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August 5, 2025

Islamofobia visual: el campo de batalla de la geopolítica también está en las pantallas de los videojuegos

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Antonio César Moreno Cantano, Grupo de investigación Seguridad, Desarrollo y Comunicación en la Sociedad Internacional de la UCM (UCM-971010-GR96/20), Universidad Complutense de Madrid

Desde la irrupción de la tecnología digital, los videojuegos –al igual que tiempo atrás el cine, la televisión o la literatura– se han sumado como actores relevantes en el campo de la confrontación ideológica entre EE. UU. y el mundo islámico.

Cada cierto tiempo se publican noticias sobre determinados títulos que han sido censurados, o directamente prohibidos, porque en algunas de sus misiones, narrativas o aspectos gráficos se “vulneraban” elementos propios de su identidad política, religiosa o cultural.

Este formato interactivo constituye una nueva forma de “geopolítica visual”, pues no solo transmiten un mensaje a través de una narración o reproducen escenarios reales o ficticios mediante sus espectaculares gráficos, sino que crean un “espacio de simulación” de carácter emocional que anticipa o aproxima de manera directa todo aquello que nos llega a través de otros canales y fuentes de información. Esto permite, en muchas ocasiones, que el poder político se refleje en los juegos.

Estados Unidos e Irán se ven las caras en la ‘soft war’

Irán aparece como uno de los países más activos en dar réplica a los discursos y narrativas norteamericanas en el ámbito cultural. Esto ha llevado a prohibir afamadas creaciones como Battlefield 3, que ambientaba una de las misiones en la ocupación de Teherán por parte de los marines, ya la creación de múltiples videojuegos que rechazan la perspectiva occidental sobre la “Guerra contra el Terror”.

Este tipo de maniobras, que se extienden también contra Israel, se vinculan al concepto de soft war –“guerra blanda”–, eufemismo para referirse a la propagación de ideas, cultura e influencias extranjeras a través de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación.

De esta manera, hace poco los medios persas anunciaban un nuevo videojuego que, con el nombre de True Promise, glorificaba los lanzamientos de misiles contra territorio israelí en abril y octubre de 2024.

Jugar como un soldado palestino

Bajo unas coordenadas similares se posiciona el videojuego propalestino Fursan al-Aqsa, que debido a sus contenidos ha recibido fuertes críticas y censura (la más reciente en Reino Unido, donde ha sido eliminado de la plataforma digital Steam) y ha sido calificado por europarlamentarios italianos como terrorista y antisemita. Como replicó su creador, Nidal Nijm, “es muy subjetivo llamar propaganda terrorista al hecho de jugar como un soldado palestino contra los soldados israelíes”.

Este género de producciones son la respuesta a gran número de videojuegos occidentales que, con una clara intención ideológica o escaso interés a los elementos culturales del mundo árabe e islámico, lo ha estereotipado como “enemigo”, “intolerante”, “violento” y “terrorista”, como indican algunos estudios sobre el tema.

Esta islamofobia videolúdica se plasma en varios ejemplos, algunos de ellos muy recientes. En noviembre de 2021, un jugador de Call of Duty: Vanguard denunciaba desde su cuenta de Twitter que en una escena aparecían tiradas en el suelo varias páginas del Corán. De inmediato, los responsables de este título emitieron una nota pública disculpándose: “Call of Duty está hecho para todos. La semana pasada se incluyó por error contenido insensible hacia la comunidad musulmana, que desde entonces ha sido eliminado del juego”.

Tiempo atrás, otro usuario alertó que en Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 2, en un mapa aparecían escrituras del Corán grabadas en el marco de una pintura situada en un baño, considerado un lugar totalmente inapropiado para este tipo de mensajes religiosos.

Junto al Corán, otro de los símbolos más sagrados del islam es la Kaaba (dentro de la Gran Mezquita de La Meca), considerada la “casa de Alá”, centro de peregrinación más importante para los musulmanes. En el videojuego de acción y aventura fantástico Devil May Cry 3, la Kaaba aparecía como la entrada a una fortaleza demoniaca, generando un gran malestar entre gran número de jugadores de este credo.

