Category: Analysis

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Susan Walker, Associate Professor in Contraception, Reproductive and Sexual Health, Anglia Ruskin University

A potential new male contraceptive drug has just undergone its first tests in human volunteers. The results give the first indication that the drug, which does not use artificial hormones or affect testosterone production by the testes, may be safe in humans.

While previous attempts have been made to develop a male contraceptive in the past, these largely failed to pass clinical trials due to their unacceptable side-effects. But this newest contraceptive works differently from past attempts, which means it doesn’t require surgery and is much less likely to cause hormonal side-effects – problems that have helped stop previous attempts from reaching the market.

The study showed the drug was well tolerated in a small group of healthy young men and did not appear to cause any serious side-effects at the doses used. Further research will be needed to demonstrate precisely how effective it is as a contraceptive.

The new method uses a specially-designed chemical known as YCT-529 to target a specific cell receptor in the testes called retinoic acid receptor–alpha.

Similar, but less specific compounds, had been shown to reduce sperm production in humans previously. But these compounds also had unwanted side-effects – such as feeling ill when drinking alcohol, altering salt levels in the bloodstream and not being fully reversible in all men. This made them unsuitable for contraceptive use.

But in animal studies, YCT-529 was shown to produce fully reversible, temporary infertility without any significant side-effects. A study in mice also found that those who went on to father babies after stopping the drug produce normal, healthy offspring.

Based on these results, the drug then entered into phase one trials in humans. This is the first stage of human testing, where a small group of healthy volunteers are recruited to test safety, tolerability and possible side-effects.

This small trial involved 16 male volunteers who took the drug twice at increasing doses – either 10mg to 30mg or 90mg to 180mg. Some men took placebo pills for comparison.

The participants were monitored for 15 days for any effects on normal hormone levels, inflammation (signs of cell damage), kidney and liver function, abnormal heart rhythms, sexual desire and mood.

No changes were detected in the natural hormones in the body. There were also no lasting effects on liver and kidney function and no signs of cell damage. No dangerous abnormalities of heart rhythm were detected, and the participants reported no changes in mood or sexual desire.

However, participants only took two doses of the drug and were only followed up for 15 days. The authors say in the paper that a larger phase two trial is underway which will test the drug in a greater number of men.

This will then be followed by phase three trials in hundreds of men where the effectiveness, reversibility and side-effects of longer term use of the drug will be assessed. These are the hurdles which have prevented other approaches from being made widely available.

Why past male contraceptives have failed

At present there are no commercially available contraceptive methods for men that are not only safe and effective at preventing pregnancy, but which also allow sperm production to be turned off and on again at will.

While condoms have few side-effects and are used at will, they have a relatively high failure rate (resulting in pregnancy around 12%-18% of the time with typical use).

A vasectomy, which severs the tube connecting the sperm-producing testes to the rest of the male reproductive organs, is very effective (more than 99%) and safe – but it’s not easily reversible and requires a minor operation.

There have been previous attempts (and some ongoing) at producing a reversible method of contraception for men. Some have proven to be effective at stopping sperm production or preventing sperm from exiting the male reproductive tract. However, they haven’t moved to the stage of commercial production, often because of unwanted side-effects.

Most of these attempts used one of two main approaches to prevent pregnancy.

One method involves injecting a substance into the vas deferens (a tube leading from the testes to the urethra). This substance filters out and damages sperm during ejaculation. This substance can be flushed out through a minor procedure if the man wishes to become fertile again.

The drawback of this method is that it requires a minor surgical procedure (an injection into the scrotum) and that the man has to have a further procedure to reverse its effects.

The second route involves stopping sperm production altogether by lowering the hormones that cause sperm to be made in the testes.

The most successful of these trials used an injectable progestogen (a synthetic version of the sex hormone progesterone). This injectable signalled the brain to stop producing follicular stimulating hormone (FSH) and lutenising hormone (LH), which normally signal the testes to produce sperm and testosterone.

However, suppressing LH also turned off the testosterone in the testes that is needed for normal, healthy function in men. To counteract the loss of testosterone, this contraceptive approach required men to take an “add back” testosterone – either as a tablet or a gel applied to the skin.

But a major trial testing this method was stopped early because of the hormonal side-effects participants experienced, including mood swings, acne and changes to sex drive.

There’s a long way to go before the new drug can be considered suitable for use as a male contraceptive. But this new approach shows a lot of promise because it avoids upsetting hormonal balance and can be taken orally – rather than requiring an invasive procedure.

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Susan Walker has previously received funding from Bayer PLC who manufacture contraceptive devices.

– ref. Hormone-free male contraceptive pill passes first safety test – https://theconversation.com/hormone-free-male-contraceptive-pill-passes-first-safety-test-262083

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sudhansu Bala Das, Postdoctoral researcher in Linguistics, University of Galway

India is a home to numerous ancient and linguistically rich languages across its many regions. In a single home, a young person may speak, for example, Odia (the language spoken in the eastern state of Odisha) with their grandparents, switch to English for homework, and enjoy listening to Hindi songs on YouTube.

Far from being confusing, this coexistence is necessary and natural. It’s a hallmark of a nation where language diversity is embraced as a strength rather than being a barrier to be overcome.

