Caught on the jumbotron: How literature helps us understand modern-day public shaming

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jason Wang, Postdoctoral Fellow, Modern Literature and Culture Research Centre, Toronto Metropolitan University

The scene at Gillette Stadium in Massachusetts on July 16 was steeped in irony.

During Coldplay’s “jumbotron song” — the concert segment where cameras pan over the crowd — the big screen landed on Andy Byron, then-CEO of data firm Astronomer, intimately embracing Kristin Cabot, the company’s chief people officer. Both are married to other people.

The moment, captured on video and widely circulated on social media, shows the pair abruptly recoiling as Coldplay’s lead singer Chris Martin says: “Either they’re having an affair or they’re just very shy.”

Martin’s comment — seemingly light-hearted at the time — quickly took on a different tone as online sleuths identified the pair and uncovered their corporate roles and marital statuses. Within days, Byron resigned from his position as CEO while Cabot is on leave.

This spectacle raises a deeper question: why does infidelity, especially among the powerful, provoke such public outcry. Literary tradition offers some insight: intimate betrayal is never truly private. It shatters an implicit social contract, demanding communal scrutiny to restore trust.

When trust crumbles publicly

French philosopher Paul Ricoeur’s notion of “narrative identity” suggests we make sense of our lives as unfolding stories. The promises we make (and break) become chapters of identity and the basis of others’ trust. Betrayal ruptures the framework that stitches private vows to public roles; without that stitch, trust frays.

Byron’s stadium exposure turned a marital vow into a proxy for professional integrity. Public betrayal magnifies public outcry because leaders symbolize stability; their personal failings inevitably reflect on their institutions.

When Astronomer’s board stated the expected standard “was not met,” they were lamenting the collapse of Byron’s narrative integrity — and, by extension, their company’s.

This idea — that private morality underpins public order — is hardly new. In Laws, ancient Greek philosopher Plato described adultery as a disorder undermining family and state. Roman philosopher Seneca called it a betrayal of nature, while statesman Cicero warned that breaking fides (trust) corrodes civic bonds.

The social cost of infidelity in literature

Literature rarely confines infidelity to the bedroom; its shockwaves fracture communities.

French sociologist Émile Durkheim’s idea of the “conscience collective” holds that shared moral norms create “social solidarity.” As literature demonstrates, violations of these norms inevitably undermines communal trust.

Book cover of 'Anna Karenina' by Leo Tolstoy.
‘Anna Karenina’ by Leo Tolstoy.
(Penguin Random House)

Leo Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina (1875-77) dramatizes the social fracture of betrayal. Anna’s affair with Count Vronsky not only defies moral convention but destabilizes the aristocratic norms that once upheld her status.

As the scandal leads to her ostracization, Anna mourns the social world she has lost, realizing too late that “the position she enjoyed in society… was precious to her… [and] she could not be stronger than she was.”

In Gustave Flaubert’s Madame Bovary (1857), Emma Bovary’s extramarital affairs unravel the networks of her provincial town, turning private yearning for luxury and romance into public contagion.

Nathaniel Hawthorne’s The Scarlet Letter (1850) makes this explicit: Hester Prynne’s scarlet “A” turns her sin into civic theatre. Public shaming on the scaffold, the novel suggests, delineates moral boundaries and seeks to restore social order — a process that prefigures today’s “digital pillories,” where viral moments subject individuals to mass online judgment and public condemnation.

Domestic crumbs and digital scaffolds

Contemporary narratives shift the setting but uphold the same principle: betrayal devastates the mundane rituals that build trust.

Book cover of 'Heartburn' by Nora Ephron. It's a white book with a small drawing of a heart on fire in the centre
‘Heartburn’ by Nora Ephron.
(Penguin Random House)

Nora Ephron’s autobiographical novel Heartburn (1983), based on her own marriage’s collapse to investigative journalist Carl Bernstein, weaponizes domesticity.

Heartburn’s protagonist Rachel Samstat delivers her emotions through recipes — “Vinaigrette” as a marker of intimacy and betrayal, “Lillian Hellman’s Pot Roast” as a bid for domestic stability and “Key Lime Pie,” hurled at her cheating husband — become symbols of a life undone by public infidelity.

Ephron’s satire, later adapted into a film, anticipates our digital age of exposure, where private pain fuels public consumption and judgment.

Book cover of 'Dept. of Speculation' by Jenny Offill.
‘Dept. of Speculation’ by Jenny Offill.
(Penguin Random House)

Jenny Offill’s Dept. of Speculation (2014), which draws from her own life, shows another perspective: betrayal as quiet erosion.

Offill never depicts the affair directly; instead, the husband’s absences, silences and an off-hand reference to “someone else” create a suffocating dread. This indirection shows betrayal’s power lies in its latent potential, slowly dismantling a life built on trust before any overt act.

Both works underscore betrayal’s impact on the collective conscience: a lie fractures a family as fundamentally as a CEO’s indiscretion erodes institutional trust. Power magnifies the fallout by turning private failings into public symbols of fragility. Even hidden betrayal poisons the shared rituals binding any group, making the notion of “private” unsustainable long before any public revelation.

The limits of power

Literature acknowledges power’s protective veneer from consequence — and its limits.

Theodore Dreiser’s Trilogy of Desire (1912–47), modelled on the Gilded Age robber baron Charles Yerkes, follows the rise of financier Frank Cowperwood, whose power shields him — until it doesn’t. Even his vast empire proves vulnerable once his adultery becomes public. The very networks that protected him grow wary.

Though many critics of the elite are themselves morally compromised in the trilogy, Cowperwood’s transgression becomes a weapon to discredit him. His brief exile shows that power may defer, but cannot erase, the costs of betrayal. Once trust fractures, even the powerful become liabilities. They do not fall less often — only more conspicuously.

Gender also plays a role in shaping these narratives. Male protagonists like Cowperwood rebound as tragic anti-heroes, their moral failings recast as flaws of character. By contrast, women — think Flaubert’s Emma Bovary or Hawthorne’s Hester Prynne — are branded cautionary figures, their transgressions stigmatized rather than mythologized.

This imbalance in assigning consequences reveals a deeper societal judgment: while broken trust demands repair, the path to restoration often depends on the transgressor’s gender.

The unblinking eye

From Tolstoy’s salons to TikTok’s scroll, literature offers no refuge from betrayal’s ripple effects. When private trust visibly fractures, communal reflexes kick in.

Scarlet letters, exile or a CEO’s resignation all aim to heal the collective trust. The jumbotron, like Hester’s scaffold, is the latest instrument in this age-old theatre of exposure.

Jumbotrons. Scaffolds. Same operating system. Same shame.

The Conversation

Jason Wang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Caught on the jumbotron: How literature helps us understand modern-day public shaming – https://theconversation.com/caught-on-the-jumbotron-how-literature-helps-us-understand-modern-day-public-shaming-261638

Releyendo ‘Olvidado rey Gudú’: la fantasía épica en Ana María Matute

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Alicia Nila Martínez Díaz, Profesor Acreditado Contratado Doctor Filología Hispánica, Universidad Villanueva

Mapa del reino de Olar que se incluye en ‘Olvidado rey Gudú’. C.L.R.

Hay libros que abren puertas a otros mundos y hay autores que crean esos mundos para hablarnos del nuestro. En 1996, Ana María Matute publicaba Olvidado rey Gudú, una novela escrita en secreto durante más de dos décadas y destinada a convertirse en una de las cumbres más insólitas y poderosas de la narrativa fantástica en español. En pleno auge de este género literario, Matute apostó por un relato atemporal, lleno de sombras, mitos y exemplum morale, que dialoga con J. R. R. Tolkien, Ursula K. Le Guin o Joe Abercrombie sin perder nunca su acento propio.

En este año que conmemoramos el centenario de su nacimiento, queremos invitar a los lectores de literatura fantástica a visitar el mundo mítico de Ana María Matute. Bienvenidos, lectores, a las tierras del rey Gudú.

