Big Beautiful Bill: Why Donald Trump is obsessed with the manipulative language of size

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Andy Curtis, Distinguished Guest Professor, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, City University of Macau

Small is Beautiful: A Study of Economics as if People Mattered is the title of the highly influential 1973 book written by the German-born British economist E.F. Schumacher.

The book marked its 50th anniversary in 2023, but a couple of years later, we find ourselves in a time where “big is best,” at least according to the 47th president of the United States, Donald Trump, and his administration.

The most recent example of their the-bigger-the-better mentality is the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill that recently became law.

Understandably, the focus in the extensive news coverage of the nearly 900-page document has been on the contents of the bill, especially the economic implications for American citizens, institutions and organizations.

But very little attention has been paid to the actual language of the bill, not least because, well, who has the time to pore over 900 pages of language?

Linguistic analysis

This is where a new kind of political language analysis can help.

In my 2022 book, I deconstructed and analyzed the speeches of past American presidents George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Donald Trump and Joe Biden. In my subsequent 2024 book, I subjected five of Trump’s major campaign speeches to an in-depth level of linguistic analysis that had not been applied before.

One of the findings of my 10 years of analyzing Trump speeches since 2015, when he famously announced his plans to run for the presidency while riding on a golden escalator, is how effective the advice was of his former adviser, Steve Bannon. He reportedly told Trump in 2018 “to flood the zone with shit.”

In other words, Bannon was advising Trump to ensure there was so much information, disinformation and misinformation coming from the Trump campaign that neither the political opposition nor the media could keep up with it.

And even if they tried, distinguishing fact from fiction and disentangling exaggeration and bombastic hyperbole from carefully calculated lies became an insurmountable task even for the most dedicated of investigative journalists, including Canadian-born Daniel Dale.

Why another four years?

Applying Schumacher’s idea that “small is beautiful” to language analysis is one way of countering the kind of deliberate language overload employed by the Trump administration.

Taking small but complete slices of language and subjecting them to a new kind of forensic, linguistic analysis can help us understand, in this case, why more than 77 million American voters decided that what their country and the world needed was another Trump presidency. What role did Trump’s language play in that outcome?

An example of a small but complete piece of language is the official announcement of the One Big Beautiful Bill on the White House website on July 7.

The announcement was entitled: “President Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill: A Win for Workers, Farmers, and America’s Future.”

The first thing to notice is what this is not. It is not presented as a bill passed by the U.S. government or even the Republican Party. It is Trump’s bill, which may be a small but clear, concise example of the ways in which a nation’s government can be reduced to a single person, like autocratic dictatorships and absolutemonarchies.

Then there is the title of the legislation, which has been described as “absurd” and therefore easy to dismiss. But the three-B alliteration is nonetheless catchy, which makes it memorable and all the more irresistible to the world’s mainstream media.

The title also identifies three supposedly big winners in the bill: American workers, American farmers and America the Beautiful.

Stoking fears

“Winner takes all” appears to be the mantra of the second Trump administration, but it’s important to notice the exclusions of large groups, including those who live in the U.S. but aren’t working — like children, retirees and the unemployed, which is the majority of citizens — and those who aren’t farmers, which is more than 99 per cent of all Americans.

It’s also critical to be aware of the aggrandizing and misleading language of the bill. The introductory paragraph on the page announcing the bill describes it as a “sweeping legislative triumph” — despite the fact that the legislation passed by a single vote — while referring to “the largest tax cuts in history” and “historic funding for national security.”

The recurring references to American history are at odds with the fact that Trump lacks knowledge of both U.S. and world history, which has been on display many times over many years.

The introductory paragraph also highlights the importance of “America’s defences” and “our nation’s defence,” which continue to give the impression that the U.S. is a country under siege and vulnerable to attack from various enemies at any time. But given how much the U.S. spends on its military, there is probably no other country in the world more capable of defending itself.

But the language is the point. By constantly repeating the “we are under attack” line, fear is effectively created and maintained, especially the fear of anyone who doesn’t look or sound like Trump and his followers.

Using words to manipulate

Keeping with the wartime-like language, the introduction claims that the One Big Beautiful Bill “unleashes economic prosperity and empowers every American.” Such statements are already being shown to be untrue, as many millions of American are likely to be severely, negatively impacted by the legislation.

The introduction is followed by 10 statements that are, in effect, “product endorsements” published in obscure, pro-Trump media, like The National Hog Farmer, all expressing gushing enthusiasm and unqualified support for the points made in the introduction.

This new kind of in-depth linguistic analyses of the language of the world’s most powerful people can help us move beyond their obviously false and misleading statements and claims, to become more aware of how their words may be being used not to communicate — but to manipulate.

The Conversation

Andy Curtis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Big Beautiful Bill: Why Donald Trump is obsessed with the manipulative language of size – https://theconversation.com/big-beautiful-bill-why-donald-trump-is-obsessed-with-the-manipulative-language-of-size-259358

‘Indigenous helpers’ are essential to culturally responsive mental health care

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Louis Busch, Psychotherapist, Doctoral Candidate (UofT OISE), Bear Clan Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation., University of Toronto

For Indigenous Peoples who have been discriminated against in health institutions, healing can take place outside of conventional health practices. (Freepic), CC BY

For nearly two decades, I worked as a therapist in a large psychiatric hospital in Toronto, supporting people living with severe mental health challenges. Many of those I encountered were navigating complex intersections of psychiatric diagnoses, chronic physical illness, poverty, and the breakdown of family and social support. Stories of fear, isolation, abuse and abandonment were pervasive.

Occasionally, I witnessed transformative outcomes; patients reconnecting with loved ones, reclaiming aspects of their identity and building meaningful lives beyond their diagnoses. Unfortunately, such outcomes were typically the exception. More commonly, individuals cycled through repeated hospitalizations, and were placed in institutional or custodial settings. Some lost their lives before they got any better.

While our mental health system certainly fails people of all backgrounds, I observed a unique disservice done to the Black, brown and Indigenous patients I encountered.




Read more:
Racism impacts your health


The system seems designed to fail them not only in its methodology, but also in the basic values it is built upon.

Within my own journey of mental health recovery, I found healing alongside helpers across Turtle Island, rather than within the confines of a mental health institution or pages of a manualized treatment protocol.

It’s common for First Nations Peoples to refer to “helpers” or “helping work” when describing individuals who provide relationally-based support to others. As a community psychotherapist and later PhD student, I became increasingly interested in these helpers as unsung heroes of community wellness. They didn’t necessarily have a graduate degree in a mental health field, and they were rarely recognized or compensated for their efforts, yet they made great personal sacrifices to support the healing journeys of those around them.

Who are Indigenous helpers?

My doctoral research investigates who these Indigenous helpers are, the nature of their helping work and the role of language and dialogue in the relationships they form with those they help.

Here is what I’ve learned so far:

1. Knowledge is defined by lived experience
Indigenous helpers are individuals who emerge naturally from within their families and communities rather than being self-appointed professionals or receiving accreditation from a college or certification board. Their knowledge and skill is defined by their lived experiences, their kinship obligations and the trust placed in them by their community. They seamlessly blend practical support such as caregiving and crisis intervention with relational and spiritual guidance rooted in ancestral values and traditions.