India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, reflected this attitude in February this year when he remarked that there had “never been any animosity among Indian languages”. He was speaking at a major literary conference in the state of Maharashtra, where the vast majority of people, 84 million out of a population of 112 million, speak Marathi as a first language with Hindi a distant second.

“[Indian languages] have always influenced and enriched each other, he said. “It is our social responsibility to distance ourselves from such misconceptions and embrace and enrich all languages.” His remarks reinforced a broader message: that linguistic diversity is not a barrier, but a shared cultural strength that binds India together.

But language can also be a politically divisive issue in such a diverse country. And Modi and members of his government have been criticised for words and actions seen as trying to shape the use of Hindi, English and other languages within India. Because of the country’s linguistic complexity, the situation is always more complicated to navigate than it might first appear.

India has a total of around 19,500 languages or dialects that are spoken as mother tongues, according to the 2011 census. Of those, 22 languages are recognised as official under the Indian constitution.

The 2011 census found that 44% of Indians, about 528 million people, speak Hindi as their first language (meaning what is spoken at home). Similarly, around 57% of people use it as a second or third language.

That means Hindi has a broad presence across regions, but it exists alongside many other languages with equal value, including Marathi, Bengali (97 million), Telugu (81 million), Tamil (69 million) and Meitei (1.8 million).

At the national level, India has two official languages: Hindi and English. Hindi is used for communication within the central government, while English is widely used in legal, administrative and international affairs. Each state can choose its own official language(s) for state-level governance. For example, Tamil Nadu uses Tamil, Maharashtra uses Marathi, and so on.

But in daily life, people often switch between languages depending on where they are and who they are speaking to, at home, at work, or in public spaces. According to the 2011 census, nearly one in four Indians said they could speak at least two languages, and over 7% said they could speak three.

India introduced a three-language formula in education the 1960s. This policy guideline encouraged students to learn three languages: their regional mother tongue, Hindi (if it is not already their first language) and English. This was intended to produce a flexible and inclusive approach across different states.

In 2020, the Modi government introduced a new national education policy that gave states more flexibility to pick which two Indian languages should be taught alongside English, but made the recommendation compulsory in all states. This has led to a backlash in several states because some fear it effectively introduces Hindi teaching by the backdoor and will dilute the use of other languages.

There is also considerable debate in India about the role of English, which about 10.6% of Indians speak to some degree but some believe is a relic of colonial rule. Modi himself has suggested this is the case and has taken action to reduce the official use of English, for example in medical schools.

However, he has also acknowledged the importance of English, particularly in global communication, and spoken of the value all Indian languages bring to the country’s unity and progress. “It is our duty to embrace all languages,” he told the audience in Maharashtra, adding that Indian languages, including English, “have always enriched each other and formed the foundation of our unity”.

Many see the language as a link between the many linguistic communities of India. Others see it is a tool for social mobility, especially for lower castes. Some have even accused the government of wanting to discourage English in order to maintain social privileges and promote the dominance of Hindi.

On the other hand, the 2020 national education policy mandates the teaching of English. It recommends bilingual textbooks in English and local languages, and that English should be taught “wherever possible” alongside mother tongues in primary education.

The government is also taking steps to make the digital world more inclusive to people, whatever their language. Launched by Modi in 2022, the Bhashini project is a national AI initiative supporting speech-to-text, real-time translation and digital accessibility in all 22 official languages. This aims to make digital platforms and public services more inclusive, especially for rural and remote communities.

As poet and Nobel laureate Rabindranath Tagore once wrote: “If God had so wished, he would have made all Indians speak with one language … the unity of India has been and shall always be a unity in diversity.”

In India, children today grow up speaking their mother tongue, with many learning Hindi to communicate across regions, and gaining English skills for global connections. India’s future does not depend on choosing one language over another, but on enabling them to flourish side by side.

There’s a Chinese proverb: “To learn a language is to have one more window from which to look at the world.” With thousands of such windows, India’s future is rooted in both unity and diversity.

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Sudhansu Bala Das does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Many tongues, one people: the debate over linguistic diversity in India – https://theconversation.com/many-tongues-one-people-the-debate-over-linguistic-diversity-in-india-261308

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Thomas Longden, Senior Researcher, Urban Transformations Research Centre, Western Sydney University

The UK government recently expanded the warm home discount by removing restrictions that had previously excluded many people who can’t always afford to heat their homes. Now, the payment of £150 will be received by 2.7 million more households than last winter.

The UK government has also reversed its decision to limit winter fuel payments to only the poorest pensioners. This could benefit up to 9 million people.

The UK government has two other mechanisms for reducing heating costs over winter. The warm home discount and winter fuel payment are both one-off payments that help people pay their heating bills. The cold weather payment aims to support people during spells of very cold weather.

Recipients of specific means-tested benefits in England, Wales and Northern Ireland automatically receive £25 after cold weather occurs in their region. Another policy applies in Scotland, where some people get a single winter heating payment.

While these changes to the winter fuel payment and warm home discount are welcome, the cold weather payment has long been seen as an outdated, old-fashioned scheme in need of change. For example, it is paid after cold weather happens. Our research indicates that it can be improved by changing this.

The wide use of smart meters means that researchers like us can now produce data-driven studies that improve our understanding of energy use and expenditure during cold weather. Our recent studies of prepayment meter customers’ energy use indicate ways to improve the cold weather payments.