Ana María Matute: una fabuladora

Nacida en 1925, Ana María Matute vivió una infancia marcada por la Guerra Civil y por ello, su nombre estará siempre vinculado a la “generación de los niños asombrados”.

Aquella niñez perdida sería la herida fundacional, el fértil territorio literario desde el que Matute elegiría narrar el mundo. Aunque sus primeras obras se ubiquen bajo el marbete de la novela social de posguerra, ella siempre tuvo claro su destino de fabuladora. Era cuestión de tiempo que abandonase los transitados caminos del costumbrismo para adentrarse por las tortuosas sendas de la fantasía.

Retrato en blanco y negro de una mujer delgada con el pelo blanco.
Retrato de Ana María Matute, por Julián Martín.
Planeta de Libros

La escritora nunca ocultó su fascinación por los cuentos de hadas, el ciclo artúrico y las sagas del norte de Europa. Olvidado rey Gudú es el fruto maduro de ese pensamiento y ese sentimiento. La respuesta final a una llamada que llevaba escribiendo en secreto desde los años 70 y que –como ella misma confesaría– “no pensaba publicar nunca”.

Sin embargo, Olvidado rey Gudú había de ser parada obligatoria en la carrera literaria de Matute porque con esta novela culminaba su singular viaje literario: el de una joven escritora que, partiendo de la narrativa de posguerra, había forjado con los pernos de la fantasía un universo literario propio, habitado por niños sagaces, criaturas mágicas y estirpes malditas que sucumben por la violencia y el olvido.

Quizás por ello, nunca fue una autora plenamente integrada en los centros de poder literario. Matute escribía desde la lateralidad porque solo así se sabía capaz de cartografiar unos mundos donde lo fantástico no se concebía como evasión, sino como destino lúcido para reflexionar acerca del dolor o el inexorable paso del tiempo.

“Nunca me he desprendido de la infancia, y eso se paga caro. La inocencia es un lujo que uno no se puede permitir y del que te quieren despertar a bofetadas”, diría a propósito de la publicación de Paraíso inhabitado.

Una novela de fantasía épica escrita antes del boom

Mucho antes del descubrimiento de Juego de tronos, mucho antes de la popularización masiva de la Tierra Media en la gran pantalla y antes, incluso, de que los lectores se rindieran ante The Witcher, Matute ya había escrito su gran novela de fantasía épica.

Publicada en 1996, Olvidado rey Gudú redefinió el género, anticipando muchas de las preguntas que hoy alientan la ficción fantástica contemporánea: el héroe crepuscular, la crítica al poder y la presencia de lo mágico como destino y maldición.

Árbol genealógico de la dinastía de Olar.
Árbol genealógico de la dinastía de Olar.
CLR

Ahora bien, ¿por qué Olvidado rey Gudú es una novela de fantasía épica distinta?

Escrita con el rigor estilístico de la mejor literatura y con la potencia simbólica de un mito fundacional, Olvidado rey Gudú es una novela monumental, bella y convulsa. Ambientada en el reino imaginario de Olar, narra el ascenso, esplendor y caída del rey Gudú, marcado por la prohibición de sentir amor. En sus más de 800 páginas, se traza a una historia coral donde trasgos, hechiceros, hadas y guerreros pierden batallas, urden intrigas y lanzan maldiciones.

Pero como toda novela de worldsbuilding (construcción de mundos), la fantasía no es solo decorado o atrezzo, sino soporte necesario para invitarnos a reflexionar. Matute fabula para hurgar en la herida de nuestra humanidad.

Con esta obra, ella nos recuerda que “la imaginación y la fantasía son muy importantes… forman parte indisoluble de la realidad de nuestra vida”, reivindicando así que Olvidado rey Gudú no es evasión, sino puente hacia lo esencial.

¿Por qué leer ahora Olvidado rey Gudú?

Porque no ha perdido ni un ápice de su vigencia. Como los buenos vinos, ha mejorado con los años. Sus temas –la guerra, el poder, la infancia, el olvido– resuenan como golpes de tambor en un mundo que ha redescubierto en lo fantástico una forma alternativa de pensamiento crítico.

Portada de 'Olvidado rey Gudú', de Ana María Matute.

Planeta de Libros

En un momento de auge del género, la novela ofrece una alternativa singular y, sorprendentemente, planteada desde la tradición de la literatura española más incontestable.

Ahora que autoras como Robin Hobb, N. K. Jemisin o Rebecca F. Kuang han llevado la fantasía a nuevos territorios éticos y estéticos, Matute reaparece como su precursora, inesperada y luminosa.

A partir de hoy, que aquellos valientes que osen adentrarse en el reino de Olar porten en su corazón esta severa advertencia: la historia de su rey no es un homenaje al pasado, sino una enjundiosa profecía disfrazada de cuento maravilloso.

Como toda gran literatura, crecerá con ellos, reflejará sus preguntas y les recordará –como dice uno de sus personajes– que “el olvido no es la paz: es solo otra forma de guerra”.


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The Conversation

Alicia Nila Martínez Díaz no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Releyendo ‘Olvidado rey Gudú’: la fantasía épica en Ana María Matute – https://theconversation.com/releyendo-olvidado-rey-gudu-la-fantasia-epica-en-ana-maria-matute-260636

Ana María Matute y la censura franquista

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Coral Azofra Loza, Docente del Área de Didáctica de la Lengua y la Literatura, Universidad de La Rioja

Ana María Matute en una imagen de la entrega del Premio Cervantes 2010, que ganó. RTVE

Una de las voces femeninas más encomiadas de la literatura española del siglo XX es, sin lugar a duda, Ana María Matute. Logros como ocupar el asiento “K” en la Real Academia Española, recibir el Premio Cervantes o ser propuesta para el Premio Nobel de Literatura lo evidencian.

Perteneció a la “generación de los 50” y, como cualquier autor que quisiera publicar en España durante los años de la posguerra y dictadura franquista, tuvo que enfrentarse al fenómeno de la censura que durante casi cuarenta años ejerció el Estado sobre toda la población.

Prohibiciones arbitrarias

La censura literaria, más ideológica en los años cuarenta y más moral a partir de los cincuenta, desempeñó un papel fundamental en el control sociocultural del país. Este aparato prohibía directamente obras contrarias a la moral católica o al régimen, y también actuaba de forma indirecta mediante mecanismos más sutiles, como la recompensa de obras afines o la modificación de textos.

Su aplicación, lejos de ser coherente y sistemática, era profundamente arbitraria, dependiendo más del criterio subjetivo de los censores que de unas normas estables. Desde finales de la década de los sesenta puede hablarse de una tímida apertura en el aparato censor institucional, aunque este se mantuvo vigente hasta la muerte de Franco e incluso de forma sutil durante la transición en lo relativo a temas considerados sensibles.

Si todo el proceso censor puede entenderse como “el camino que un texto tiene que recorrer para llegar a su publicación en un sistema complejo de censura previa” es interesante destacar que un primer ejercicio para evitarla fue la autocensura, aplicada por los propios autores “como un mecanismo de anticipación de aquello que el censor no va a consentir”, y que residía en la evitación de temas, la adaptación de contenidos delicados, o el uso de recursos como la fragmentación o la elipsis narrativas. Esto puede ampliarse a la presión editorial, ya que los editores, temerosos de represalias, favorecían aquellos textos que encajaran sin problema en todo lo canónico.

Conviene recordar que sobre las autoras se ejerció una censura mayor por el hecho de ser mujeres. Eso llevó a muchas a usar pseudónimos (Mercedes Formica publicó como Elena Puerto, por ejemplo) y a ser mucho más cuidadosas en el tratamiento de temas que pudieran ser cuestionables moralmente. En ellas se vigilaban especialmente motivos relacionados con la sexualidad, la maternidad no normativa o la crítica al rol tradicional de la mujer. Autoras tan reconocidas como Carmen Laforet, premio Nadal 1944 por Nada, vivieron en esas décadas largos periodos de silencio editorial.

Matute y los niños

Ana María Matute fue una de las afectadas por todo este sistema censor. Y fue ejemplo, asimismo, de que, pese a las restricciones, los autores supieron desarrollar estrategias de resistencia creativa.