2. Helping work is holistic and relational
Helping work is a holistic, relational practice rooted in cultural values and kinship responsibility. It involves a continuous, reciprocal process of healing, where the act of helping heals the helper, their relative and the collective. Helping work is guided by an ethic of relational accountability and powered time spent together and deep, action-based dialogue. It integrates physical, emotional, cognitive and spiritual dimensions through storytelling, presence and joint engagement in work, rest, play and ceremony. It is a long-term process that is highly contextual and nonlinear.

3. Language is medicine
Indigenous languages hold the blueprint for helping and healing work. Embedded within Indigenous languages are complex relational networks that shape how people understand themselves, their families, their worlds, and their roles within the broader community. While English is an analytic, noun-based language, Nêhîyawêwin (the Cree language) and many other Indigenous languages are polysynthetic, verb-based and highly contextual. This linguistic structure encodes kinship ties, responsibility and ways of being in relation to others (human and non-human).

Cree protectors and caretakers

One powerful example of the complexity of Indigenous languages comes from the words used to describe “Elders,” which is often a point of contention, as the English word doesn’t capture what people are trying to say when referring to the helper-leaders in our communities.

The Nêhîyawêwin (Plains Cree) word for an Elder is kisêyiniw. This is often translated simply as “old man,” but in reality carries a much deeper meaning.

two people walk through a forest
Healing and talking can take place outside of the confines of traditional medical spaces.
(Unsplash), CC BY

The root kisê- comes from the Cree word ê-kisêt, which describes an animal feigning injury to protect its young. The second root -niw- means “a person,” making kisêyiniw not just an old man, but a protector and a caretaker who sacrifices for future generations.

Kisêyiniw describes those who embody relational responsibility: protecting, guiding and enduring suffering for the well-being of others. So rather than just being an aged person, or even an aged person who has wisdom or leadership qualities, the word kisêyiniw describes those who embody relational responsibility — protecting, guiding and enduring suffering for the well-being of others.

This contrasting of meaning reveals how the Cree language structures identity, healing and responsibility in ways that the English translation fails to capture.

A child forced to cease speaking their native language, and speak only English, would lose all of the values and meaning that exist within the relational networks that comprise the word and its concepts, and be left with a simple arbitrary label. I believe this to be at the core of much of the intergenerational suffering found in the wake of the Indian Residential School system.

Culturally specific mental health care

This is one of the reasons Indigenous-led approaches must reclaim language as central to healing, recognizing that Indigenous languages hold entire systems of wellness, governance, relationship and emotional regulation.

Truly culturally responsive care must prioritize language revitalization, ceremony and kinship-based care as core practices.

Funders, policymakers, researchers and clinicians must recognize, fund and integrate Indigenous helpers — Elders, ceremonial leaders, traditional knowledge keepers and natural helpers identified by their communities — as core mental health providers, not cultural add-ons.

Governments, universities and regulatory bodies must remove barriers preventing Indigenous helpers from full participation in mental health professions. Efforts to include Indigenous helpers should avoid forcing Indigenous helping practices into western psychotherapy models with strict, compartmentalized boundaries.

Instead, we must restore intergenerational, kinship-based healing through relationships, ceremony, land-based practices and daily caregiving.

Genuinely culturally responsive and anti-colonial mental health care requires shifting resources and power back to Indigenous helpers, languages and communities.

The Conversation

Louis Busch receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC), including a Vanier Canada Graduate Scholarship and a SSHRC Impact Award.

ref. ‘Indigenous helpers’ are essential to culturally responsive mental health care – https://theconversation.com/indigenous-helpers-are-essential-to-culturally-responsive-mental-health-care-249128

Why in-person dating is making a comeback — and why Gen Z is struggling with it

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Treena Orchard, Associate Professor, School of Health Studies, Western University

With the decline of dating apps, we are seeing a return to in-person dating activities like speed dating, running clubs and daytime raves. (Unsplash+)

With plummeting subscriber numbers, rising costs and users who are sick of endless swiping, the dating app industry is in crisis. Recent layoffs at Bumble are raising questions about the future of dating apps and alternatives for people who want to find romance and connection offline instead.

One of the most popular alternatives is a return to in-person dating activities like speed dating, running clubs and daytime raves.

For millennials and older generations, in-person dating is familiar territory, but if you’re part of Gen Z — often described as the “digital generation” — that isn’t necessarily the case.

This inter-generational divide was on display recently at Canada’s first sex tech conference, where I made a presentation on masculinity, dating apps and in-person alternatives to swiping. During the Q&A, a young woman chimed in with a comment that stopped me in my tracks: “Check your extrovert privilege,” she said.

After a few moments of awkward silence, the discussion resumed with a new focus on how difficult it is for younger folks to date in-person. Many of you are disillusioned with dating apps and lack the interpersonal experience some of us older generations take for granted.

So where does that leave you? Telling Gen Z to just “get out there” is not only culturally tone-deaf, but it could also contribute to rising levels of loneliness and feelings of not mattering that already affect many young people today.


Dating today can feel like a mix of endless swipes, red flags and shifting expectations. From decoding mixed signals to balancing independence with intimacy, relationships in your 20s and 30s come with unique challenges. Love IRL is the latest series from Quarter Life that explores it all.

These research-backed articles break down the complexities of modern love to help you build meaningful connections, no matter your relationship status.


In-person dating is trending

If dating apps are starting to feel more like a chore than a chance at connection, you’re not alone. A New York Times article by reporter Catherine Pearson encourages Gen Z to create meaningful communities and be open to different kinds of relationships versus the pressure-laden focus to find “the one.”

Some dating apps have joined the movement to support in-person dating. For example, Hinge hosts One More Hour, a social impact initiative to help people make in-person connections. It’s aimed at Gen Z, many of whom report anxiety around face-to-face interactions.

A person seated on a bed looks at a woman seen on a swipe-based dating app
With plummeting subscriber numbers, rising costs and users who are sick of endless swiping, the dating app industry is in crisis.
(Unsplash+)

The hyper-digitized environment many Gen Z are a part of can feel pretty disingenuous over time, which makes connecting with someone at a park, bar or library refreshing and novel.

Meet-cutes in physical places can also take frustrating app-based practices like catfishing out of the equation. Interestingly, 38 per cent of Gen Z polled in a recent survey expressed a desire to have designated spaces for hookups and self-love at work.

How one organization is re-thinking dating

Although not specifically for Gen Z, another noteworthy force in the in-person dating landscape is the relationship-building organization called We Met IRL, founded in 2022 by entrepreneur Maxine Simone Williams.

Born out of frustration with dating apps and the lack of diversity in traditional dating spaces, We Met IRL hosts speed dating events, mixers and social gatherings that encourage romantic or platonic connections offline.

The desire for in-person romance among Gen Z is beginning to shift the cultural needle, at least in the United States where a recent survey indicates that only 23 per cent of Gen Z adults met their partner through a dating app, social media or online community.

So, if a lot of these young people are already dating in-person, why is it often spoken about as being hard or stressful?

In-person dating is hard

Dating in-person can be challenging for a number of reasons. Key culprits include the fact that dating apps focus on performative and inauthentic forms of communication, the challenges of coming-of-age during the pandemic and the cultural shift away from relationships all together.