Analysis of electricity and gas smart-meter data from 11,500 Utilita Energy prepayment customers showed that 63% of households self-disconnected from energy supply at least once a year. In this study, published in Energy Research & Social Science, we found that more homes self-disconnected from gas during cold periods than at other times. There was no evidence to show that the cold weather payment as presently designed reduced this risk.

Also using smart meter data from energy company Utilita Energy, a recent study published in the journal Energy Economics shows that prepayment gas customers in regions with high fuel poverty tend to struggle at temperatures below −4°C. Below this temperature, prepayment gas customers need to top up more often and with higher amounts. People using prepayment tend to top-up their credit in advance of cold weather.

In colder weather, more people use emergency credit and disconnect from power more often. Emergency credit is provided by the utility as a short-term loan. Self-disconnections occur when the household has no credit left and they have no energy supply.

The government’s payment is triggered when the average temperature falls below 0°C for seven consecutive days. As this metric is not reported by news media or meteorology services, it’s hard to know when the cold weather payment will be received. The easiest way to find out if a payment will be made, after cold weather, requires people to enter their postcode at a Department for Work and Pensions website.

If people are unsure if severe weather is forecast, they may not increase their top-up in advance. They may, however, self-ration or limit energy use to save money.

The cold weather payment is only paid once even when there are multiple periods of cold. This “overlap penalty” severely affects those living in northern England and particularly Yorkshire, which is a colder region where cold weather spells are more common.

Cause for reform

The payment should be made in advance of cold weather, and utility companies could pay it directly to customers who have smart meters. Credits could be applied for those using other types of meters. This is likely to reduce self-disconnections and self-rationing during very cold nights.

Payments should be triggered by the minimum night-time temperature. The temperature measure used at present is confusing and the money is not paid until up to two weeks after extremely cold weather, which is problematic for those on tight budgets.

To better match the support needed during cold weather, the amount paid should be increased to £10 a day for every day that minimum temperatures are forecast to be below −4°C. This would improve energy security for people in England, Wales and Northern Ireland.

A policy will only be effective when it is clearly communicated and understood by those it applies to. To prevent self-rationing, people need to know that payment support has arrived, otherwise they may hesitate to turn up the heating on the coldest days of winter, with all the risks that involves.

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Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

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Thomas Longden has recently received funding from Energy Consumers Australia and Original Power – a community-focused, Aboriginal organisation. He is a member of the ACT Climate Change Council and the NSW branch of the Economic Society of Australia.

Brenda Boardman is affiliated in the UK with the End Fuel Poverty Coalition and the Labour Party. Her research on pre-payment meter households was co-funded by Utilita Giving.

Tina Fawcett currently receives funding from UKRI. Her research on pre-payment meter households was co-funded by Utilita Giving.

– ref. How the UK’s cold weather payments need to change to help prevent people freezing in winter – https://theconversation.com/how-the-uks-cold-weather-payments-need-to-change-to-help-prevent-people-freezing-in-winter-259339

Source: The Conversation – UK – By John Dearing, Emeritus Professor of Physical Geography, University of Southampton

Some of Earth’s largest climate systems may collapse not with a bang, but with a whimper. Surprisingly, experiments with magnets are helping us understand how.

We now widely accept that greenhouse gases and the way we use natural resources are putting enormous stress on the world’s climate and ecosystems. It’s also well known that even small increases in stress can push Earth systems, like rainforests, ice sheets or ocean currents, past tipping points, leading to major and often irreversible changes.

But there’s a lot we still don’t know about tipping points. When might they happen? What will they look like? And what should we do about them?

Some local tipping points have already been reached. For example, many lakes have abruptly shifted in the past few decades from clear water to slimy, algae-choked pools, usually in response to fertilisers running off nearby farmland.

For larger systems, like the entire Amazon forest or the West Antarctic ice sheet, the longer timescales involved mean direct observation – and certainly experiments – are impossible.

But we can look for clues elsewhere. In fact, we can now learn about tipping points from something much smaller and far more controllable: magnets.

Magnets have tipping points too

In our recent research, we used magnetic materials to mimic the behaviour of an ecosystem stressed by global warming. Just like Earth’s climate systems, magnets can tip from one stable state to another – flipping from positive to negative – when pushed hard enough.

We found that magnets don’t all flip the same way. Some shift abruptly – a characteristic of many hard materials. Others shift smoothly and more easily – as commonly found with soft magnets.

Whether a magnet collapses abruptly or smoothly is determined by its structure. As a general rule, hard materials are simple structures that absorb stress up to a point and then suddenly flip – much like a small, well-mixed lake that stays clear until one day, when enough fertiliser has leaked in, it turns green and slimy almost overnight.

Soft magnets, on the other hand, are more complex inside. Different parts respond to stress at different rates. This is similar to a large forest, where some species can handle rising temperatures but others are less resilient.

The result is a reorganisation. Some species die out, others take over, and the whole system gradually transitions into a different type of forest – or even into a new ecosystem like a grassland.

The same principles may apply beyond biology. Ocean currents and ice sheets with their many varied and moving parts might also behave like soft magnets, reorganising gradually rather than collapsing in one sudden movement.

Softer systems are easier to flip back

Our experiments with magnets uncovered something else with implications for Earth’s climate systems and their tipping points.

The softer a system is, the easier it is to reverse the change – but only if you act before the stress builds up. If the pressure has built up too much, even soft systems start behaving like hard ones, flipping suddenly and dramatically.