Que la censura franquista se aplicaba de forma contradictoria, por lo que el destino de un manuscrito podía cambiar radicalmente según el censor, puede verse en su colección de cuentos Los niños tontos.

Portada de Los niños tontos
La colección de cuentos Los niños tontos.
Editorial Cátedra

Una primera censora, la bibliotecaria María Isabel Niño Mas, consideró que era perturbadora y potencialmente dañina para la infancia: “este libro es impropio de niños. Si se edita no podrá evitarse el que caiga en manos de ellos produciéndoles un daño tremendo. A los niños hay que tratarlos con más respeto. Rechazada su publicación totalmente”.

Sin embargo, en 1956, el segundo censor, el padre Francisco J. Aguirre Cuervo, permitió su publicación señalando: “poemas que, aunque tratan de niños no son para niños […], se puede permitir su publicación”.

Aunque la obra de Ana María Matute no lo fuera, la intensidad con la que la censura afectó a la literatura infantil y juvenil queda patente en la primera evaluación. Se eliminaba de ella cualquier contenido considerado inmoral o subversivo y se promovieron adaptaciones edulcoradas de clásicos y relatos con fuerte carga didáctica y moralizante.

Dos obras diferentes

También la novela Luciérnagas, ambientada en la contienda civil española, fue rechazada en dos ocasiones, en 1949 y 1953, por considerarse contraria a la moral católica y políticamente sospechosa. El censor la condenó acusándola de lo siguiente:

“domina un total sentimiento antirreligioso que llega a la irreverencia en muchos pasajes. Jamás se cita un nombre santo […] Políticamente, la novela deja mucho que desear. […] no debe autorizarse la obra, pues, intrínsecamente, resulta destructora de los valores humanos y religiosos esenciales”.

Como estrategia de supervivencia editorial, Matute tuvo que transformarla en En esta tierra, una versión que ya no reconocía como la misma novela. En ella se evitaba cualquier humanización del enemigo o pluralismo político, se introducían expresiones que reforzaban la idea de que el sufrimiento derivaba del pecado o del incumplimiento de los valores tradicionales, se añadían lecciones morales explícitas, subrayando el valor de la maternidad, la culpa y el castigo, y se eliminaban críticas a la educación religiosa o a la moral católica y palabras malsonantes.

La edición publicada en 1993 de Luciérnagas anunció una nueva reescritura, la cual, sin embargo, no provocó una recuperación completa de la primitiva versión.

Portadas de los libros En esta tierra y Luciérnagas.
En esta tierra y Luciérnagas, dos versiones de una historia separadas por la censura.
Todocolección/Editorial Cátedra

El control externo generó inevitablemente la mencionada censura interna. Los escritores interiorizaron el aparato censor, convirtiéndose en vigilantes de su propia creación. Este fue, para Matute, el mayor daño causado por el sistema y su verdadero triunfo, porque transformaba la mirada de los autores sobre su propia obra, imponiendo a menudo una modificación profunda en los textos.

Pese a las restricciones, ella logró mantener una voz singular, en ocasiones camuflada bajo la apariencia de inocencia narrativa, en una suerte de posibilismo buerovallejiano –otro autor que encontró formas de “burlar” la censura franquista–. Con la democracia su palabra original, evolucionada, pudo verse liberada de los silencios impuestos.

The Conversation

Coral Azofra Loza recibe fondos de la Universidad de La Rioja.

Maribel Martínez López no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Ana María Matute y la censura franquista – https://theconversation.com/ana-maria-matute-y-la-censura-franquista-260610

La majorité de la pêche industrielle dans les aires marines protégées échappe à toute surveillance

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Raphael Seguin, Doctorant en écologie marine, en thèse avec l’Université de Montpellier et BLOOM, Université de Montpellier

Les aires marines protégées sont-elles vraiment efficaces pour protéger la vie marine et la pêche artisanale ? Alors que, à la suite de l’Unoc-3, des États comme la France ou la Grèce annoncent la création de nouvelles aires, une étude, parue ce 24 juillet dans la revue Science, montre que la majorité de ces zones reste exposée à la pêche industrielle, dont une large part échappe à toute surveillance publique. Une grande partie des aires marines ne respecte pas les recommandations scientifiques et n’offre que peu, voire aucune protection pour la vie marine.


La santé de l’océan est en péril, et par extension, la nôtre aussi. L’océan régule le climat et les régimes de pluie, il nourrit plus de trois milliards d’êtres humains et il soutient nos traditions culturelles et nos économies.

Historiquement, c’est la pêche industrielle qui est la première source de destruction de la vie marine : plus d’un tiers des populations de poissons sont surexploitées, un chiffre probablement sous-estimé, et les populations de grands poissons ont diminué de 90 à 99 % selon les régions.

À cela s’ajoute aujourd’hui le réchauffement climatique, qui impacte fortement la plupart des écosystèmes marins, ainsi que de nouvelles pressions encore mal connues, liées au développement des énergies renouvelables en mer, de l’aquaculture et de l’exploitation minière.

Les aires marines protégées, un outil efficace pour protéger l’océan et l’humain

Face à ces menaces, nous disposons d’un outil éprouvé pour protéger et reconstituer la vie marine : les aires marines protégées (AMP). Le principe est simple : nous exploitons trop l’océan, nous devons donc définir certaines zones où réguler, voire interdire, les activités impactantes pour permettre à la vie marine de se régénérer.

Les AMP ambitionnent une triple efficacité écologique, sociale et climatique. Elles permettent le rétablissement des écosystèmes marins et des populations de poissons qui peuvent s’y reproduire. Certaines autorisent uniquement la pêche artisanale, ce qui crée des zones de non-concurrence protégeant des méthodes plus respectueuses de l’environnement et créatrices d’emplois. Elles permettent aussi des activités de loisirs, comme la plongée sous-marine. Enfin, elles protègent des milieux qui stockent du CO2 et contribuent ainsi à la régulation du climat.

Trois photos : en haut à gauche, un banc de poissons ; en bas à gauche, un herbier marin ; à droite, trois hommes sur une plage tire une barque à l’eau
Les aires marines protégées permettent le rétablissement des populations de poissons, protègent des habitats puits de carbone comme les herbiers marins et peuvent protéger des activités non industrielles comme la pêche artisanale ou la plongée sous-marine.
Jeff Hester, Umeed Mistry, Hugh Whyte/Ocean Image Bank, Fourni par l’auteur

Dans le cadre de l’accord mondial de Kunming-Montréal signé lors de la COP 15 de la biodiversité, les États se sont engagés à protéger 30 % de l’océan d’ici 2030. Officiellement, plus de 9 % de la surface des océans est aujourd’hui sous protection.

Pour être efficaces, toutes les AMP devraient, selon les recommandations scientifiques, soit interdire la pêche industrielle et exclure toutes les activités humaines, soit en autoriser certaines d’entre elles, comme la pêche artisanale ou la plongée sous-marine, en fonction du niveau de protection. Or, en pratique, une grande partie des AMP ne suivent pas ces recommandations et n’excluent pas les activités industrielles qui sont les plus destructrices pour les écosystèmes marins, ce qui les rend peu, voire pas du tout, efficaces.

Réelle protection ou outil de communication ?

En effet, pour atteindre rapidement les objectifs internationaux de protection et proclamer leur victoire politique, les gouvernements créent souvent de grandes zones protégées sur le papier, mais sans réelle protection effective sur le terrain. Par exemple, la France affirme protéger plus de 33 % de ses eaux, mais seuls 4 % d’entre elles bénéficient de réglementations et d’un niveau de protection réellement efficace, dont seulement 0,1 % dans les eaux métropolitaines.

Lors du Sommet de l’ONU sur l’océan qui s’est tenu à Nice en juin 2025, la France, qui s’oppose par ailleurs à une réglementation européenne visant à interdire le chalutage de fond dans les AMP, a annoncé qu’elle labelliserait 4 % de ses eaux métropolitaines en protection forte et qu’elle y interdirait le chalutage. Le problème, c’est que la quasi-totalité de ces zones se situe dans des zones profondes… où le chalutage de fond est déjà interdit.