Protesta de la Universidad Al-Azhar de El Cairo

También ha suscitado polémica Fortnite, uno de los battle royale –género donde un gran número de jugadores compiten entre sí en un mapa que se reduce progresivamente, hasta que solo queda un jugador o equipo victorioso– más famosos a nivel mundial, con más de 350 millones de cuentas registradas en 2021. La Universidad Al-Azhar de El Cairo emitió una nota de protesta contra este título porque para poder avanzar a otro nivel y conseguir más premios había que destruir un edificio que simulaba la Kaaba: “Esto afecta a las creencias y al respeto propio de los jóvenes y subestima la importancia de sus santidades. Por ello, el centro reitera la prohibición de todos los juegos electrónicos que fomenten la violencia o contengan ideas falsas que distorsionen la fe o muestren desprecio por las creencias religiosas”.

Este rechazo se extendió a otros países como Indonesia, donde el Ministro de Turismo y Economía Creativa pidió la eliminación de Fortnite. La respuesta de Epic Games, responsable del mismo, fue que se trataba de la creación de un jugador particular y que “nuestro equipo respeta todas las religiones”.

Esta índole de controversias y simplificaciones en el mundo del videojuego, lejos de resolverse, van en aumento. Algunos informes de la Unión Europea advierten que muchas plataformas como Steam, Discord o Twitch contribuyen a la radicalización online, ya sea a favor de los grupos de extrema derecha (que hacen de la islamofobia uno de sus caballos de Troya) o como herramienta de gamificación terrorista (ISIS).

Frente a este tipo de prácticas, no resta más que alfabetización digital, respeto a la diversidad cultural y responsabilidad a los grandes estudios y compañías de videojuegos, desde Washington a Teherán.

Antonio César Moreno Cantano no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

– ref. Islamofobia visual: el campo de batalla de la geopolítica también está en las pantallas de los videojuegos – https://theconversation.com/islamofobia-visual-el-campo-de-batalla-de-la-geopolitica-tambien-esta-en-las-pantallas-de-los-videojuegos-250541

August 5, 2025

Las vacaciones también enseñan: lo que los niños aprenden sin querer cuando no están en la escuela

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Joan Tahull Fort, Profesor de sociología de la educación, Universitat de Lleida

shutterstock Tatevosian Yana/Shutterstock

Con la llegada de las vacaciones escolares, muchas familias y docentes se preguntan qué pasa con los aprendizajes cuando paran las clases. ¿Se pierde el tiempo? ¿Se estanca el desarrollo? ¿Conviene seguir con tareas o actividades académicas para “no perder el ritmo”?

Estas preguntas ignoran algo fundamental: el aprendizaje no se detiene cuando termina el año escolar. Simplemente, cambia.

Durante las vacaciones, lejos de las estructuras formales académicas, los niños y jóvenes siguen aprendiendo –y mucho–, aunque de manera más informal, espontánea y emocionalmente significativa. En lugar de contenidos curriculares, lo que se cultiva en estos períodos de “descanso” son competencias igual de esenciales para la vida: habilidades sociales, autonomía, creatividad, gestión emocional, resolución de conflictos, conciencia del tiempo, sentir el aburrimiento…

Tiempo desestructurado y desarrollo cerebral

En nuestra sociedad, marcada por una obsesión con la productividad y el rendimiento, tendemos a ver el tiempo libre como un “vacío” que hay que llenar. Sin embargo, la neurociencia y la psicología del desarrollo llevan años demostrando que el descanso, el juego libre y la socialización entre iguales son fundamentales para el desarrollo cognitivo, social y emocional en la infancia y la adolescencia.

Leer más:
¿Importa algo ser hijo único?

Las vacaciones permiten algo que difícilmente ocurre en la escuela: el tiempo desestructurado. Un espacio sin objetivos definidos, sin evaluación ni presión externa, donde los niños pueden explorar el mundo a su manera, seguir su curiosidad, aburrirse (el aburrimiento también enseña) y encontrar formas propias de resolver problemas cotidianos.