We also found that what may look like a soft and complex system – a whole rainforest or ice sheet, for instance – can be made up of lots of smaller hard elements. Each of these elements has its own sensitivity to a specific level of stress. Zoom in far enough, and you’ll see many more abrupt tipping points at the level of a single lake or patch of trees.

This matters because the speed of change is just as important as the amount. In magnets, the faster we applied stress, the more likely they were to tip suddenly. Climate systems seem to behave the same way: the faster we heat the world, the greater the risk of sudden collapse.

If we see these big complex systems slowly shifting and think there’s still time to act – we may be wrong. Like the proverbial frogs in boiling water, we may not notice we have passed the point of no return until it is too late.

This is why we must watch closely, especially at the local level, for any warning signs. A patch of wetland drying out or a small tract of forest dying back. These might seem like small changes, but they may signal a much larger decline is already underway.

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John Dearing is a member of the Green Party of England and Wales.

Roy Thompson and Simon Willcock do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Gradual v sudden collapse: what magnets teach us about climate tipping points – https://theconversation.com/gradual-v-sudden-collapse-what-magnets-teach-us-about-climate-tipping-points-258606

Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Suber, Departmental Lecturer in Criminology, University of Oxford

In the latest attempt to crack down on irregular migration, the UK government has announced a raft of international sanctions against people smugglers. The sanctions will use asset freezes, travel bans and other financial restrictions to go after businesses and individuals thought to be facilitating smuggling operations.

The government has committed to treating irregular migration as a national security threat, to be tackled with tools drawn from the counter-terrorism playbook. But, given the supply and demand forces that drive the smuggling industry, sanctions may not be effective.

Smuggling is, essentially, a service industry. Opportunistic entrepreneurs charge migrants a fee to enable them to cross borders they wouldn’t otherwise be able to.

These operations rely on wide networks: suppliers of dinghies and vehicles, informal money transfer brokers, local guides skilled at avoiding detection. While the routes and logistics vary across regions, empirical research consistently shows that smuggling is usually low-skill and fragmented. It’s rarely the domain of organised, mafia-style cartels.

This regime of sanctions and asset freezes adds a new tactic to a familiar policy toolbox. Previous Conservative governments and EU countries have treated smuggling as a form of organised crime that can only be defeated through security responses. They’ve invested in surveillance, border walls and policing at home and internationally. Evidence suggests this approach is not only ineffective – it can backfire.

Why sanctions may miss the target

Smugglers and migrants alike operate in highly hostile environments. Evading detection and minimising risk is essential. This has made migrant smuggling particularly adaptable to criminal justice responses.

Take money transfers between migrants and smugglers. Smuggling fees are often handled through the informal “hawala” money transfer system. A migrant deposits funds with a broker in the departure country, who holds the money and issues a code. Only once the migrant has safely arrived at their destination is the code released to a second broker, who then pays the smuggler. Debts between hawala brokers are settled when future operations move money in the opposite direction.

Hawala money transfers are legal in most countries. But as no funds cross borders directly, this type of informal banking lends itself well to transactions that are anonymous and untraceable. The UK’s new sanctions target hawala brokers involved in handling payments between smugglers and their clients. But, in the same way that the structures of smuggling groups have evolved and adapted in response to police or border enforcement, so will their systems to move money safely.

On heavily policed borders such as those in the Balkans, small-scale smugglers, often migrants themselves, have formed more coordinated groups bonded by ethnicity or language. Many of the groups listed in the UK sanctions, such as the Kazawi and Tatwani groups, have been on Interpol’s radar for years.

Even when key figures are arrested, these groups have demonstrated the ability to disband and regroup on a different border. Sometimes they go quiet while developing new strategies, only to resurface in the same areas, driven by unchanged demand in smuggling services. Hawala brokers hit by the new sanction regime are likely to close and restart operations under different names.

How effective can UK sanctions be if the targets and their assets are not in the UK, and if their operations can quickly shift across borders and names? Unless other countries follow suit and enforce similar measures, these sanctions may amount to little more than politically symbolic.

Supply and demand

So long as migration policy focuses almost exclusively on “smashing the gangs” and targeting the supply side of irregular migration, smugglers and other entrepreneurs involved in facilitating it are likely to reinvent themselves and find new, more precarious ways to circumvent border restrictions.

Unless implemented internationally, UK sanctions will do little to change this. But international counter-smuggling responses are highly dependant on the specific circumstances faced by the states involved.

In Italy, right and left-leaning governments have pursued an anti-mafia approach to smuggling for years, with limited results. Earlier this year, Italian authorities arrested suspected trafficker Osama Elmasry Njeem, following a warrant by the International Criminal Court on charges of murder, rape and torture.

They then released him and repatriated him to Libya, sparking a row with the ICC. Although Italy has made deals with with the Libyan government in Tripoli to stop irregular migrant boats, it appears there were concerns that his arrest could strain relations with Libyan counterparts and trigger a surge in boat arrivals from North Africa. This situation highlights the challenges that can arise with such tactics.

The idea that cracking down on smugglers, through sanctions or criminal justice responses, will deter people from seeking their services is not supported by evidence. If anything, it increases the risks migrants must take, making journeys more dangerous but no less likely. Migration flows to Europe rise and fall in patterns driven far more by global instability and lack of legal alternatives than by changes in law enforcement.