La situation est donc critique : dans l’Union européenne, 80 % des aires marines protégées en Europe n’interdisent pas les activités industrielles. Pis, l’intensité de la pêche au chalutage de fond est encore plus élevée dans ces zones qu’en dehors. Dans le monde, la plupart des AMP autorisent la pêche, et seulement un tiers des grandes AMP sont réellement protégées.

De plus, l’ampleur réelle de la pêche industrielle dans les AMP reste largement méconnue à l’échelle mondiale. Notre étude s’est donc attachée à combler en partie cette lacune.

La réalité de la pêche industrielle dans les aires protégées

Historiquement, il a toujours été très difficile de savoir où et quand vont pêcher les bateaux. Cela rendait le suivi de la pêche industrielle et de ses impacts très difficile pour les scientifiques. Il y a quelques années, l’ONG Global Fishing Watch a publié un jeu de données basé sur le système d’identification automatique (AIS), un système initialement conçu pour des raisons de sécurité, qui permet de connaître de manière publique et transparente la position des grands navires de pêche dans le monde. Dans l’Union européenne, ce système est obligatoire pour tous les navires de plus de 15 mètres.

Le problème, c’est que la plupart des navires de pêche n’émettent pas tout le temps leur position via le système AIS. Les raisons sont diverses : ils n’y sont pas forcément contraints, le navire peut se trouver dans une zone où la réception satellite est médiocre, et certains l’éteignent volontairement pour masquer leur activité.

Pour combler ce manque de connaissance, Global Fishing Watch a combiné ces données AIS avec des images satellites du programme Sentinel-1, sur lesquelles il est possible de détecter des navires. On distingue donc les navires qui sont suivis par AIS, et ceux qui ne le sont pas, mais détectés sur les images satellites.

Carte du monde sur fond noir représentant les bateaux transmettant leur position GPS et ceux qui ne l’émettent pas
Global Fishing Watch a analysé des millions d’images satellite radar afin de déterminer l’emplacement des navires qui restent invisibles aux systèmes de surveillance publics. Sur cette carte de 2022 sont indiqués en jaune les navires qui émettent leur position GPS publiquement via le système AIS, et en orange ceux qui ne l’émettent pas mais qui ont été détectés via les images satellites.
Global Fishing Watch, Fourni par l’auteur

Les aires sont efficaces, mais parce qu’elles sont placées là où peu de bateaux vont pêcher au départ

Notre étude s’intéresse à la présence de navires de pêche suivis ou non par AIS dans plus de 3 000 AMP côtières à travers le monde entre 2022 et 2024. Durant cette période, deux tiers des navires de pêche industrielle présents dans les AMP n’étaient pas suivis publiquement par AIS, une proportion équivalente à celle observée dans les zones non protégées. Cette proportion variait d’un pays à l’autre, mais des navires de pêche non suivis étaient également présents dans les aires marines protégées de pays membres de l’UE, où l’émission de la position via l’AIS est pourtant obligatoire.

Entre 2022 et 2024, nous avons détecté des navires de pêche industrielle dans la moitié des AMP étudiées. Nos résultats, conformes à une autre étude publiée dans le même numéro de la revue Science, montrent que la présence de navires de pêche industrielle était en effet plus faible dans les AMP réellement protégées, les rares qui interdisent toute activité d’extraction. C’est donc une bonne nouvelle : lorsque les réglementations existent et qu’elles sont efficacement gérées, les AMP excluent efficacement la pêche industrielle.

En revanche, nous avons tenté de comprendre les facteurs influençant la présence ou l’absence de navires de pêche industrielle dans les AMP : s’agit-il du niveau de protection réel ou de la localisation de l’AMP, de sa profondeur ou de sa distance par rapport à la côte ? Nos résultats indiquent que l’absence de pêche industrielle dans une AMP est plus liée à son emplacement stratégique – zones très côtières, reculées ou peu productives, donc peu exploitables – qu’à son niveau de protection. Cela révèle une stratégie opportuniste de localisation des AMP, souvent placées dans des zones peu pêchées afin d’atteindre plus facilement les objectifs internationaux.

Exemple de détections de navires de pêche industrielle suivis par AIS (en bleu) ou non suivis (en beige), le long de la côte atlantique française, à partir des données de l’ONG Global Fishing Watch. Les délimitations des aires marines protégées, selon la base de données WDPA, sont en blanc. Les images satellites du programme Sentinel-1 servent de fond de carte.
Raphael Seguin/Université de Montpellier, Fourni par l’auteur

Une pêche méconnue et sous-estimée

Enfin, une question subsistait : une détection de navire de pêche sur une image satellite signifie-t-elle pour autant que le navire est en train de pêcher, ou bien est-il simplement en transit ? Pour y répondre, nous avons comparé le nombre de détections de navires par images satellites dans une AMP à son activité de pêche connue, estimée par Global Fishing Watch à partir des données AIS. Si les deux indicateurs sont corrélés, et que le nombre de détections de navires sur images satellites est relié à un plus grand nombre d’heures de pêche, cela implique qu’il est possible d’estimer la part de l’activité de pêche « invisible » à partir des détections non suivies par AIS.

Nous avons constaté que les deux indicateurs étaient très corrélés, ce qui montre que les détections par satellites constituent un indicateur fiable de l’activité de pêche dans une AMP. Cela révèle que la pêche industrielle dans les AMP est bien plus importante qu’estimée jusqu’à présent, d’au moins un tiers selon nos résultats. Pourtant, la plupart des structures de recherche, de conservation, ONG ou journalistes se fondent sur cette seule source de données publiques et transparentes, qui ne reflète qu’une part limitée de la réalité.

De nombreuses interrogations subsistent encore : la résolution des images satellites nous empêche de voir les navires de moins de 15 mètres et rate une partie importante des navires entre 15 et 30 mètres. Nos résultats sous-estiment donc la pêche industrielle dans les aires protégées et éludent complètement les petits navires de moins de 15 mètres de long, qui peuvent également être considérés comme de la pêche industrielle, notamment s’ils en adoptent les méthodes, comme le chalutage de fond. De plus, les images satellites utilisées couvrent la plupart des eaux côtières, mais pas la majeure partie de la haute mer. Les AMP insulaires ou éloignées des côtes ne sont donc pas incluses dans cette étude.

Vers une véritable protection de l’océan

Nos résultats rejoignent ceux d’autres études sur le sujet et nous amènent à formuler trois recommandations.

D’une part, la quantité d’aires marines protégées ne fait pas leur qualité. Les définitions des AMP doivent suivre les recommandations scientifiques et interdire la pêche industrielle, faute de quoi elles ne devraient pas être considérées comme de véritables AMP. Ensuite, les AMP doivent aussi être situées dans des zones soumises à la pression de la pêche, pas seulement dans des zones peu exploitées. Enfin, la surveillance des pêcheries doit être renforcée et plus transparente, notamment en généralisant l’usage de l’AIS à l’échelle mondiale.

À l’avenir, grâce à l’imagerie satellite optique à haute résolution, nous pourrons également détecter les plus petits navires de pêche, afin d’avoir une vision plus large et plus complète des activités de pêche dans le monde.

Pour l’heure, l’urgence est d’aligner les définitions des aires marines protégées avec les recommandations scientifiques et d’interdire systématiquement les activités industrielles à l’intérieur de ces zones, pour construire une véritable protection de l’océan.

The Conversation

Raphael Seguin est membre de l’association BLOOM.

David Mouillot a reçu des financements de l’ANR.

ref. La majorité de la pêche industrielle dans les aires marines protégées échappe à toute surveillance – https://theconversation.com/la-majorite-de-la-peche-industrielle-dans-les-aires-marines-protegees-echappe-a-toute-surveillance-261595

Always on, always tired, sometimes rude – how to avoid the ‘triple-peak trap’ of modern work

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Marc Fullman, Docotoral Researcher in Organisational Behaviour, University of Sussex Business School, University of Sussex

A groaning inbox by 6am? Nanci Santos Iglesias/Shutterstock

If your first task of the day is triaging a bulging inbox at 6am, you are not alone. A recent Microsoft report headlined “Breaking down the infinite workday” found that 40% of Microsoft 365 users online at this hour are already scanning their emails – and that an average worker will receive 117 emails before the clock rolls around to midnight.

