de la manière dont les jeunes apprennent l’anglais en Suède. L’enseignement formel et l’utilisation informelle de la langue offrent beaucoup plus ensemble que séparément.

– ref. Pourquoi les jeunes Suédois sont-ils si doués en anglais ? – https://theconversation.com/pourquoi-les-jeunes-suedois-sont-ils-si-doues-en-anglais-275612

February 11, 2026

Understanding the difference between apathy and depression can be lifesaving for people with brain disorders

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Aderonke Agboji, Assistant Professor, University of Northern British Columbia

People with brain disorders, including Parkinson’s disease and dementia, are often misdiagnosed as having depression, when in fact what they’re experiencing is apathy. This can delay an accurate diagnosis, which has negative outcomes for patients as well as for their families and caregivers.

Apathy and depression may look alike from the outside, but they arise from different neurobiological pathways and have different implications for treatment, functioning and quality of life for those affected.

Understanding and identifying the differences is crucial. My recent research focused on developing a simple assessment tool to differentiate apathy from depression.

We will see more cases as people age

Brain disorders, particularly Alzheimer’s disease and other dementias, as well as Parkinson’s disease, are common in Canada.

According to a 2017 Public Health Agency of Canada (PHAC) report, an estimated 3.6 million Canadians have been diagnosed with brain disorders. More recently, the Canadian Brain Research Strategy estimates that one in five Canadians is affected by these conditions, with a total estimate of more than 7.5 million people currently living with brain conditions.

As the Canadian population ages due to demographic shifts and improved survival rates from once-fatal illnesses, the number of people living with these disorders will increase significantly.

As of January 2025, dementia alone affected 771,939 Canadians aged 65 and older. The prevalence of dementia increases with age. The likelihood of a diagnosis more than doubles every five years after age 65. We can therefore expect more than 1.7 million Canadians to be living with dementia by 2050.

Similarly, Parkinson’s disease currently affects more than 100,000 Canadians aged 40 and older, with about 38 new diagnoses each day. Current projections predict that by 2050, the rate may rise by nearly 70 per cent.

A growing body of evidence suggests Canada is not prepared for this reality. Expert reviews and health-system assessments highlight persistent barriers to care including limited specialist access, long diagnostic wait times, insufficient standardized care pathways and infrastructure gaps (for example, limited neuroimaging capacity) that constrain early and equitable diagnosis and treatment.

Why we must do better

The lack of Canada’s preparedness for the rapidly growing number of people with brain disorders is harmful in many ways. These include delayed diagnosis and missed opportunities for early intervention, as well as an unsustainable reliance on emergency departments when crises occur.

Fewer than half of Canadians currently living with dementia receive a formal diagnosis. In many regions, wait times for specialist assessments exceed one to two years, further delaying care planning and symptom management. These delays cause significant stress and strain on patients and their family members, many of whom are left to provide a high level of unpaid caregiving without sufficient supports or resources.

As a result, family caregivers often experience both mental and physical health issues that can profoundly reduce their quality of life and place further strain on existing health-care systems. One of the biggest sources of stress is a lack of diagnosis or misdiagnosis.

The key to diagnosis

One of the biggest barriers in accessing timely and accurate diagnoses is the fact that symptoms of brain disorders, particularly apathy, can present very similarly to symptoms of depression. While depression may accompany brain disorders, focusing too narrowly on the symptoms can lead to inappropriate care plans and unsuitable medications, as depression becomes the primary diagnosis while underlying brain disorders remain undetected and undiagnosed.

Understanding apathy is central in addressing current gaps treatment and prognosis. Research shows that symptoms traditionally associated with depression, such as reduced activity and social withdrawal, commonly manifest in people who have brain disorders but it does not always involve sadness or hopelessness, which are core features of depression.

Large international studies show that apathy on its own is linked to a higher risk of cognitive decline and dementia, even when depression is not present, meaning it’s an important warning sign that can be missed if symptoms are mislabelled. When apathy is mistaken for depression, people may receive treatments that worsen their apathy, leading to decreased daily functioning, higher caregiver stress, increased safety risks and poorer health over time.

What we can do to improve?

To improve differentiation between apathy and depression in people with brain disorders, we need targeted assessment tools that detect motivational decline separately from mood symptoms. Research shows that standard depression scales alone often fail to identify apathy because they focus on emotional distress rather than motivation and initiative.

One solution is to adopt a brief apathy-specific tool that is quick to administer in both care settings and at home. This tool consists of three questions:

Have you dropped many of your activities and interests?
Do you prefer to stay in your room/home rather than going out and doing new things? and
Do you feel full of energy?

If the answers are “Yes” to question one or question two (or both) and “No” to question three, apathy — not depression — should be suspected.

Another important solution is to put training and awareness at the centre of clinical practice, education and caregiver support to improve care and quality of life for people with brain disorders.