Including smugglers in a sanctions regime may create headlines, but it misses the bigger point: people smuggling exists because people need to move. It is a demand-led phenomenon, and it is the demand side – why people turn to smugglers in the first place – that remains largely unaddressed.

To reduce the power and appeal of smugglers, governments need to open safe, legal pathways for migration. This would reduce reliance on illicit networks, protect vulnerable people and restore order to a system that is politically defined by routine crises.

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David Suber received funding from the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council for his PhD in 2020-2024.

– ref. People smugglers adapt to attempts to shut them down – financial sanctions won’t stop the boats – https://theconversation.com/people-smugglers-adapt-to-attempts-to-shut-them-down-financial-sanctions-wont-stop-the-boats-261864

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Primrose Freestone, Senior Lecturer in Clinical Microbiology, University of Leicester

Your feet are microbial hotspots. The area between your toes is packed with sweat glands, and when we wrap our feet in socks and shoes, we trap that moisture in a warm, humid cocoon that’s ideal for microbial growth. In fact, your feet may be home to a miniature rainforest of bacteria and fungi, with anywhere from 100 to 10 million microbial cells per square centimetre of skin surface.

Not only do feet host a huge variety of microorganisms – up to 1,000 different species per person – but they also have a wider range of fungal species than any other part of the body. That means your feet aren’t just sweaty or smelly – they’re genuinely biodiverse.

Because your feet are microbe-rich, your socks become prime real estate for these same bacteria and fungi. Studies show that socks harbour both harmless skin residents, like coagulase-negative staphylococci, and potentially dangerous pathogens, including Aspergillus, Staphylococcus, Candida, Histoplasma and Cryptococcus. These microbes thrive in the warm, moist spaces between your toes, feeding on sweat and dead skin cells.

Their byproducts, such as volatile fatty acids and sulphur compounds, are what give sweaty feet, socks and shoes that notorious odour. It’s not the sweat itself that smells, but the microbial metabolism of that sweat. Perhaps unsurprisingly, smelly feet are so common the NHS has dedicated pages of advice on the issue.

The sock microbiome isn’t just influenced by your feet – it also reflects your environment. Socks pick up microbes from every surface you walk on, including household floors, gym mats, locker rooms and even your garden. They act as microbial sponges, collecting bacteria and fungi from soil, water, pet hair and dander, and the general dust of everyday life. In one study, socks worn for just 12 hours had the highest bacterial and fungal counts of any clothing item tested.

And those microbes don’t stay put. Anything living in your socks can transfer to your shoes, your floors, your bedding – and even your skin. In a hospital study, slipper socks worn by patients were found to carry floor microbes, including antibiotic-resistant pathogens, into hospital beds. It’s a reminder that foot hygiene isn’t just a personal issue – it can have broader implications for infection control and public health.

Super-spreaders

Socks can also play a key role in spreading fungal infections like Tinea pedis (better known as athlete’s foot), a highly contagious condition that primarily affects the toes but can spread to the heels, hands, or even the groin. The infection is caused by dermatophyte fungi, which love warm, damp environments – exactly the kind you find in sweaty socks and tight shoes.

To prevent this, experts recommend avoiding walking barefoot in shared spaces like gyms and pools, not sharing socks, towels, or shoes, and practising good foot hygiene, which includes washing and drying thoroughly between the toes. Topical antifungal treatments are usually effective, but prevention is key.

It’s also important to note that socks can retain fungal spores even after washing. So if you’ve had athlete’s foot, wearing the same pair again – even if it looks clean – could trigger reinfection.

The safest approach is to wear fresh socks daily and allow your shoes to dry out completely between wears. Choose breathable fabrics and avoid footwear that traps heat or causes excessive sweating.

How to wash your socks properly

Most laundry advice focuses on preserving fabric, colour and shape – but when it comes to socks, hygiene matters more. Studies show that washing at typical domestic temperatures (30–40°C) may not be sufficient to kill bacteria and fungi. In fact, under-cleaned socks can act as infection vectors, especially in households with vulnerable people.

To properly sanitise your socks:

• turn them inside out before washing to expose the inner surface where most microbes accumulate

• use an enzyme-based detergent, which helps break down sweat and skin debris

• wash at 60°C when possible, as the higher temperature helps detach and kill microbes

• steam iron your socks if you need to wash at lower temperatures – heat from ironing can destroy residual spores.

Cotton socks tend to tolerate higher temperatures better than synthetic blends, making them a better option for those prone to fungal infections. Drying socks in direct sunlight can also help: UV light has known antimicrobial effects.

The forensic power of sock microbiomes

Your socks might say more about you than you realise. In a US murder investigation, forensic scientists used soil bacteria found on a suspect’s socks to link them to the burial site of a victim.

The microbial profile of the socks closely matched that of the crime scene – suggesting the socks had picked up and preserved location-specific soil microbes. This emerging field of forensic microbiology shows how microbial signatures can offer valuable clues in legal contexts.

It’s a reminder that the ecosystems we carry on our bodies – and in our clothing – are not only complex and revealing but also surprisingly durable. Whether it’s helping to solve crimes or fuelling a fungal outbreak, your socks are far more biologically active than they appear.

So next time you peel off a sweaty pair at the end of the day, spare a thought for the microscopic universe you’ve been walking around in. And maybe, just maybe, opt for that 60-degree wash.