But that’s not all. By 8am, Microsoft Teams notifications outstrip email for most workers, and the typical employee is hit with 153 chat messages during the day.

The report states that, while meetings swallow the prime 9am–11am focus window, interruptions arrive every two minutes throughout the day. This perpetual work overload means a third of professionals reopen their inbox to answer more emails at 10pm.

In short, Microsoft’s telemetry of this “triple-peak” day (first thing, mid-morning and late at night) paints a vivid picture of a work rhythm that never stops.

From an occupational psychology perspective, these statistics are more than curious trivia. They signal a cluster of psychosocial hazards.

Boundary Theory holds that recovery depends on clear and solid boundaries – both psychologically and in terms of time – between work and the rest of life. Microsoft’s findings show those limits dissolving. This includes 29% of users checking email after 10pm.

Similarly, a four-day diary study of Dutch professionals found that heavier after-hours smartphone use predicted poorer psychological detachment and exhaustion the next day.

This can have wider consequences. When people are busy, rushed or harried, one of the first things to suffer is their regulation of online behaviour. Large-scale survey research shows that ambiguous or curt digital messages occur when we are depleted. These can obviously sap wellbeing in recipients.

In a 2024 study of workers in the UK and Italy, incivility in emails between colleagues predicted work-life conflict and exhaustion via “techno-invasion”, as workers reported being exposed to an ongoing torrent of unpleasant messaging.

shocked man sitting staring at a laptop screen
So-called ‘techno-invasion’ could lead to work-life conflict and emotional exhaustion.
fizkes/Shutterstock

My ongoing doctoral research examines how workers respond to messages they receive, and exposes the nuance on different communication platforms. Among the 300 UK workers involved, identical messages were rated as more uncivil on email than on Teams, particularly when they were informal. Frustration on the part of a recipient (in terms of how they interpret a message) accounted for nearly 50% of perceived incivility on email, but only 30% on Teams.

These findings suggest that choice of platform significantly influences how messages are received and interpreted. Using these insights, organisations can make informed decisions about communication channels, and potentially reduce workplace stress and improve employee wellbeing in the process.

Microsoft suggests that AI “agent bosses” will rescue workers. These tools could summarise inboxes, draft replies and free up humans for higher-order work.

The data, however, exposes a cultural contradiction. Managers tell staff to switch off, yet their appraisal spreadsheets tell a different story. In one set of experiments, the same bosses who praised weekend digital detoxing also ranked the detoxers as less promotable than colleagues who were glued to their inboxes.

Little wonder Microsoft’s own data shows the same late-night peak, despite widespread wellbeing guidance to switch off after hours. Without changing how commitment is signalled and rewarded, faster tools risk accelerating the treadmill rather than dismantling it.

What organisations can do

1. Individual level – let people feel they have control

Encourage “quiet hours” and teach employees to disable non-urgent notifications. Boundary-control research shows that when workers feel they have control over connectivity, it creates a buffer against fatigue caused by after-hours email.

2. Team level – communication charters

Teams should agree explicit norms for communication. This could include capping the numbers invited to meetings and insisting on agendas. Simple charters along these lines restore predictability for workers and cut “decision fatigue”.

3. Organisational level – redesign metrics

Organisations could shift from visibility (green dots and instant replies) to outcome-based metrics for productivity. This removes the incentive for workers to stay online and aligns with evidence that autonomy is a key resource.

4. Technological level – AI for elimination, not acceleration

Workplaces should deploy AI assistants to remove low-value tasks (for example, sorting email or drafting minutes), not just speed them up. Then they should conduct workload audits to ensure the time saved is reinvested in deep work, not simply swallowed up by extra meetings.

The Microsoft dataset is enormous, but there are two important points to note. First, European jurisdictions with “right to disconnect” laws may be missing from the figures. Second, some metrics (for example, interruptions) are calculated on the most active fifth of users, potentially overstating a typical experience.

But if the numbers in Microsoft’s report feel familiar, that is precisely the point. The technology designed to liberate workers is now scripting their day minute-by-minute. Occupational psychology researchers warn that without deliberate boundary setting, rising digital job demands will continue to tax wellbeing and dull performance.

AI can be a circuit breaker, but only if it is accompanied by cultural and structural change that gives employees permission to disconnect.

The infinite workday is not a law of nature, it is a design flaw. Fixing it will take more than faster software – it will demand a collective decision to prize focus, recovery and civility as fiercely as workers currently prize availability.


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The Conversation

Marc Fullman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Always on, always tired, sometimes rude – how to avoid the ‘triple-peak trap’ of modern work – https://theconversation.com/always-on-always-tired-sometimes-rude-how-to-avoid-the-triple-peak-trap-of-modern-work-261514

Online Safety Act: what are the new measures to protect children on social media?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jess Scott-Lewis, PhD Candidate, Sheffield Institute of Social Sciences, Sheffield Hallam University

MNStudio/Shutterstock

Technology platforms operating in the UK now have a legal duty to protect young people from some of the more dangerous forms of online content. This includes pornography, content that encourages, promotes, or provides instructions for violence, promotion of self-harm and eating disorders. Those failing to comply face hefty fines.

Until now, parents have had the unenviable role of navigating web content filters and app activity management to guard their children from harmful content. As of 25 July 2025, the Online Safety Actputs greater responsibility on platforms and content creators themselves.

In theory, this duty requires tech organisations to curb some of the features that make social media so popular. These include changing the configuration of the algorithms that analyse a user’s typical behaviour and offer content that other people like them usually engage with.

This is because the echo chambers that these algorithms create can push young people towards unwanted (and crucially, unsolicited) content, such as incel-related material.

The Online Safety Act directly acknowledges the impact of algorithms in targeting content to young people. It forms a key part of Ofcom’s proposed solutions. The act requires platforms to adjust their algorithms to filter out content likely to be harmful to young people.

It’s yet to become clear exactly how tech companies will respond. There has been pushback over negative attitudes to algorithms, though. A response from Meta, which owns Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp, to Ofcom’s 2024 consultation on protecting children from harms online counters the idea that “recommender systems are inherently harmful”.

It states: “Algorithms help to sort information and to create better experiences online and are designed to help recommend content that might be interesting, timely or entertaining. Algorithms also help to personalise a user’s experience, and help connect a user with their friends, family and interests. Most importantly, we use algorithms to help young people have age-appropriate experiences on our apps.”

Age verification

A further safety measure is the use of age checks. Here, Ofcom is enforcing platforms to make “robust age checks” and, in the case of the most serious of content creation sites, these must be “highly effective”.

Users will need to prove their age. Traditionally, age-verification checks involve the submission of government-issued documents – often accompanied by a short video to verify the accuracy of the submission. There have been technological advances which some platforms are embracing. Age-estimation services involve uploading a short video or photo selfie which is analysed by AI.




Read more:
Porn websites now require age verification in the UK – the privacy and security risks are numerous


Teenage boy taking selfie
Age verification can include uploading a selfie that is analysed by AI.
Miljan Zivkovic/Shutterstock

If enforced, the Online Safety Act may not only restrict access to pornography and other recognised extreme content, but it could also help stem the flow of knife sales.

Research shows exposure to knife crime news on social media is linked to symptoms similar to PTSD. Research by one of us (Charlotte Coleman) and colleagues has previously shown that negative effects of seeing knife imagery may be more severe for girls and those who already feel unsafe.

Even on strongly regulated platforms, though, some harmful material can seep through the algorithm and age checks net. Active moderation is therefore a further requirement of the act. This means platforms need to have processes in place to look at user-generated content, assess the potential harm and remove it if appropriate to ensure swift action is taken against content harmful to children.