A study I conducted with Gen Z students also highlighted the reasons behind the decline of relationships. Gen Z want meaningful partnerships, but fear getting cheated on, ghosted or emotionally hurt.

Socio-cultural factors like the retreat of men from intimacy and vulnerability also feed into the dismantling of traditional relationship structures and gender relations more broadly. These shifts have a cascading effect on younger generations and boys, in particular, are described as being “lost” and less emotionally resilient.

The rise of misogynistic influencers and politicians openly denigrating women as part of their radicalization of boys and young men is only making things worse.

And yes, some of the awkwardness around in-person dating might come down to what that young woman called “extrovert privilege.” A recent study found that Gen Z are more shy than other generations but not for no reason. Growing up immersed in smartphone technology and social media means Gen Z have had fewer opportunities to develop interpersonal skills.

In-person dating can be hard, but not because there’s something wrong with you or because there are fewer good catches out there. It’s hard because connection, trust and vulnerability are difficult in a complex world that doesn’t always create the space you need to learn about relationships and interpersonal communication.

How to build confidence with in-person dating

As a formerly painfully shy young person, I can say with confidence that the categories of introvert and extrovert are not written in stone. There is ample evidence to show that Gen Zers who are less confident in the realm of romance can learn to enhance their in-person skills and reduce anxiety around social events.

Here are seven tips from licensed counsellors for ways to build your in-person skills:

  1. Prepare for the event ahead of time when possible.

  2. Reframe how you view and feel about uncertainty — not as a threat, but as an opportunity for growth.

  3. Stay grounded in who you are.

  4. Practise social skills to gain confidence.

  5. Pay attention to your body language — to make sure you appear open and welcoming.

  6. Remind yourself you’re not the only one struggling with feeling confident.

  7. Consider seeking the help of a therapist if fear or anxiety is overwhelming.

Reframing your vulnerability as being less about your ingrained tendencies and more an opportunity for you to reflect on who you area as a social being is one of the most powerful things you can do.

Tools like reflexive vision boards or self-reflection exercises can help you explore your values, goals and identity in meaningful ways. These reflective practices are even more effective when supported by schools, communities or organizations that can help young people turn moments of risk or fear into opportunities for personal exploration.

Building resilience is like building muscle: it needs to be exercised and challenged to grow into the resource we need it to be. With the right support and space to practice, you can build the kind of confidence and self-awareness that carries into every part of your life, not just dating.

The Conversation

Treena Orchard has received funding from SSHRC, CIHR, and Western University, however, no research funding was awarded or used in the creation of this article.

ref. Why in-person dating is making a comeback — and why Gen Z is struggling with it – https://theconversation.com/why-in-person-dating-is-making-a-comeback-and-why-gen-z-is-struggling-with-it-257210

More people are considering AI lovers, and we shouldn’t judge

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Neil McArthur, Director, Centre for Professional and Applied Ethics, University of Manitoba

People are falling in love with their chatbots. There are now dozens of apps that offer intimate companionship with an AI-powered bot, and they have millions of users. A recent survey of users found that 19 per cent of Americans have interacted with an AI meant to simulate a romantic partner.

The response has been polarizing. In a New Yorker article titled “Your A.I. Lover Will Change You,” futurist Jaron Lanier argued that “when it comes to what will happen when people routinely fall in love with an A.I., I suggest we adopt a pessimistic estimate about the likelihood of human degradation.”

Podcaster Joe Rogan put it more succinctly — in a recent interview with Sen. Bernie Sanders, the two discussed the “dystopian” prospect of people marrying their AIs. Noting a case where this has already happened, Rogan said: “I’m like, oh, we’re done. We’re cooked.”

We’re probably not cooked. Rather, we should consider accepting human-AI relationships as beneficial and healthy. More and more people are going to form such relationships in the coming years, and my research in sexuality and technology indicates it is mostly going to be fine.

‘60 Minutes Australia’ examines people’s relationships with AI companions.

Ruining human connection

When surveying the breathless media coverage, the main concern raised is that chatbots will spoil us for human connection. How could we not prefer their cheerful personalities, their uncomplicated affection and their willingness to affirm everything we say?

The fear is that, seduced by such easy companionship, many people will surely give up their desire to find human partners, while others will lose their ability to form satisfying human relationships even if they want to.

It has been less than three years since the launch of ChatGPT and other chatbots based on large language models. That means we can only speculate about the long-term effects of AI-human relationships on our capacity for intimacy. There is little data to support either side of the debate, though we can do our best to make sense of more short-term studies and other pieces of available evidence.

There are certain risks that we do know about already, and we should take them seriously. For instance, we know that AI companion apps have terrible privacy policies. Chatbots can encourage destructive behaviours. Tragically, one may have played a role in a teenager’s suicide.

The companies that provide these apps can go out of business, or they can change their terms of service without warning. This can suddenly deprive users of access to technology that they’ve become emotionally attached, with no recourse or support.

Complex relationships

In assessing the dangers of relationships with AI, however, we should remember that human relationships are not exactly risk-free. One recent paper concluded that “the association between relationship distress and various forms of psychopathology is as strong as many other well-known predictors of mental illness.”

This is not to say we should swap human companions for AI ones. We just need to keep in mind that relationships can be messy, and we are always trying to balance the various challenges that come with them. AI relationships are no different.

We should also remember that just because someone forms an intimate bond with a chatbot, that doesn’t mean it will be their only close relationship. Most people have lots of different people in their lives, who play a variety of different roles. Chatbot users may depend on their AI companions for support and affirmation, while still having relationships with humans that provide different kinds of challenges and rewards.

Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg has suggested that AI companions may help solve the problem of loneliness. However, there is some (admittedly very preliminary data) to suggest that many of the people who form connections with chatbots are not just trying to escape loneliness.

In a recent study (which has not yet been peer reviewed), researchers found that feelings of loneliness did not play a measurable role in someone’s desire to form a relationship with an AI. Instead, the key predictor seemed to be a desire to explore romantic fantasies in a safe environment.

Support and safety

We should be willing to accept AI-human relationships without judging the people who form them. This follows a general moral principle that most of us already accept: we should respect the choices people make about their intimate lives when those choices don’t harm anyone else. However, we can also take steps to ensure that these relationships are as safe and satisfying as possible.

First of all, governments should implement regulations to address the risks we know about already. They should, for instance, hold companies accountable when their chatbots suggest or encourage harmful behaviour.

Governments should also consider safeguards to restrict access by younger users, or at least to control the behaviour of chatbots who are interacting with young people. And they should mandate better privacy protections — though this is a problem that spans the entire tech industry.




Read more:
Teenagers turning to AI companions are redefining love as easy, unconditional and always there


Second, we need public education so people understand exactly what these chatbots are and the issues that can arise with their use. Everyone would benefit from full information about the nature of AI companions but, in particular, we should develop curricula for schools as soon as possible.

While governments may need to consider some form of age restriction, the reality is that large numbers of young people are already using this technology, and will continue to do so. We should offer them non-judgmental resources to help them navigate their use in a manner that supports their well-being, rather than stigmatizes their choices.