Primrose Freestone does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The dirty truth about what’s in your socks: bacteria, fungi and whatever lives between your toes – https://theconversation.com/the-dirty-truth-about-whats-in-your-socks-bacteria-fungi-and-whatever-lives-between-your-toes-261580

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jo Wilding, Lecturer in law, University of Sussex

The Windrush scandal has been one of the biggest miscarriages of justice in Britain, affecting tens of thousands of people. The government set up a scheme in 2019 to award compensation to those who had been wronged by racist immigration legislation over decades, left unable to prove their immigration status.

But in a new report, I have found that how much victims receive through the scheme has little to do with how they were wronged, and more to do with whether they can access a lawyer. Those who applied without legal support were offered tens of thousands of pounds less than when they appealed with legal representation.

The research, produced with law reform charity Justice and Dechert LLP’s pro bono team, provides empirical evidence of precisely what lawyers do that makes a difference.

Our research participants, who were claiming compensation over the Windrush scandal were offered, on average, £11,000 when applying to the scheme without a lawyer. But when applying for review with legal representation, the award was more than £83,000. One of our participants was refused any compensation when he applied alone, but eventually received £295,000 with the help of a lawyer.

Why lawyers are needed

We conducted an in-depth review of ten files where a claimant first applied for compensation without a lawyer, received a refusal or a low offer of compensation, and then applied with a lawyer for review of that decision.

We reviewed another seven files from people who could never have claimed alone, because of street homelessness, dementia or serious health conditions.

The team interviewed each lawyer and (where possible) the claimant, to identify exactly what a lawyer does that makes a difference.

The Home Office insists lawyers are unnecessary because the scheme’s own caseworkers will help find evidence. But our findings suggest serious failings in those efforts. One of the main contributions of lawyers was expertise in finding decades-old evidence and demonstrating how it meets the standard of proof for the Windrush compensation scheme.

One of our claimants applied for compensation for having been refused housing assistance (leaving her homeless) based on a misunderstanding of her immigration status. The Home Office caseworkers emailed her local council and asked whether there was a record of her being refused housing assistance 20 years earlier. The council replied that there was not. The caseworker treated that as evidence that she had never made an application.

When a lawyer got involved, he asked the council to confirm how long they kept housing application records. The answer was 12 years, so there was never any prospect of evidence existing from 20 years ago. The lawyer then managed to track down her housing file with the housing solicitors who represented her.

Lawyers knew how to request files from public bodies, understood the references to statutes in those files and, most importantly, were able to spot when key documents were missing.

The lawyers in the cases we reviewed took detailed witness statements from claimants. Those made by claimants alone averaged 1.5 pages, whereas those made by lawyers were at least 15 pages, containing far more relevant detail showing how the claimant met the scheme criteria.

Lawyers acted as a “buffer” between claimant and Home Office. Claimants told our research team that they felt the Home Office spoke to them with more respect once they had a lawyer. Often, claimants were ready to give up and accept the refusal because they were exhausted and frustrated with fighting the Home Office.

The findings are consistent with other peer-reviewed research exploring what lawyers or representatives add to cases in the family courts and the tribunals: a 15%-18% “representation premium” in chances of success. In some cases, this can be achieved through pre-hearing advice.

All of our participants had a lawyer either through Law Centres funded by a charity, a university law clinic, or private law firms doing the work pro bono. Some firms also do the work on a no-win-no-fee basis, typically taking 25%-30% of the claimant’s damages but on occasion up to 67%. Given that it takes 32-103 hours to prepare the case, the lawyer’s fee may still underrepresent the work they did.

Compensation schemes and legal support

Recent reports have revealed serious problems with the compensation schemes for both the Post Office and the infected blood scandals. The chairs of the respective public inquiries, Sir Wyn Williams and Sir Brian Langstaff, criticised gaps in the provision of access to legal advice and recommended funded legal advice for all claimants.

The Post Office Horizon IT scandal has four compensation schemes for different categories of victim. In each, claimants can choose between a fixed payment (£75,000) or an individual assessment of loss. In three of those schemes, funded legal advice is available to help claimants choose between those options. In the Horizon Shortfall Scheme, though, it is not available unless and until they reject the fixed payment and opt for individual assessment.

The infected blood compensation scheme includes funded legal representation for “core” route claimants – those directly affected. But the inquiry report says it should also be available for claims by affected family members.

Only the Windrush scheme has no provision at all for funded legal representation at any stage. All representation is either a matter of charity, or paid for from the damages, which may leave very little for the claimant.

Yet the Windrush scheme is arguably the most complicated, with a 44-page claim form compared with just eight for the Horizon Shortfall Scheme. The infected blood claim form is largely completed by medical personnel. The Windrush scheme has complex eligibility requirements compared with the other schemes, and often demands an immigration lawyer’s expertise.

As our research found, lawyers were able to advise Windrush claimants on whether the offer of compensation was fair or whether they should apply for review. Our empirical evidence, along with the reports, suggest all compensation schemes involving state harm to citizens should include free legal representation for claimants.

In response to the report, a Home Office spokesperson told the Guardian: “Earlier this year, we launched a £1.5m advocacy support fund to provide dedicated help from trusted community organisations when victims are applying for compensation. However, we recognise there is more to be done, which is why ministers are continuing to engage with community groups on improvements to the compensation scheme, and will ask the new Windrush commissioner to recommend any further changes they believe are required.”