This may be through proactive moderation (assessing content before it is published), reactive moderation based on user reports, or more likely, a combination of the two.

Even with these changes, invisible online spaces remain. A host of private, encrypted end-to-end messaging services, such as messages on Whatsapp and snaps on Snapchat, are impenetrable to Ofcom and the platform managers, and rightly so. It is a vital fundamental right that people are free to communicate with their friends and family privately without fear of monitoring or moderation.

However, that right may also be abused. Negative content, bullying and threats may also be circulated through these services. This remains a significant problem to be addressed and one that is not currently solved by the Online Safety Act.

These invisible online spaces may be an area that, for now, will remain in the hands of parents and carers to monitor and protect. It is clear that there are still many challenges ahead.


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The Conversation

Charlotte Coleman has previously received funding from UKRI to understand the negative online experiences of UK police staff.

Jess Scott-Lewis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Online Safety Act: what are the new measures to protect children on social media? – https://theconversation.com/online-safety-act-what-are-the-new-measures-to-protect-children-on-social-media-261126

Nipple-covered sea creatures and aquariums filled with tears – Sea Inside’s alternative perspective on oceans in crisis

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Pandora Syperek, Tutor, History of Design, V&A/Royal College of Art, and Teaching Fellow, Institute for Creative Futures, Loughborough University

There has been a conspicuous turn to the sea as inspiration for art and exhibitions since the mid-2010s. This is a trend we have charted in our ongoing collaborative research project, Curating the Sea. So prolific has this become, that there are even gallery spaces dedicated entirely to the sea in contemporary art.

The sea has, of course, been the subject of art throughout history. However, our investigation into contemporary art and exhibitions has revealed a shift from celebrations of oceanic abundance and wonder towards more political projects.

In our research, we have argued for the importance of curation as a way to confront the issues facing the oceans today. So it was only natural that we turn our hands to curating our own exhibition about the sea, based on our extensive collaborative research.

Sea Inside is part of the current season at the Sainsbury Centre in Norwich, which asks, “can the seas survive us?”


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Western art has tended to frame the ocean as an unfathomable and formidable force in the tradition of the sublime: art that produces or is inspired by the strongest emotions the mind is capable of feeling, often arising from the encounter with the natural world. Sea Inside counters this perspective. Collectively, artworks in the exhibition portray the sea not as a surreal or alien space, but as an entity that is intimately connected to humans.

Many Indigenous and diasporic communities have long been aware of the profound human connection to the sea. In our exhibition, Shuvinai Ashoona’s coloured pencil drawings illustrate the intermingling of Inuit mythology with everyday life in the Canadian Arctic. In one scene, mythical marine creatures populate a dentist’s office.

Meanwhile, Tyler Eash’s sculpture features a shell of the critically endangered abalone mollusc. They are known as “grandmother shells” among North American west coast Indigenous cultures as they are commonly passed down through families by female elders. The work speaks to ties of kinship (human and animal), their fragility and resilience.

A new sculpture we commissioned by the artist Gabriella Hirst explores tales of men being swallowed by whales alongside the industrial exploitation of whales in the 19th century. This inside-out journey from the whale’s belly to lighting up European cities (as whale blubber was used in oil lamps) aligns the perceived threat of these animals with capitalistic justifications for their slaughter. The sculpture is made from agricultural plastic, itself a product of the petrochemical industry that largely replaced whaling as a source of energy, lighting and everyday objects.

Beyond eco-realism

The perspective Sea Inside offers is found not only in the artworks’ subject matter but also their approach.

There has been a tendency towards a documentary approach within ecologically oriented exhibitions. This risks relegating art to a tool of climate communication and even replicating the sort of technological interventions into the landscape – and seascape – that the respective artworks and exhibitions call into question.

The artworks in Sea Inside examine the uses and limits of visual mediums for understanding the sea. Hiroshi Sugimoto’s photograph of a natural history diorama reframes this three-dimensional reconstruction of a seabed from hundreds of millions of years before the advent of humans, whereas Kasia Molga’s miniature aquaria entangle human tears and marine life.

Artists in the exhibition play with historical display practices and their ability to bring ocean life into human spaces while endeavouring to overcome the sense of detachment they have at times created.

In a video work by El Morgan, the artist aligns jellyfish breeding in a lab with her own experience of assisted reproduction. In doing so she momentarily suspends the distance from such radically different lifeforms and expands our understandings of gestation.

Likewise, Laure Prouvost’s speculative “cooling system” for global warming – a beautiful Murano glass shower-head that looks like an amorphous sea creature covered in nipples – reimagines models of care as both more-than-human and global.

Works such as these provide playful and humorous approaches to thinking through a topic with a serious undercurrent: our fragile ocean ecologies.

The artworks in Sea Inside offer ways of engaging with the existential threats facing our oceans that are emotive, imaginative and often very funny. They reflect on material culture, architecture and technology to acknowledge the aesthetic dimensions of an era that has been termed the Anthropocene, after the human impact on the planet, and even the Hydrocene in recognition of the centrality of water to our current epoch.

These subtler responses to the sea within offer visions of promise for the oceans’ and our own mutual survival.

Sea Inside is on show at the Sainsbury Centre, Norwich, until October 26 2025.


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The Conversation

Sarah Wade works in the Department of Art History & World Art Studies, University of East Anglia, based at the Sainsbury Centre. Her ocean related research has received funding from University of East Anglia and the Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art. She is a member of the Museums Association.

Pandora Syperek does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Nipple-covered sea creatures and aquariums filled with tears – Sea Inside’s alternative perspective on oceans in crisis – https://theconversation.com/nipple-covered-sea-creatures-and-aquariums-filled-with-tears-sea-insides-alternative-perspective-on-oceans-in-crisis-260146

Gaza and Ukraine are both waiting for action

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor

For the past few weeks the headlines about Gaza have focused on the hundreds of people who have been killed while queueing for food. The aid distribution system put in place in May, backed by the US and Israel and run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, has proved to be chaotic and allegedly resulted in violence, with both Israel Defense Forces personnel and armed Palestinian gangs blamed for killing about 1,000 people in the two months the new system has been operating.

Now the headlines are focusing on the growing number of people dying of starvation.

Harrowing reports from the Gaza Strip report almost daily on the children dying of malnutrition in hospitals and clinics that simply don’t have the food to keep them alive. Writing in the Guardian this week, a British volunteer surgeon working in one of Gaza’s hospitals, Nick Maynard, described patients who “deteriorate and die, not from their injuries, but because they are too malnourished to survive surgery”.

The UK and 27 other countries this week has condemned the “drip feeding of aid and the inhumane killing of civilians” who are trying to get food and water. And yet, writes Simon Mabon, still the world’s leaders look on: “Most are apparently content to condemn – but little action has been taken.”

Mabon, a professor of international relations at Lancaster University, quotes the latest report from the IPC, which monitors food security in conflict situations. It estimates that 500,000 people in Gaza are considered to be facing “catastrophe”, while a further 1.1 million fall into the “emergency” risk category. Both categories anticipate a steadily rising death rate among civilians in Gaza.

So how can Israel’s allies apply pressure on Benjamin Netanyahu’s government to bring an end to the violence and allow Palestinian civilians access to the food, water and medical supplies they so desperately need?

Mabon canvasses a range of options. First of all, countries that have yet to recognise the state of Palestine can do so. It’s nonsense, Madon believes, to talk of a two-state solution – as the UK government does – when you haven’t actually recognised the second state in the equation.

Then they could stop selling arms to Israel. Many countries already have. But the US still issues export licenses for some weapons that are sold to Israel.

There are a plethora of other things world leaders could do to pressure Israel. Mabon recommends having a look at what the world did to isolate South Africa during the apartheid years, measures which eventually helped bring about meaningful change there.




Read more:
Gaza is starving – how Israel’s allies can go beyond words and take meaningful action


As for Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister is reported to be considering an early election. In previous months this looked like a move freighted with jeopardy. An election loss brought on by a disenchanted electorate, heartbroken at the hostage situation and exhausted by the conflict, would probably mean having to face the charges of corruption which have hung over him for more than five years.