AI lovers aren’t going to replace human ones. For all the messiness and agony of human relationships, we still (for some reason) pursue other people. But people will also keep experimenting with chatbot romances, if for no other reason than they can be a lot of fun.

The Conversation

Neil McArthur does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. More people are considering AI lovers, and we shouldn’t judge – https://theconversation.com/more-people-are-considering-ai-lovers-and-we-shouldnt-judge-260631

South African university programmes to support black students aren’t working. What needs to be done

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Anthea Adams, Lecturer: Academic Staff Development, Rhodes University

Most universities and colleges have formal and informal programmes and initiatives to support student and staff development. Their goal is to create learning experiences that help students succeed academically. Typically, academic development practitioners design and run these programmes. They are usually academics themselves. To help students, they use tools like data analytics to design tutoring and mentoring programmes. For staff, development might include formal courses, webinars, workshops and seminars. Education researchers Anthea Adams, Sandra Williams, Patricia Muhuro and Charlene Van Wyk-Geduld reflect on their recent paper on academic development in South African higher education.

What is the role of academic development in South African higher education?

It started in the early 1980s when black students were first allowed to register at universities that had previously been reserved for white students.

After 1994 when South Africa became a democracy, the main aim of academic development was to help transform society by giving black students better opportunities to succeed at university.

Research on whether these efforts were making a difference in improving student learning, and our reflections, show a mismatch between what academic development is supposed to achieve and how it is being carried out in practice.

What is the mismatch between goals and practices?

Academic development has come a long way, mainly thanks to government support and funding. There is evidence of this in research and annual progress reports submitted to the Department of Higher Education and Training. This evidence clearly shows the positive impact of academic development efforts over the years.

But even with these strides, we can’t ignore a major concern: many black students drop out of university or do not progress with their studies as expected. This tells us that there’s a serious disconnect between what academic development aims to achieve and its actual practices.

One of the biggest red flags is the ongoing gap in graduation rates across different population groups. For example, the Council on Higher Education’s 2022 review of higher education highlighted that in 2018, white students were six percentage points more likely to complete their studies than black students.




Read more:
Why South Africa’s universities are in the grip of a class struggle


What’s also worrying is that South African curricula and learning approaches are not yet relevant to diverse learning contexts. Students, academic staff and professional organisations like the Higher Education Learning and Teaching Association of Southern Africa have all said that academic development practices may not sufficiently address the academic realities of the majority of students.

What lessons can we learn?

We propose that academic development work should be based on research that can genuinely support all students’ success.

A number of scholars have argued that the quality of current research on academic development work contributes to the mismatch between its goals and actual practices. The research is not yet as theoretical, scholarly and critical as it needs to be to help us fully understand and improve academic development work.

This critique helps us understand why academic development research often feels limited to one specific context. This is particularly true of research that looks into why some students are dropping out or struggling to complete their studies.
This kind of research doesn’t offer insights that help practitioners and academics think more broadly about how to apply the findings in different learning contexts.

Valuable work is being done by both veteran and less experienced academic development practitioners. Their efforts have influenced academic development work as we know it today. But we should respond to the observation that most academic development work is still, in practice, limited to one context.

What is the way forward?

Less experienced academic development practitioners and scholars may find it daunting to produce research rich in theory. Therefore, we propose working together in communities of practice to build networks and benefit from reciprocal mentorship opportunities.

Mentors can be peers or seasoned academic development practitioners and researchers. They can help each other unpack what it means to produce rigorous research based on real-life teaching and learning contexts.

Working alongside each other and sharing knowledge and expertise can be fulfilling. It can also be the catalyst for building theory that will advance an understanding of academic development work. Opportunities to form peer networks help academics develop confidence and competence as teachers and scholars.

This kind of work can happen naturally as long as the context is supportive. However, we recognise opportunities for both formal and informal reciprocal mentoring relationships. This is based on our reflections on our teaching experiences and engagements in postgraduate diplomas in higher education.

Several scholars support the proposal for national directives to develop academics as university teachers and scholars. Professional development initiatives, such as postgraduate diplomas, can be conducive learning spaces where academics can engage in the scholarship of teaching and learning.

In other words, supported by experienced facilitators, academics can use research and evidence to interrogate how they teach and how students learn.

Professional development initiatives are not a panacea for the mismatch between academic development goals and actual practices. However, they can be a place where academics help each other to build theory in academic development. Only then, by working together, can academics respond to challenges casting a shadow on academic development work.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. South African university programmes to support black students aren’t working. What needs to be done – https://theconversation.com/south-african-university-programmes-to-support-black-students-arent-working-what-needs-to-be-done-251954

Crise dans le camp Trump : Et si le dossier Epstein faisait exploser la base MAGA ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Robert Dover, Professor of Intelligence and National Security & Dean of Faculty, University of Hull

Le rejet brutal par Donald Trump des théories du complot autour de Jeffrey Epstein provoque une onde de choc chez ses partisans les plus fidèles, qu’il n’hésite plus à traiter de « stupides » ou de « crédules ». Un tournant risqué à quelques mois de la présidentielle.


Pendant sa campagne pour l’élection présidentielle américaine de 2024, Donald Trump a déclaré à plusieurs reprises qu’il allait déclassifier et rendre publics les dossiers liés à Jeffrey Epstein, le financier déchu mort en prison en 2019 alors qu’il attendait son procès pour trafic sexuel.

Les soi-disant dossiers Epstein contiendraient, pense-t-on, des contacts, des communications, et – peut-être plus crucial encore – les registres de vol. L’avion privé d’Epstein étaient en effet le moyen de transport utilisé pour se rendre sur ce qui a ensuite été surnommé « l’île pédophile », où lui-même et ses associés auraient fait venir et abusé des mineurs.

Les partisans de Trump les plus enclins aux théories du complot – dont beaucoup pensent qu’Epstein a été assassiné par de puissantes figures pour dissimuler leur implication dans ses crimes sexuels – espèrent que ces dossiers révéleront l’identité de l’élite présumée impliquée dans l’exploitation sexuelle d’enfants.


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Pendant sa campagne, Trump a laissé entendre que les dossiers Epstein mettraient en cause des personnes puissantes – suggérant qu’il connaissait leur identité et leurs actes. Cela constituait à la fois un avertissement lancé à ces individus et un moyen de galvaniser sa base « Make America Great Again » (MAGA). Cela validait également une partie de la théorie du complot QAnon, selon laquelle un « État profond » couvrirait un réseau élitiste d’abus sexuels sur enfants.

Mais le ministère de la Justice a récemment annoncé que l’examen des documents n’avait révélé aucune liste de clients politiquement influents et a confirmé qu’Epstein était mort par suicide. Cela réfute deux croyances centrales pour la base électorale de Trump. Pour une large partie du mouvement MAGA, ces conclusions banales ont été vécues comme une trahison.

Musk flaire l’opportunité

L’ancien allié proche de Trump — son bailleur de fonds et conseiller — Elon Musk, a profité de l’affaire des dossiers Epstein pour contre-attaquer sur les réseaux sociaux. Sans apporter de preuves, Musk a insinué à plusieurs reprises que le nom de Trump figurait dans les documents. Trump a répliqué en accusant Musk d’« avoir perdu la tête », en s’appuyant sur des éléments fournis par l’ancien avocat d’Epstein, David Schoen, pour rejeter les accusations de Musk.