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Jo Wilding does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Windrush scandal: those left to apply for compensation without legal help missed out on tens of thousands of pounds – https://theconversation.com/windrush-scandal-those-left-to-apply-for-compensation-without-legal-help-missed-out-on-tens-of-thousands-of-pounds-261046

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ram Prasad, Fellow of the British Academy and Distinguished Professor in the Department Politics, Philosophy and Religion, University of Leicester

The British Museum’s Ancient India, Living Traditions exhibition brings together exhibits on the sacred art of Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. It also encompasses the spread of the devotional art of these traditions to other parts of Asia.

The exhibition speaks to religious identity and relationships. Buddhism and Jainism distinguish themselves from the vast surrounding traditions that together we call Hinduism; but they have close kinship with it in practices, beliefs and iconography. Museums that have presented sculptures in isolation have usually not attempted to narrate this complex history.

Not all the items displayed, some going back 2,000 years, are of purely historical interest. There are representations of traditions that are continuously living in a way the gods of ancient Egypt or classical Europe are not.

The most instantly recognisable example for visitors of such living ancient tradition is likely to be statues of the elephant-headed deity Ganesha. Visitors can see a rare and valuable 4th century sandstone Ganesha on show. They can also see a small bronze version of that ancient Ganesha that is like the kind you would find in people’s home and to which a quick prayer would be addressed every morning.

The question of how to respect that sense of the sacred while still mounting an exhibition is a moral and aesthetic challenge that few museums (including in India) have started to address. It’s not uncommon to see such pieces wrenched from the reality of their continued practice and presented in secular art displays. Here, however, the curators have tried to make connections between “statues” on display and “icons” in temples and homes.

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Finally, there’s the problematic history of the imperial museum and its need to reckon with its past. Most objects on display in this exhibition, and The British Museum more widely, have been presented with scarcely any acknowledgement of how they came to be acquired.

The exhibition makes an earnest effort to tackle most of these issues.

Ancient but not dead

The spaces of the exhibition are structured to be respectful of the historical and contemporary sensitivities of Buddhism and Jainism. This is signalled through subtle changes of colour and the placement of translucent drapery, allowing for transitions between distinct Jain, Buddhist and Hindu displays.

At the same time, conceptual and sensory commonalities are powerfully conveyed. The first space focuses on nature spirits and demi-deities that are shared across all the ancient traditions. The air is filled with the sound of south Asian birds and musical instruments. The explanatory labels draw attention to the percolation of iconographic features between traditions, for instance, those between the Buddha and the Jaina teachers, or the direct inclusion of the deity of learning (Sarasvati) in both Hindu and Jain worship.

Also well presented is a final space on the spread of south Asian iconography to central, east and southeast Asia. This is a long story that needs its own telling, but can only be hinted at through some beautifully chosen figures.

It’s the curators’ use of a community advisory panel of people who practice such traditions today that gives the information its sensitivity. Their inclusion in the exhibition’s production can be seen in a marked mindfulness that the content and symbols of these inert objects are alive and sacred to hundreds of millions.

For example, one Ganesha from Java in Indonesia draws attention to different elements of his iconography. There is the trans-continentally stable depiction of his having a broken tusk (which, as Hindus will know, he is said to have broken off to write down the epic Mahabharata). But this Ganesha also holds a skull, which is unique to the Javanese version. The label gently points out that “various communities understood and worshipped him differently”.

The combination of community engagement and creative presentation not only conveys a sense of respect for the traditions, but also elicits a respectful response from visitors. Those from within the tradition will note with satisfaction the description of a symbol or icon. Those from outside the traditions are invited to look at the exhibits with attention and care as they might in a cathedral.

I saw a pair of young Indian Americans looking at a fossilised ammonite from Nepal that is taken as a symbolic representation of god for worshippers of Vishnu. They animatedly compared it to the one in their own diasporic home.

Elsewhere in the exhibition, I caught an elderly English couple stood in wondering silence in front of a drum slab from the famous 1st century BC Amaravathi Buddhist site in south India. This slab was carved just before figural representations of the Buddha rapidly gained in popularity. Here, there are symbols associated with him, but the Buddha himself is represented by the empty seat from whence he has gone.

How did it all get here?

One potential interpretive danger lies in the emphasis on continuity between past objects and present realities. Hindus today from social backgrounds that did not have the privilege of reaching back to high sacred art might ask where they sit in the smoothed out historical narrative. More broadly, there is no acknowledgement of the complexity of Hindu identity and its formation across centuries, regions, social strata, languages and theologies.

The weakest part of this exhibition’s generally innovative retelling is the faint-hearted way in which it obliquely acknowledges the dubious acquisition process of the British Museum. To say something was “collected” by a major general “while serving in the East India Company army” is hardly facing up to the question with which the exhibition boldly begins: “How did it get here?”

This exhibition offers a powerful visual narrative of the multi-spiritual traditions of ancient India, mounted with sensitivity to their living communities today. Its immersive presentation is appealing, and the story it tells is respectful and innovative.

The task of honest self-representation and difficult conversations on reparation remain. Within that larger imperative, Ancient India, Living Traditions is a step in the right direction. It is a direction towards addressing context, responsiveness and engagement that museums can no longer ignore.