Research shows that many clinicians, caregivers and health professionals lack specific training on how to recognize and differentiate apathy from depression, which contributes to misdiagnosis and suboptimal care.

Increasing education about apathy including how it presents, why it differs from mood disorders and how to use appropriate assessment tools helps clinicians make more accurate diagnoses and develop tailored care plans.
Training should also extend to multidisciplinary teams and family caregivers, because apathy often goes unrecognized in routine interactions and can be misinterpreted as laziness, resistance or depression.

In brain disorders where cognitive changes complicate the overlap of symptoms, differentiating between apathy and depression is essential to optimal living. Using appropriate screening tools to distinguish these symptoms can lead to better, more personalized care, improved use of health-care resources and, most importantly, can be lifesaving for people navigating complex brain disorders.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Understanding the difference between apathy and depression can be lifesaving for people with brain disorders – https://theconversation.com/understanding-the-difference-between-apathy-and-depression-can-be-lifesaving-for-people-with-brain-disorders-273750

February 11, 2026

Below freezing but still moving: How salamanders stay active in winter

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Danilo Giacometti, São Paulo Research Foundation Postdoctoral Fellow, NUPENS (USP)

A blue-spotted salamander on the forest floor surrounding Bat Lake, Algonquin Provincial Park, Ontario. (Danilo Giacometti), CC BY-NC-ND

It’s a cold night in a Canadian forest. Temperatures are below freezing, snow is on the ground and most animals remain hidden to avoid the harsh conditions. But one creature is braving the cold weather.

Blue-spotted salamanders (Ambystoma laterale) are on the move. These small amphibians have left their underground winter refuges and started migrating toward breeding pools, often risking freezing.

For animals whose body temperature closely follows the environment, like salamanders, freezing can be deadly, as the formation of ice inside the body can damage cells and disrupt vital functions. However, blue-spotted salamanders remain active and apparently unharmed under the freezing conditions.

As a group of biologists who study how temperature shapes animal behaviour and physiology, our team has been long fascinated by animals that keep active at low temperatures.

In a recent study, colleagues and I documented salamanders migrating with body temperatures below 0 C in the wild. Our findings highlight field-based evidence that these amphibians can function at sub-zero temperatures without freezing. In doing so, salamanders are possibly extending their breeding season.

Survival strategies

A blue-spotted salamander on top some moss — Many amphibians rely on different strategies to cope with winter.
(Danilo Giacometti)

Amphibians have a thin skin that is supported by many blood vessels. This allows them to breathe through their skin; however, it also means they lose a lot of water through evaporation, especially under warm conditions. That means both exposure to extremely cold (risk of freezing) and warm temperatures (risk of desiccation) can be harmful. Consequently, amphibians are often described as extremely vulnerable to environmental change.

At the same time, amphibians are not passive victims of their environment. Many species rely on different strategies to cope with winter, a season that can last several months in parts of Canada. As winters become more unpredictable, with frequent freeze–thaw cycles and reduced snow cover, understanding these strategies is key.

Amphibians generally survive winter through freeze tolerance or freeze avoidance. Freeze-tolerant species can survive even if parts of their bodies are frozen solid. The wood frog (Lithobates sylvatica) is a well-known example: during winter, the frogs allow ice to form in their tissues while their cells are shielded by large amounts of natural antifreeze, like glucose. As temperatures rise in spring, the frogs thaw and resume their normal activity.

Instead of tolerating ice formation, freeze-avoidant animals avoid freezing altogether by keeping their body fluids in a liquid state. This can be achieved by moving to underground refuges, or, as in the case of blue-spotted salamanders, through a physiological process called super-cooling.

An explainer on how the wood frog uses antifreeze to stay alive in the winter. (Smithsonian Channel)

Supercooling: staying liquid below zero

To understand how blue-spotted salamanders cope with early spring cold, we studied migrating individuals in Ontario’s Algonquin Provincial Park. We used infrared thermal cameras to measure salamanders’ skin temperatures (an approximation of body temperature) as they moved naturally across the forest floor to make their way to Bat Lake.

This approach allowed us to record body and forest floor temperatures without the need to handle the animals, which is relevant because direct contact can quickly alter their body temperature.

As freeze-avoiders, blue-spotted salamanders would likely die if their body fluids were to freeze. This makes their early spring movement particularly risky, but this is where super-cooling comes in. Super-cooling occurs when liquids inside the animal’s body remain unfrozen below their normal freezing point.

This strategy occurs through a combination of processes. The animal removes surfaces in its body where water molecules can collect and start crystallizing through gut evacuation and partial dehydration. Producing antifreeze (typically sugars) and accumulating them in certain body parts (like the liver) also help in the process, although this occurs in smaller proportions than in freeze-tolerant species.

Previous lab-based research had shown that blue-spotted salamanders could super-cool down to about -1.5 C. Our field measurements not only validated the importance of super-cooling under natural conditions, but also demonstrated that salamanders can remain active at temperatures far below their known minimum super-cooling point, with values as low as –3.6 C.