Les accusations de Musk pourraient être toxiques pour Trump. Une bonne partie du mouvement Maga croit en la théorie QAnon. Être potentiellement lié à un réseau d’exploitation sexuelle d’enfants nuirait donc gravement à la réputation de Trump auprès de cette base, pour qui il s’agit d’un sujet extrêmement sensible. Musk a semé le doute chez certains activistes, qui se demandent désormais si Trump ne serait pas impliqué dans une dissimulation.

La base MAGA reste en grande partie fidèle à Trump. Mais cette loyauté a déjà nécessité beaucoup de pragmatisme depuis sa réélection. Une position clé soutenue par ces électeurs – l’opposition de Trump aux interventions militaires étrangères – a été contredite par les effets lorsque le président états-unien a lancé son attaque contre des sites militaires iraniens en juin.

Les porte-parole MAGA ont justifié ces actions en disant qu’elles étaient limitées et répondaient à une provocation exceptionnelle. Elles sont présentées comme un contre-exemple aux engagements militaires prolongés du président George Bush en Afghanistan et en Irak dans les années 2000.

Un autre effort de pragmatisme a été exigé sur le « Big Beautiful Bill Act », qui va creuser la dette nationale de plusieurs milliers de milliards de dollars, tout en réduisant les financements de la santé et de l’aide alimentaire. Ces mesures ont retiré des prestations à une bonne partie des électeurs Maga.

Malgré cette souffrance financière personnelle, les fidèles Maga ont défendu ces décisions comme un moyen de réduire les gaspillages et de mettre l’État au régime. Ils font confiance à Trump, qui affirme qu’ils ne seront pas désavantagés à long terme — bien que les conséquences de l’application de la réforme restent inconnues.

Du sucre de canne dans le Coca

Trump a aussi mis à mal la patience des producteurs de maïs du Midwest, pourtant un de ses bastions électoraux. Il a exigé que Coca-Cola remplace le sirop de maïs par du sucre de canne dans sa version sucrée de la boisson. Trump, avec son ministre de la Santé controversé Robert F. Kennedy Jr., a en effet affirmé que le sucre de canne est plus sain — une affirmation contestée — et qu’il permettrait de « rendre l’Amérique saine à nouveau ».

Même si la question du sucre dans le Coca-Cola peut sembler anecdotique, soutenir une mesure qui nuit aux agriculteurs du Midwest passe mal pour les fidèles MAGA. En devant composer avec ces tensions, certains pourraient commencer à douter de la sagesse de Trump.

Le dossier Epstein, danger politique majeur

Les débats autour des dossiers Epstein pourraient être autrement plus dangereux pour Trump et sa relation avec la base Maga. L’existence d’un réseau pédophile élitiste est centrale dans la théorie conspirationniste QAnon et Trump était censé être celui qui allait révéler la vérité. Mais le ministère de la Justice a désormais rejeté cette vision du monde. Et certains en viennent à se demander si Trump ne fait pas lui-même partie de la dissimulation.

Pire encore, Trump a contre-attaqué. Il a déclaré que la conspiration autour d’Epstein n’avait jamais existé et a qualifié certains de ses partisans de « crétins crédules » pour continuer à y croire. Pour certains fidèles, cela va trop loin. Ils ont exprimé leur frustration sur Truth Social, le réseau de Trump, ainsi que sur des blogs et podcasts de droite.

Démonstration de « whataboutisme »

Trump a depuis tenté d’adoucir ses critiques contre ceux qui croient encore à la théorie Epstein, déclarant qu’il souhaiterait publier toute information crédible. Il est aussi revenu à une tactique de campagne classique : le « whataboutisme », qui souligne le traitement injuste qu’il subirait en comparaison avec ses prédécesseurs Barack Obama et Joe Biden.

L’épisode des dossiers Epstein pourrait passer. Mais la question de savoir si le mouvement Maga est désormais plus grand que Trump restera. Pour un président qui plaisantait autrefois en disant qu’il pourrait « tirer sur quelqu’un sur la Cinquième Avenue sans perdre de soutien », la loyauté et la flexibilité de ses partisans sont capitales.

Le mouvement Maga n’est pas monolithique dans ses croyances ou ses actions. Mais si Trump perd la loyauté d’une partie de ses troupes, ou si ces dernières refusent de s’adapter comme elles l’ont fait jusqu’ici, cela pourrait lui coûter cher politiquement. Depuis la tombe, Epstein pourrait bien avoir amorcé une nouvelle ère dans la politique américaine.

The Conversation

Robert Dover ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Crise dans le camp Trump : Et si le dossier Epstein faisait exploser la base MAGA ? – https://theconversation.com/crise-dans-le-camp-trump-et-si-le-dossier-epstein-faisait-exploser-la-base-maga-261537

How the QAnon movement entered mainstream politics – and why the silence on Epstein files matters

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Art Jipson, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Dayton

QAnon supporters wait for Donald Trump to speak at a campaign rally at Atlantic Aviation on September 22, 2020, in Moon Township, Pennsylvania. eff Swensen/Getty Images

The Justice Department asked a federal court on July 18, 2025, to unseal grand jury transcripts in Jeffrey Epstein’s case. The direction from President Donald Trump came after weeks of frustration among some far-right groups over his administration’s refusal to release the complete and unredacted “Epstein files.”

Epstein, a wealthy financier with high-profile connections, was arrested in 2019 on sex trafficking charges and later died by suicide in a Manhattan jail awaiting trial.

In early 2025, a federal court unsealed portions of the court documents. While names of some of the alleged clients and victims were released, many were redacted or withheld.

Epstein’s arrest and death became a central focus for QAnon followers, who saw them as proof of a hidden global elite engaged in child trafficking and protected by powerful institutions. The release – or withholding – of the Epstein files is often cited within QAnon movement circles as evidence of a broader cover-up by the so-called “deep state.”

Some followers of the MAGA – Make America Great Again – movement and the Republican Party believe in the false claim that the United States is secretly controlled by a cabal of elites who are pedophiles, sex traffickers and satanists.

Over time, what started as a baseless conspiracy on obscure platforms has migrated into the mainstream. It has influenced rhetoric and policy debates, and even reshaped the American political landscape. The foundational belief of many of the QAnon followers is that Trump is a heroic figure fighting the elite pedophile ring.

Trump’s attempts at downplaying or obstructing the very disclosures they believe would validate their worldview has led to confusion. To some, the delay in the release of the files feels like a betrayal, or even the possibility of his wrongdoing. Others are trying to reinterpret Trump’s actions through increasingly baseless conspiracy logic.

Trump has publicly dismissed demands for the full release of the Epstein Files as a “hoax.” He has also made false claims. On July 15, 2025, Trump said: “And I would say that, you know, these files were made up by Comey. They were made up by Obama.”

As a scholar who studies extremism, I know that the movement views Trump as a mythological figure and it interprets Trump’s actions to fit this overarching narrative – an elasticity which makes the movement both durable and dangerous.