Ancient India, Living Traditions in on at The British Museum, London until October 19 2025

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Ram Prasad does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Ancient India, Living Traditions: an earnest effort to show how the art of Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism is sacred and personal – https://theconversation.com/ancient-india-living-traditions-an-earnest-effort-to-show-how-the-art-of-hinduism-buddhism-and-jainism-is-sacred-and-personal-262163

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sam Halvorsen, Reader in Human Geography, Queen Mary University of London

When UK Conservative party head Kemi Badenoch recently declared that she aspires to be Britain’s Milei, she aligned herself with one of the world’s most radical and controversial leaders.

Javier Milei, Argentina’s self-styled “anarcho-capitalist” president, has gained global notoriety since his election in December 2023 for wielding a chainsaw at rallies, promising to destroy the so-called “political caste” and launching a scorched-earth economic reform programme.

But what has Milei actually achieved since entering office? And should Britain really be looking to his administration for inspiration?

Milei swept to power on a wave of anti-establishment anger. Styling himself as an outsider economist rallying against the ruling caste, he promised to slash state spending and replace Argentina’s peso with the more stable US dollar. He also pledged to eliminate entire government ministries, including health, education and culture.

His now-famous “chainsaw plan” proposed a dramatic restructuring of Argentina’s political and economic institutions, which he blamed for decades of stagnation and corruption. Backed by business elites and libertarian ideologues, Milei offered a vision of Argentina remade through radical individualism and state retrenchment.

His campaign, which contained some clear populist tendencies, was built as much on spectacle as substance. It contained daily media outbursts, personal attacks and an anti-caste rhetoric designed to turn governance into performance.

Inflation was central to Milei’s campaign. When he took office, annual inflation in Argentina stood at over 130%, one of the highest rates in the world. Milei promised to bring it under control by slashing the fiscal deficit and enforcing monetary discipline.

Monthly inflation doubled in the first months of his administration, forcing millions of Argentinians further into poverty. But it has fallen below 50% since the middle of 2025, which has been held by the government as a success.

However, the decrease in the inflation rate is the result of economic recession. While international markets have praised Milei’s fiscal orthodoxy, there is little sign of a growth rebound. Investment has stalled, consumption has plummeted and local industries are struggling amid cuts to public procurement.

Consumption has shown signs of recovery in the last few months, but only in the high-income segment. This has deepened a dual reality where middle-class and working sectors cannot make ends meet. Instead of helping the Argentinian economy recover, high-income consumption also pushes the trade balance to deteriorate.

Milei’s government has endeavoured to keep the Argentine peso strong. A strong currency has seen foreign investments paused and, despite ongoing capital controls, millions of US dollars leave the country with a surge in Argentinian tourism abroad. This trend is exactly the opposite of the most controversial of Milei’s promises: to adopt the dollar in Argentina.

Given the critical level of the central bank’s foreign reserves, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) approved the release of a US$4.7 billion (£3.5 billion) loan tranche in April 2024. It is expected to loan an extra US$2 billion before the 2025 mid-term elections in October.

Squeezing Argentinian society

Job losses have been extensive. Tens of thousands of public sector workers have been laid off, and many more have seen their salaries decimated by inflation. Entire agencies have been shut, from science and housing to the post office.

Milei’s framing of public employees as part of a parasitic caste has helped him politically. It has reinforced his anti-establishment credentials and mobilised resentment among private sector workers and the self-employed. But it has further polarised an already fragmented Argentinian society.

Unions and civil society organisations have mobilised in response, organising strikes and mass protests. These have been met in turn with crackdowns, the criminalisation of dissent and expanded police powers.

Meanwhile, Congress has been sidelined. Milei’s critics warn of creeping authoritarianism as the president governs increasingly by decree, perhaps most notably by attempting to fill two vacancies of the Supreme Court in February.

Environmental protection and foreign policy have also been reshaped by Milei’s radical agenda. The ministry of environment was among the agencies targeted for elimination. And Milei’s sweeping law of bases bill, which became law in 2024, included provisions to weaken environmental regulations and accelerate extractive industries such as lithium and oil.

Milei dismisses environmental concerns as leftist distractions from economic freedom. This is a stance echoed in his foreign policy, which has seen Argentina pivot away from regional cooperation. He has snubbed neighbours like Brazil, withdrawn from the accession process to the Brics group of nations and has aligned himself more closely with the US, Israel and the global far right.

He frequently rails against “global socialism”, and presents himself as a figurehead of a new anti-globalist movement. This posture appeals to his domestic base and international allies, but has further isolated Argentina diplomatically and eroded longstanding regional ties.

If Badenoch wants to emulate Milei, it raises serious questions about the political and economic future she envisions for Britain. Argentina is currently living through a radical experiment in state destruction. Despite circumstantially winning praise from bond markets and libertarian circles, it has brought pain, polarisation and increasing levels of repression.

For those looking beyond spectacle, Milei’s presidency offers not a blueprint for bold reform, but a cautionary tale about the dangers of governing by chainsaw.

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The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Kemi Badenoch says she wants to be Britain’s Javier Milei – but is the Argentinian president a model to follow? – https://theconversation.com/kemi-badenoch-says-she-wants-to-be-britains-javier-milei-but-is-the-argentinian-president-a-model-to-follow-261915