But recent polls have suggested a bump in popularity following his 12-day campaign against Iran. Netanyahu is nothing if not a clever political manipulator. But Brian Brivati, a professor of contemporary history and human rights at Kingston University, believes that to have a chance of winning, the prime minister will need to fight a campaign on three narratives of his government’s success: securing the release of the hostages, defeating Hamas and delivering regional security. “It is a tall order,” Brivati concludes.




Read more:
Israel: Netanyahu considering early election but can he convince people he’s winning the war?


Anyone following the situation in Gaza over the past 18 months will have encountered Francesca Albanese, the UN’s special rapporteur for Palestine’s occupied territories. For three years she has monitored the human rights situation in Gaza and the West Bank, delivering trenchant criticism of Israel’s conduct and those who, by their inaction – and sometimes contrivance – have enabled it.

Earlier this months, the US government imposed sanctions on Albanese, because – as US secretary of state Marco Rubio insisted – she has engaged with the International Criminal Court (also subject to US sanctions) “in efforts to investigate, arrest, detain, or prosecute nationals of the United States or Israel”. Also she has written “threatening letters to dozens of entities worldwide, including major American companies”.

Alvina Hoffman, an expert in diplomatic affairs and human rights at SOAS, University of London, explains what a special rapporteur does and why their work is so valuable in the defence of human rights.




Read more:
The US has sanctioned UN special rapporteur Francesca Albanese – here’s why she’s the wrong target


Dispatches from Ukraine

To Istanbul, where delegations from Russia and Ukraine met yesterday for their third round of face-to-face talks. All 40 minutes of them. There was another agreement of prisoner swaps and the two sides decided to set up some working groups to look into various political, military and humanitarian issues – but online rather in person.

The brevity of the talks came as no surprise to Stefan Wolff. Wolff, an expert in international security at the University of Birmingham who has provided commentary for The Conversation throughout the conflict in Ukraine, points out that both sides remain wedded to their maximalist war aims. For Russia, this is for Ukraine to accept Russia’s annexation of Crimea and four provinces of eastern Ukraine, a ban on Ukraine’s membership of Nato and a much reduced military capacity. For Ukraine, it is getting their territory back and Russian acceptance of their national sovereignty, meaning it gets to determine for itself what alliances it seeks.

Donald Trump has told Vladimir Putin that, if there’s no ceasefire in 50 days, he’ll apply harsh secondary sanctions on the countries buying Russian oil and that he plans to supply Ukraine with American weapons (via Nato’s European member states, that is). Wolff believes both sides will now play the waiting game. They will calculate their next move after September 2, when the 50 days run out, and when they know more about what the US president plans to do.




Read more:
Russia-Ukraine talks: both sides play for time and wait for Donald Trump’s 50 days to run out


Volodymyr Zelensky, meanwhile, faces pressure from his own people. There have been days of protest at his decision to bring two formerly independent anti-corruption organisations under the direct control of the government. He argues that this was necessary to prevent Russian infiltration, while critics are saying that the Ukrainian president has launched a power grab designed to prevent independent investigation of alleged corruption against people close to him.

Jenny Mathers says these protests, which involve people from all political shades, including people who have fought in the defence of Ukraine since 2022, some with visible injuries, represents a fracture of the “informal agreement between the government and society to show a united front to the world while the war continues”.

Ukrainians protest after Zelensky signs law clamping down on anticorruption agencies.

It’s not as if Zelensky is in clear and present danger of losing his job. His party holds a majority of seats in the Ukrainian parliament, so he governs without having to depend on coalition partners. And the country’s constitution prohibits the holding of elections in wartime – whatever Putin, who regularly insists that Zelensky is an illegitimate leader because he is governing past his term limit, might think. Plus his approval rating sits at 65%.

Zelensky has been quick to soften his stance on this. Mathers says that political corruption is a very sore point in Ukraine, where there was decades of it until the Maidan protests of 2013-14 unseated the pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych. As she writes here, “the ‘Revolution of Dignity’ that rejected Yanukovych’s leadership and his policies was also a resounding demonstration of the strength of Ukraine’s civil society and its determination to hold its elected officials to account. Zelensky would be rash not to heed that.

He also knows it’s important for him to present a squeaky clean image to his supporters in the west. So while the protests may not present an immediate threat to his own position, he knows that unless he acts to root out corruption in Ukraine, it’ll be a threat to the future of the country itself.




Read more:
Ukrainian protests: Zelensky faces biggest threat to his presidency since taking power


But ethicist Marcel Vondermassen from the University of Tübingen believes another recent decision by the Ukrainian government is storing up trouble for the future. Ukraine has recently announced its decision to pull out of the Ottawa convention, the treaty that forbids the use of anti-personnel landmines.

In doing so, he’s following the example of Finland, Poland, Lithuania and Estonia which have all also quite the treaty in recent months for fear of Russian aggression.

But as Vondermassen points out, landmines don’t usually switch themselves off when a conflict ends and people are still being killed an maimed in former conflict zones around the world. Often it is farmers at work or children at play who are the victims. If other ways to protect countries from aggression aren’t pursued, as he puts it, in future decades we’ll still be “counting thousands of child casualties … from the landmines laid in the 2020s”.




Read more:
Ukraine joins other Russian neighbours in quitting landmines treaty: another deadly legacy in the making


Thailand-Cambodia: centuries-old dispute flares again

A dispute between the two south-east Asian countries that has been simmering since May flared into life yesterday when five Thai soldiers patrolling the border region were injured after stepping on a landmine – the second such incident in the past week. Both countries have sealed their border and there have been tit-for-tat ambassadorial expulsions.

Cambodia fired rockets and artillery into Thailand, killing 12 civilians. Thailand in turn has launched airstrikes against Cambodia. Both countries are blaming the other for starting it.

Petra Alderman, an expert in south-east Asian politics from London School of Economics and Political Science, traces the origins of this row, which go back to the colonial era in the 19th and early 20th centuries.




Read more:
Thailand and Cambodia’s escalating conflict has roots in century-old border dispute


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ref. Gaza and Ukraine are both waiting for action – https://theconversation.com/gaza-and-ukraine-are-both-waiting-for-action-261894

Why it matters who owns a newspaper

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Steven Barnett, Professor of Communications, University of Westminster

Steve Travelguide/Shutterstock

The House of Lords this week approved government legislation that will allow foreign states to hold up to a 15% stake in British newspaper publishers.

This vote clears the way for the American investment company Redbird to take control of the troubled Telegraph newspaper group following two years of uncertainty. An integral element of that bid is a 15% stake by the sovereign investment fund IMI which is owned by Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the vice-president of the United Arab Emirates.

The heated Lords debate raised fundamental questions about who should own newspapers, and the link between ownership and editorial content. On one side were those who argued that Britain’s newspapers faced an “existential threat” without outside investment. On the other were those who warned against the potential influence of a foreign power on one of the UK’s longest standing publishers.

Media mergers and acquisitions are often contentious. But given the parlous state of the newspaper industry, they are likely to become more frequent.

A very different kind of newspaper deal was completed last December, when news website Tortoise Media bought The Observer. Tortoise, which was founded in 2018 by former Times editor and BBC director of news James Harding, startled analysts and journalists alike by taking over a newspaper first published in 1791.

The deal prompted strong opposition from some Observer and Guardian journalists. But from a business perspective, the deal suited both sides.

The Scott Trust, owners of the Observer since 1993, never seemed wholly committed to the Observer. (There was, for example, no dedicated Observer website). Tortoise, meanwhile, was keen to exploit the brand values of an established print product. It saw the Observer as a suitable vehicle for its approach of news analysis and explanation rather than breaking stories.

The media world has also been fixated on the succession story of the Murdoch family and its implications for his UK newspapers. The Sun, News of the World (until its closure in 2011), the Times and Sunday Times have been the bedrock of Rupert Murdoch’s economic and political power in the UK for decades.

In December, he lost the battle to give his eldest son Lachlan exclusive control of his media empire.