From Pizzagate to QAnon

The QAnon movement began with the Pizzagate conspiracy theory in 2016, which falsely claimed that high-ranking Democrats were operating a child sex trafficking ring out of a Washington, D.C., pizzeria. The baseless theory gained enough online momentum that a man armed with an assault rifle stormed the restaurant, seeking to “free the children.”

In 2017, an anonymous figure called “Q” began posting cryptic messages on message boards like 4chan and 8kun. The baseless accusations of a global network of elites involved in controlling global institutions, including governments, businesses, and the media, as well as operating a child trafficking and ritual abuse, were central to the QAnon movement’s narrative.

Two people holding up cellphones with messages 'Ask the Q' and 'We are the Q.'
Supporters of President Donald Trump with messages referring to the QAnon conspiracy theory at a campaign rally at Las Vegas Convention Center on February 21, 2020.
Mario Tama/Getty Images

The movement has recruited followers through language like “Save the Children,” to mobilize around issues of child trafficking.

A poster with the slogan 'Stop Child Trafficking' in big letters, with smaller ones saying 'pizzagate' and other phrases.
The QAnon movement recruits new followers through appeals to stop child trafficking.
Hollie Adams/Getty Images

Many QAnon adherents, particularly women, were drawn to the movement through such appeals to child protection. According to psychologists Sophia Moskalenko and Mia Bloom, this type of appeal taps into powerful emotional instincts, making conspiracy theories like QAnon more persuasive and harder to dislodge, even in the face of contradictory evidence.

QAnon movement’s rise

QAnon followers perceived Trump as a messianic figure working to expose this cabal in a climactic reckoning known as “The Storm” – a moment when mass arrests would finally bring justice.

They claimed that this moment would eventually bring about a “Great Awakening,” a reference to the religious revivalist movements of the 18th and 19th centuries. In this context the phrase described the supposed political and spiritual enlightenment that would follow “The Storm” – a moment of mass realization when people would “wake up” to the truth about the “deep state.”

A mobile device with an image of Donald Trump alongside a QAnon sticker using an American flag.
Trump reposted an image of himself wearing a Q lapel pin overlaid with the words ‘The Storm is Coming.’
Olivier Douliery/AFP via Getty Images

In 2019, the FBI identified QAnon as a domestic terrorism threat, and major social media platforms began banning related content, but by then, QAnon had bled into mainstream conservative politics. Q-endorsing candidates, such as Marjorie Taylor Greene, ran for and won elected office a year later.

Trump and QAnon

During Trump’s first administration – from 2017 to 2021 – the QAnon movement flourished. The posts from Q claimed to reveal insider knowledge of a secret war being waged by the president, often in coordination with the military, against the powerful elite.

Trump never explicitly endorsed the movement, but he did little to distance himself from it.

His administration also included figures, like former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn, who openly interacted with Q content online.

Trump’s rhetoric, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic and the 2020 election, gave new life to QAnon narratives. When he questioned the integrity of the electoral process, QAnon followers interpreted it as confirmation of the deep state’s meddling.

However, after Trump’s loss to Joe Biden in the 2020 presidential race, QAnon followers revised their original prophecy to maintain belief in “The Storm” and “The Great Awakening.” Some claimed the defeat was part of a larger secret plan, with Biden’s presidency serving as a cover for exposing the deep state. Some believed Trump remained the true president behind the scenes, while others reframed the awakening as a spiritual rather than political event.

Indeed, by 2020, several congressional candidates openly embraced or showed sympathy for the QAnon movement.

At various campaign rallies in 2022 and after Trump used the movement’s symbolism. On Truth Social, his social media platform, he retweeted Q-affiliated accounts, and praised QAnon supporters as “people who love our country.” That same year he reposted an image of himself wearing a Q lapel pin overlaid with the words “The Storm is Coming.”

After the 2020 elections

Trump’s departure from the White House in January 2021 created an existential crisis for the QAnon movement. Predictions that he would declare martial law or arrest Joe Biden and other Democrats on Inauguration Day failed to materialize. Q’s posts also stopped, leaving many followers adrift.

Some abandoned the theory. Others rationalized the failed predictions or embraced new conspiracy narratives, such as the belief that Trump was still secretly in charge or that the military would soon act to reinstate him.

Some QAnon communities merged with or were absorbed into broader anti-vaccine, anti-globalist, and Christian nationalist movements.

How big is the movement?

Estimating the number of QAnon believers is difficult because many individuals do not openly identify with the movement, and those who do often hold a range of loosely connected or partial beliefs rather than adhering to a consistent or uniform ideology. Not everyone who shares a Q meme or echoes a Q talking point identifies as being part of the movement.

That said, surveys by groups like the 2024 Public Religion Research Institute and the Associated Press have found that 15–20% of Americans believe in some of QAnon’s core claims, such as the existence of a secret group of Satan-worshipping elites controlling the government.

Among Republican voters, the number is often higher.

This does not mean all these people are hardcore QAnon adherents, but it does show how far the narrative, or parts of it, has seeped into mainstream thinking.

Epstein as evidence of ‘the cabal’

The Trump administration’s failure to disclose the information in Epstein files has fueled internal confusion, disillusionment and even radicalization within the movement.

For some QAnon believers, this failure was a turning point: if Trump – once seen as the hero in the conspiracy narrative – would not or could not reveal the truth, then the “deep state” must be more entrenched than imagined.

At the same time, frustrations have grown within MAGA and the QAnon movement’s spaces. Some see it as a failure to fulfill one of his most important promises: exposing elite pedophiles. Others believe the delay is strategic, another example of “the plan” requiring more patience.

The QAnon movement continues to evolve, even as its central figure hedges and hesitates, showing how potent myths can be in times of uncertainty. In my view, understanding why this belief continues to gain traction is essential for understanding the current state of American democracy.

The Conversation

Art Jipson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How the QAnon movement entered mainstream politics – and why the silence on Epstein files matters – https://theconversation.com/how-the-qanon-movement-entered-mainstream-politics-and-why-the-silence-on-epstein-files-matters-261316

How the ‘big, beautiful bill’ will deepen the racial wealth gap – a law scholar explains how it reduces poor families’ ability to afford food and health care

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Beverly Moran, Professor Emerita of Law, Vanderbilt University

President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio watch Speaker of the House Mike Johnson on television after the House passed the bill on July 3, 2025. Joyce N. Boghosian/White House via AP

President Donald Trump has said the “big, beautiful bill” he signed into law on July 4, 2025, will stimulate the economy and foster financial security.

But a close look at the legislation reveals a different story, particularly for low-income people and racial and ethnic minorities.

As a legal scholar who studies how taxes increase the gap in wealth and income between Black and white Americans, I believe the law’s provisions make existing wealth inequalities worse through broad tax cuts that disproportionately favor wealthy families while forcing its costs on low- and middle-income Americans.

The widening chasm

The U.S. racial wealth gap is stark. White families’ median wealth between 2019 and 2022 grew to more than $250,000 higher than Black families’ median wealth.

This disparity is the result of decades of discriminatory policies in housing, banking, health care, taxes, education and employment.

The new legislation will widen these chasms through its permanent extension of individual tax cuts in Trump’s 2017 tax reform package. Americans have eight years of experience with those changes and how they hurt low-income families.