Since we recorded individuals actively moving over ice, our observations confirm that the animals were not frozen. These results show that salamanders can push their limits further in nature than expected from lab tests alone.

Why do salamanders take the risk?

Super-cooling is unstable. Contact with ice or sudden temperature changes can trigger rapid freezing. That means salamanders moving over ice are operating close to their physiological limit. Why take the risk, then?

The answer lies in timing. Blue-spotted salamanders breed in temporary ponds formed by snowmelt and spring rain, and their breeding season lasts only a few weeks. Arriving at the ponds early increases access to suitable egg-laying sites and reduces competition. Although waiting for consistently warm nights would be safer, it could also mean missing the breeding window altogether.

Early migration appears to be a trade-off: higher short-term risk of freezing in exchange for long-term reproductive success. This behaviour also shows that salamanders respond to small changes in environmental conditions, not just average temperatures.

Winter brings with it various challenges, and opportunities, for animals. Whether they hibernate, develop antifreeze or stay super-cooled, various species have developed fascinating ways of surviving the freezing temperatures.

Danilo Giacometti receives funding from the São Paulo Research Foundation (Brazil).

– ref. Below freezing but still moving: How salamanders stay active in winter – https://theconversation.com/below-freezing-but-still-moving-how-salamanders-stay-active-in-winter-274100

February 11, 2026

Tumbler Ridge shootings highlight the need for mental health support for survivors and their community

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Margaret McKinnon, Professor and Homewood Research Chair in Mental Health and Trauma, Department of Psychiatry and Behavioural Neurosciences, McMaster University

Although mass shootings and gun violence have long plagued American communities, events like yesterday’s mass shooting at a high school in northern British Columbia are rare in Canada.

Following this tragedy, our communities may feel less safe and we may worry about family and loved ones.

The mental health and well-being of many Canadians will be impacted by this mass victimization event, including students and teachers present during the attack and their families, friends and peers. Supporters, including first responders and victim support providers, may also experience mental-health difficulties in the aftermath of the shooting.

Many survivors of mass shootings will experience symptoms of post-traumatic stress, anxiety and depression following the incident, with symptoms persisting one year or longer in a smaller group of survivors.

Reactions to traumatic events

Reactions to traumatic events may manifest as emotional, cognitive, interpersonal and physical symptoms.

Emotionally, individuals may become more irritable, experience trauma-related nightmares or struggle with feelings of guilt for not having done more to prevent or mitigate the event.

Cognitive reactions can involve difficulties with concentration, memory or making decisions.

Interpersonally, trauma survivors may find it harder to trust others who were not involved in the incident, or they may notice increased tension and conflict within family relationships.

Physical reactions can include gastrointestinal issues, headaches and difficulty sleeping.

Women, younger Canadians, and people belonging to racial and ethnic minorities are more likely to experience mental-health difficulties following exposure to gun violence.

The mental health and well-being of these groups, along with that of all survivors, should be carefully monitored, and early access to mental-health and well-being supports provided.

Community impacts

Communities are also impacted by mass shootings, including via mental distress associated with fear and anxiety and through school and business closures.

These impacts can persist past the immediate aftermath of the incident, pointing to the need for not only individual mental-health supports for survivors and supporters, but also public health interventions that can support the needs of the community.

Following mass victimization events like school shootings, promoting a sense of physical and emotional safety and providing opportunities for social support from family, friends and the community can assist in healing.

This may include providing for physical needs, such as blankets, and nourishing food, as well as promoting community connection through groups and organizations. Metaphorically speaking, it’s important for survivors and their supporters to remember to put their oxygen mask on first to best assist others.

Family support also contributes to recovery. Parents are encouraged to provide warmth and support, spend time and encourage talking to one another, and maintain routines and social connections as much as possible.

Support network resource

For a directory of mental health services across Canada, a mental health self-assessment tool and individual and community mental health tool kits, see
The Canadian Emergency Response Psychosocial Support Network (CanEMERG), which can can connect you with mental-health resources from coast to coast to coast.

CanEMERG was developed at McMaster University and is supported by financial contributions from the Public Health Agency of Canada.

Margaret McKinnon receives funding from the Public Health Agency of Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, National Defence, Veterans Affairs Canada, the Canadian Institute of Military and Veteran Health Research, the Worker’s Safety Insurance Board, Homewood Health and Homewood Research Institute, the AllOne Foundation, the FDC Foundation, the True Patriot Love, the Military Casualty Support Foundation, the Cowan Foundation and St. Joseph’s Healthcare Hamilton.

– ref. Tumbler Ridge shootings highlight the need for mental health support for survivors and their community – https://theconversation.com/tumbler-ridge-shootings-highlight-the-need-for-mental-health-support-for-survivors-and-their-community-275766