Speculation has grown as to whether any of Rupert’s progeny will want to continue the family’s print tradition after his death. His empire has suffered repeated financial and reputational hits since the phone hacking scandal. It is perfectly feasible that, once he goes, all the Murdoch press interests will be up for sale.

These various battles beg the question: why does it matter who owns a newspaper? In short, it matters because ownership, to a large extent, determines content.

Who owns the news?

From the very beginning of printed news, proprietors have exercised control over their title’s political direction and journalistic values. Prewar Britain saw Lord Beaverbrook famously exploiting his Express newspapers to campaign for free trade within the British empire.

Meanwhile, fellow newspaper baron Lord Rothermere turned his Mail newspapers into propaganda sheets for Oswald Mosley’s blackshirts, and cheerleaders for Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini during the 1930s.

The Rothermere family’s continued ownership of the Mail has guaranteed a consistent anti-immigration, anti-Europe rightwing worldview to the present day. How this consistent framing has been transmitted through the Mail’s editors has been well documented by journalist Adrian Addison.

Murdoch’s UK newspaper empire has also pursued his personal free market, anti-EU political vision. He has used his papers to attack the publicly funded BBC and the regulator Ofcom. Murdoch has, however, been slightly more flexible in adjusting his papers’ party political allegiance (guaranteeing a succession of prime ministerial genuflections from Margaret Thatcher through to Keir Starmer).

At the other end of the political spectrum, the Scott Trust – owners of the Guardian – was conceived by the son of C.P. Scott as a vehicle for sustaining his father’s liberal mission for the paper. It has a policy of no editorial interference, apart from continuing the paper’s editorial policy on “the same lines and in the same spirit as heretofore”. Editors are therefore enjoined to focus on the kind of progressive news agenda championed by Scott.

The trust model allows a level of freedom from traditional commercial oversight. Editors can pursue the Guardian’s well-established liberal tradition without worrying about shareholders driven by short-term profit maximisation, or an individual owner with a specific ideological agenda. This partly explains the hostility of Observer journalists to the Tortoise takeover.

Why it matters

The Lords debate focused on the risks of foreign state investment in British newspapers. But all commercial ownership models – and all owners – have their problems. Whether it be greedy shareholders, a power-hungry narcissist, an ideologically-driven family or a foreign state seeking influence in the UK, commercial models all involve editorial compromises.

One approach to the problems raised by commercial ownership is an insistence, through legislation, on a plurality of owners. But this is increasingly difficult in an industry whose traditional advertising-funded business model is under severe pressure. This context is precisely why the Telegraph’s new owner was desperate to access IMI funds.

Upmarket publications such as the Financial Times and the Times can monetise subscriptions, but paywalls discourage easy access and diminish journalistic reach. Subscriptions are also a much less attractive proposition for tabloids whose readers are less willing to pay.

Another approach is to diversify ownership models. Non-profit and charitable publishers, such as OpenDemocracy or the Bureau of Investigative Journalism, can leverage donations and are less vulnerable to the whims of corporate owners or powerful individuals. But this model is much less developed in the UK than the US.

I and colleagues have argued elsewhere that there are strong arguments for making charitable journalism easier. These models can enhance journalistic freedom, but they also come with potential downsides that need to be acknowledged.

All these options presuppose, of course, that newspapers and their online sites still have sufficient relevance and reach for us to continue to worry about ownership at all – a topic for another article.


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Steven Barnett is on the management and editorial boards of the British Journalism Review. He is a member of the British Broadcasting Challenge which campaigns for Public Service Broadcasting. He is on the Advisory Board of the Charitable Journalism Project which campaigns for public interest journalism and on the board of Hacked Off which campaigns for a free and accountable press.

ref. Why it matters who owns a newspaper – https://theconversation.com/why-it-matters-who-owns-a-newspaper-257785

The 19th-century maritime superstitions that were believed to protect men at sea

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Karl Bell, Reader in Cultural History, University of Portsmouth

Mermaids’ Rock by Edward Matthew Hale (1894). Leeds Art Gallery/Leeds Museums and Galleries

Maritime folklore has long been shuffled to the margins of nautical history, presented as the quaint, colourful oddities of a former age. Yet this body of beliefs, practices and stories can offer important insights into how seafarers of the 19th century viewed and understood their working environment.

Beneath the dominant histories of European exploration, heroic naval battles and imperial claims to mastery of the seas, there was the daily reality of working, living and, not uncommonly, dying in a dangerous marine environment.

This folklore – which was exchanged between multinational crews of mariners and carried across the oceans – provides a way into appreciating their everyday fears, longings and hopes. It reveals a rich emotional and psychological engagement with the ocean, a history of sea fearing that does not sit easily with the stereotypical macho image of mariners.

These ideas are explored in my new book, The Perilous Deep: A Supernatural History of the Atlantic, a study of the imaginative and supernatural world of seafarers.


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Much of maritime folklore spoke to anxieties about the temperamental ocean and storms, which boiled down to a fear of disaster and drowning.

To protect themselves from such a fate, 18th- and 19th-century sailors went to sea armoured with magical charms. A popular one was a caul. It was believed owning a caul – the membrane that protects a baby in the womb – would protect a seafarer from drowning.

Such items were openly sold in newspaper advertisements in the 19th century. Three advertised in the Liverpool Mercury in 1873 were priced from 30 shillings to four guineas, no small amount for a common mariner to pay for an idle “superstition”.

Nineteenth-century sailors and fishermen also developed a rich system of omens and predictions. They were attentive to their behaviour and even words (“pig” and “rabbit” being among the worst) that might provoke the ocean or attract bad luck.

Painting of a group of sailors
Life in the Ocean Representing the Usual Occupations of the Young Officers in the Steerage of a British Frigate at Sea by Augustus Earle (1836).
National Maritime Museum

One such example was whistling aboard ships, which was believed to stir winds or gales. The idea that the temperamental winds could be provoked by the smallest actions of the tiny human beings who passed over the ocean’s surface spoke to both mariners’ vulnerability at sea, but also a sense of personal responsibility for the good or bad fortune of their voyage.

That concerns about death haunted seafarers is also seen in a superstitious reluctance to have coffins, dead bodies or clergymen (associated with funerals) aboard ship. As the author and critic William Jones wrote in Credulities Past and Present (1880), the sailor who was fearless in battle or in the face of physical danger, often “shrinks with indescribable apprehension … at the sight of a coffin”.

This was reinforced by maritime ghost stories. Numerous tales of ghost ships, most famously The Flying Dutchman, served as a reminder of the haunting prospect of death at sea.

In telling stories of those who had been lost, seafarers could also express concerns about their present circumstances and future travails. Aboard ships, such tales could also serve as reminders of health and safety concerns. Stories about ghostly crew members who had fallen from the rigging or been washed overboard served as cautionary tales.

The decline and return of maritime folklore

Nineteenth-century critics of mariners’ “superstitions” attempted to debunk their ideas. They pushed the idea that this body of folklore was fading out with the transition from sail to steam power.

No longer reliant on the winds, the steamship symbolised a more rational, mechanical world that had no time for the supernatural whimsy of the age of sail. Yet, indicating its ongoing importance as a way of addressing seafarers fears and concerns, such ideas did not simply disappear. Rather they adapted to the modern world.

Painting of a boat in trouble at sea
The Shipwreck by Joseph Mallord William Turner (1805).
Tate

While the price of cauls had dropped in the late 19th century, suggesting declining belief in their protective power, there was a sudden revival in their trade when submarine warfare became a feature of the first world war. Accounts of ghost ships were updated to include steam and later diesel vessels in the 20th century.

Maritime folklore history reminds us that our proclaimed “mastery of the waves” has always been built on rhetoric as much as reality.

In an age of mounting concern about our relationship with the oceans, in which we are having to radically reassess our control over and influence on the natural world, it is perhaps time for this history to resurface.


This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

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Karl Bell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The 19th-century maritime superstitions that were believed to protect men at sea – https://theconversation.com/the-19th-century-maritime-superstitions-that-were-believed-to-protect-men-at-sea-260478