The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, for example, predicted that low-income taxpayers would gain US$70 a year from the 2017 tax cuts. But that figure did not include the results of eliminating the individual mandate that encouraged uninsured people to get health insurance through the federal marketplace. That insurance was heavily subsidized by the federal government.

The Republican majority in Congress predicted that the loss of the mandate would decrease federal spending on health care subsidies. That decrease cost low-income taxpayers over $4,000 per person in lost subsidies.

The Congressional Budget Office examined the net effect of the 2025 bill by combining the tax changes with cuts to programs like Medicaid and food assistance. It found that the bill will reduce poor families’ ability to obtain food and health care.

A woman speaks outdoors in front of a microphone as several peopple holding a banner stand behind her.
Rep. Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico speaks during a news conference at the Capitol focused on the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, on June 3, 2025.
AP Photo/Rod Lamkey Jr.

Wealth-building for whom?

Perhaps the most revealing part of the bill is how it turns ideas for helping low-income families on their head. They are touted as helping the poor – but they help the wealthy instead.

A much publicized feature of the bill is the creation of “Trump Accounts,” a pilot program providing a one-time $1,000 government contribution to a tax-advantaged investment account for children born between 2025 and 2028.

While framed as a “baby bonus” to build wealth, the program’s structure is deeply flawed and regressive. Although the first $1,000 into the accounts comes from the federal government, the real tax benefits go to wealthy families who can avoid paying taxes by contributing up to $5,000 per year to their children’s accounts.

As analysts from the Roosevelt Institute, a progressive economic and social policy think tank, have pointed out, this design primarily benefits affluent families who already have the disposable income to save and can take full advantage of the tax benefits.

For low-income families struggling with daily expenses, making additional contributions is not a realistic option. These accounts do not address the fundamental barrier to saving for low-income families – a lack of income – and are more likely to widen the wealth gap than to close it.

This regressive approach – regressive because the wealthy get larger benefits – to wealth-building is mirrored in the bill’s renewal and enhancement of the New Markets Tax Credit program. Although extended by the “big, beautiful bill” to drive investment into low-income communities by offering capital gains tax breaks to investors, the program subsidizes luxury real estate projects that do little to benefit existing low-income residents and accelerate gentrification and displacement. Studies show that there is very little increase in salaries or education in areas with these benefits.

A harsh new rule

The child tax credit is another part of the bill that purports to help the poor and working classes while, in fact, giving the wealthy more money.

A family can earn up to $400,000 and still get the full $2,200 tax credit per child, which reduces their tax liability dollar for dollar. In contrast, a family making $31,500 or less cannot receive a tax credit of more than $1,750 per child. And approximately 17 million children – disproportionately Black and Latino – will not receive anything at all.

More significantly, the law tightens eligibility by requiring not only the child but also the taxpayer claiming the credit to have a Social Security number. This requirement will strip the credit from approximately 4.5 million U.S. citizen children in mixed-status families – families where some people are citizens, legal residents and people living in the country without legal permission – where parents may file taxes with an Individual Taxpayer Identification Number but lack a Social Security number, according to an April 2025 study.

A man in suit and tie sits outdoor at a table holding a gavel as dozens of people stand behind him and clap.
President Donald Trump, joined by Republican lawmakers, holds a gavel after signing the One, Big Beautiful Bill Act into law, on July 4, 2025 in Washington, DC.
Eric Lee/Getty Images

A burden on the poor

Perhaps most striking is the law’s “pay-fors” – the provisions designed to offset the cost of the tax cuts.

The legislation makes significant changes to Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, lifelines for millions of low-income families.

The law imposes new monthly “community engagement” requirements, a form of work requirement, for able-bodied adults to maintain Medicaid coverage. The majority of such adults enrolled in Medicaid already work. And many people who do not work are caring full time for young children or are too disabled to work. The law also requires states to conduct eligibility redeterminations twice a year.

Redeterminations and work requirements have historically led to eligible people losing coverage. For SNAP, the bill expands work requirements to some Americans who are up to 64 years old and the parents of older children and revises benefit calculations in ways that will reduce benefits.

By funding tax cuts for the wealthy while making cuts to essential services for the poor, the bill codifies a transfer of resources up the economic ladder.

In my view, the “big, beautiful bill” represents a missed opportunity to leverage fiscal policy to address the American wealth and income gap. Instead of investing in programs to lift up low- and middle-income Americans, the bill emphasizes a regressive approach that will further enrich the wealthy and deepen existing inequalities.

The Conversation

Beverly Moran does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How the ‘big, beautiful bill’ will deepen the racial wealth gap – a law scholar explains how it reduces poor families’ ability to afford food and health care – https://theconversation.com/how-the-big-beautiful-bill-will-deepen-the-racial-wealth-gap-a-law-scholar-explains-how-it-reduces-poor-families-ability-to-afford-food-and-health-care-260680

Israel is exploiting the vacuum left by southern Syria’s sectarian clashes and a weak state

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rob Geist Pinfold, Lecturer in International Security, King’s College London

Several days of bitter sectarian fighting in the south of Syria has brought the fledgling government in Damascus dangerously close to direct conflict with Israel, after Israeli warplanes launched strikes against government buildings in the Syrian capital, Damascus, on July 16.

The United Nations and a number of countries condemned the attacks, which the UN secretary general, Antonio Guterres, said were “escalatory airstrikes”. Yet Israeli defence minister, Israel Katz, triumphantly used the social media site X to post a video of a Syrian news anchor diving for cover during the strikes.

Efforts to agree a ceasefire in the region have faltered and fighting between Druze and Bedouin militias in the southern Syrian province of Sweida is understood to have resumed. The BBC has reported that at least 600 people have been killed in the fighting so far.

The violence was seemingly sparked by a petty crime. On July 11, a Bedouin gang allegedly kidnapped and robbed a Druze merchant and the road between Sweida and Damascus. This prompted a series of tit-for-tat sectarian kidnappings and killings.


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On July 14, Syrian security forces entered the province to restore order, only to be ambushed by Druze fighters. Reports of these fighters executing government forces caused outrage throughout the country. Syria’s government then sent more troops, including tanks and heavy weapons.

But as these reinforcements arrived, they were met by a new challenge: more deadly and prolific Israeli airstrikes against government forces.

Weak central government

This cycle of violence exemplifies the underlying cause of the recent conflict. Syria’s interim central government lacks the credibility and capacity to exert its authority throughout the country.

This is particularly true in Sweida, which has been de facto autonomous for many years. The overstretched Assad regime largely withdrew from the province, during the decade of civil war. When his regime fell, many of the local militias which had served as Sweida’s de facto rulers were reluctant to surrender their weapons.

The recent violence exemplifies why this is a problem. Absent a strong local state, Druze militias took it upon themselves to exact justice, allegedly leading them to attack innocent Bedouins. This led the Bedouins to mobilise in self-defence. There are reports of violence and summary executions on both sides and also by government troops.

Syria’s Druze have good reason not to trust the new regime in Damascus, given the latter’s jihadist roots and history of anti-Druze violence during the civil war. The Sweida Military Council (SMC), a Druze militia led by the Venezualan-born cleric, Hikmet al-Hiji, were hostile to the new government almost from the outset. Other Druze militias in Sweida and elsewhere, however, were in tentative negotiations with Damascus to integrate into government control.

That would be a welcome and necessary step for creating trust in Syria’s new administration and increasing its capacity and capability to rule throughout the country.

But this process has now been derailed. Damascus’s mass mobilisation of troops, tanks and heavy weapons was condemned by all Sweida’s Druze factions, including those formerly close to the government. Some of these groups even fought the advancing security forces.

After government troops withdrew as part of the most recent ceasefire agreement, the province has quickly returned to the same chaotic militia rule that first caused the violence. Bedouin militias have already rejected the ceasefire and resumed hostilities against their Druze rivals.

Israel’s position

The recent violence has not only exacerbated sectarian tensions throughout Syria, it has also disrupted the tentative Israel-Syria peace process. Just one week ago, observers speculated that Israel and Syria might normalise relations. That now looks increasingly unlikely.

When the Assad regime fell in December 2024, Israel occupied swaths of Syrian territory and launched an unprecedented number of strikes throughout the country. Under heavy US pressure, though, Israel moderated its policies. It even began direct negotiations with Syria’s new government.

But as the conflict in southern Syria escalated, Jerusalem warned Damascus that a mass deployment of the state’s security forces within the province would cross a red line, because it would bring Syrian troops close to Israel’s borders. It would also endanger Syria’s Druze, a community that Israel’s government have sworn to protect.

But the fledgling Syrian government has said it aims to be an inclusive, centrally run – rather than a federal – state, so it has to bring Druze and other minorities, such as Syria’s Kurds, into the fold and put an end to the sectarian clashes.

By subsequently escalating its attacks, killing more members of the state security forces than since the Assad regime fell and humiliating the government by destroying its institutions in Damascus, Israel got the result it wanted.

It did so, according to Benjamin Netanyahu, through “forceful actions”. The Israel prime minister told journalists on July 17 that: “We have established a clear policy: the demilitarization of the area south of Damascus and the protection of our brothers, the Druze.”

Israel was faced with a choice: continue imposing its will on Syria militarily, or cooperate with the country’s new government. It has apparently chosen the former.

The fact is that in Sweida, and elsewhere in the fractured country, Syria remains a state with too many guns, gangs, militias and powerful external interests vying for control. Its heterogeneous population increasingly distrust one another and rely on their own ethno-religious groups to fulfil the responsibilities that a weak and distrusted central government cannot.

That distrust continues to flare into open violence in southern Syria. And it appears there is little the fragile central government can do about it.

The Conversation

Rob Geist Pinfold does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Israel is exploiting the vacuum left by southern Syria’s sectarian clashes and a weak state – https://theconversation.com/israel-is-exploiting-the-vacuum-left-by-southern-syrias-sectarian-clashes-and-a-weak-state-261482

The US Environmental Protection Agency’s retreat from science endangers the health of people and the planet

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Scott Glaberman, Associate Professor of Comparative Toxicology, University of Birmingham

Andromeda stock/Shutterstock

Pollution causes more illness and early death than any other environmental threat, accounting for one in six deaths worldwide. For decades, the US Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) Office of Research and Development (ORD) has driven many of the biggest advances for safeguarding human health and ecosystems from chemicals.

But this year, the Trump administration began dismantling the office by terminating programmes, cutting staff, closing laboratories and moving remaining scientists into regulatory offices. Legal challenges temporarily blocked mass government layoffs.

But that changed when a recent Supreme Court ruling gave the Trump administration the green light to proceed with widespread redundancies and the total elimination of ORD.


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Now, in so doing, the US is not just gutting its own scientific foundation. It’s also putting decades of global progress in chemical safety, pollution control and public health at risk.

ORD is the EPA’s independent science arm, conducting research that supports clean air, water and land. From detecting pollutants and assessing health risks to guiding environmental cleanup, it ensures EPA decisions are grounded in credible, evidence-based research. ORD develops this science under intense scientific, policy, political and legal scrutiny, which means it produces the best available science that is credible and robust.

ORD doesn’t just study pollution, it uncovers threats before they become crises. Take North Carolina’s Cape Fear River, which supplies drinking water to an estimated 2 million people.

While most scientists focused on known pollutants, ORD used advanced screening tools to detect GenX, a little-known synthetic “forever chemical”. Despite evidence that GenX was contaminating the river basin since the 1980s, not much was known about its potential to harm living systems.

waterfront by cape fear river, sunny blue skies
Forever chemicals were found to be polluting North Carolina’s Cape Fear River in the US.
Kosoff/Shutterstock, CC BY-NC-ND

ORD rapidly filled this void, linking GenX to decreased birth weight and increased mortality in newborn rats, prompting swift regulatory action against the manufacturer to ensure cleaner, safer water for local communities. No other government agency in the world delivers this kind of rapid, science-led response.

It’s not just the strength of ORD’s science that sets it apart, but also its visionary thinking. Among ORD’s most influential ideas is a model that maps out how a chemical is causing harm.

This works like a chain of building blocks, linking tiny effects (like a chemical disrupting a hormone) to much bigger problems, such as cancer or even extinction. Each step shows how one change leads to another until it reaches something we truly care about. This approach helps scientists detect danger early, before it leads to irreversible damage.

Then there’s the EPA’s groundbreaking work in computational toxicology. Nearly two decades ago, leading scientists warned that chemical safety testing relied too heavily on outdated methods and animal experiments.

In response, ORD built ToxCast, a system that uses tiny cells and computer models to screen thousands of chemicals for effects like endocrine disruption or cell damage. It’s faster, cheaper and more humane, and helps scientists predict which substances may pose serious risks.

These scientific breakthroughs don’t come from policy offices. They require researchers with the independence to explore and innovate.

Beyond the US

Europe has bold goals to phase out animal testing. Much of the science driving this shift comes from ORD.

Tools like Ecotox (the world’s largest chemical toxicity database) and the CompTox dashboard (a platform that links predictive models and non-animal test data for over a million substances) are widely used across the EU and UK. Without ORD, these vital resources, hosted by EPA, could disappear, stalling global progress toward safer, more ethical chemical testing.

EPA also collaborates closely with European partners. It maintains formal agreements and joint programmes with the European Chemicals Agency and the UK’s Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs. Areas of focus include air quality, computational toxicology and chemical risk assessment.

ORD is a leading scientific institution with global reach. Its tools and ideas have shaped how governments detect hazardous chemicals, understand their effects, and protect people and the planet. From toxicity databases to modern, non-animal testing methods, ORD underpins how we respond to pollution. Eliminating it would create a dangerous void, just as chemical and climate threats are accelerating.

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Scott Glaberman previously worked at the US EPA.

North Carolina State University receives funding from the California Air Resources Board for a research project for which Dr. Frey is a co-principal investigator. H. Christopher Frey served from 2022 to 2024 as Assistant Administrator for the Office of Research and Development, and as Science Advisor, at the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.

Tamara Tal previously worked at the US EPA in the Office of Research and Development.

ref. The US Environmental Protection Agency’s retreat from science endangers the health of people and the planet – https://theconversation.com/the-us-environmental-protection-agencys-retreat-from-science-endangers-the-health-of-people-and-the-planet-260956