Lo que se aprende sin querer

A continuación, enumero algunas de las habilidades y aprendizajes que se desarrollan naturalmente durante las vacaciones y son esenciales para la vida:

Negociar y convivir con los demás. Durante el año escolar, las interacciones suelen estar mediadas por normas y figuras adultas que regulan el comportamiento. En cambio, en vacaciones –especialmente cuando hay tiempo compartido con hermanos, primos, vecinos o amigos–, los niños descubren la necesidad de negociar, acordar reglas, ceder, resistir y colaborar. Aprenden a convivir entre iguales, a veces con conflictos, pero también con reconciliaciones.
Organizar el tiempo. Sin horarios rígidos, muchos niños y jóvenes aprenden a administrar su propio tiempo: cuándo levantarse, cuánto dedicar al juego, al descanso, a ayudar en casa o simplemente a estar en su mundo. Esta flexibilidad es clave para desarrollar autonomía y planificación personal.

También existe el riesgo de un uso excesivo de los dispositivos electrónicos, lo que puede provocar que los jóvenes pasen más tiempo del necesario frente a las pantallas, descuidando otras actividades importantes como el descanso, el ejercicio físico o la interacción social.

Cuando el móvil se convierte en el centro de la vida cotidiana de un adolescente, es fundamental abrir espacios de diálogo y reflexión. Encontrar un equilibrio entre la autonomía y ciertos marcos de contención puede ayudar a desarrollar un uso más consciente y saludable de la tecnología.
Explorar sus intereses. Las vacaciones son una oportunidad para que los niños se reconecten con lo que les gusta. Tal vez pasen la tarde dibujando sus personajes favoritos, haciendo legos, hojeando revistas o cómics, mirando hormigas en el patio, probando nuevos juegos con sus amigos o ayudando a preparar el desayuno con la abuela. Es un tiempo de exploración libre, sin exámenes ni presiones externas. Aprenden por curiosidad, por gusto, y porque cada día pueden descubrir algo nuevo a su manera y ritmo.
Desarrollar la creatividad. El tiempo libre favorece la creación de mundos imaginarios, historias inventadas, juegos espontáneos o manualidades improvisadas. Quién no recuerda su infancia, mirando las formas de las nubes e imaginando personajes, animales fantásticos o escenas que solo nosotros podíamos ver. Es en esos momentos aparentemente simples –dibujando, construyendo una cabaña o explicando historias– aparece la creatividad.
Manejar el aburrimiento. En un primer momento, cuando se terminan las actividades organizadas, aparece el clásico “me aburro”. Para los adultos puede sonar como una queja o una señal de que algo falta, pero en realidad el aburrimiento es un motor. Enseña a los niños a tolerar la ausencia de estímulos inmediatos, a quedarse un rato con ellos mismos y a activar sus propios recursos internos. Al principio puede haber incomodidad, pero pronto aparece la chispa: un juego inventado, una historia… Muchos descubrimientos valiosos, ideas creativas y momentos de juego auténtico aparecen después del aburrimiento. Dar espacio a la pausa es dejar que surja la imaginación.
Conectar con su mundo emocional. Los niños tienen más tiempo para sentir, pensar y hablar sobre lo que les pasa. El descanso físico y mental abre un espacio para las emociones que estaban contenidas o silenciadas. A veces basta una tarde tranquila, una conversación sin prisa o simplemente estar presentes para que surjan preguntas, miedos, sueños o alegrías que durante el año quedaban en segundo plano. Y quienes convivimos con ellos lo sabemos: en vacaciones, los hijos crecen más y consolidan conocimientos. Consolidan habilidades y competencias que estaban, pero todavía no se manifestaban.
Vincularse con otros adultos y referentes. No todo pasa por la escuela o los padres. En vacaciones, los niños se relacionan con tíos, abuelos, vecinos, monitores o adultos en otros roles. Estos vínculos también enseñan: modelan formas de hablar, de actuar, de resolver problemas, y ofrecen una diversidad de perspectivas. Estos vínculos amplían su red de afectos y les dan un sentido de pertenencia más allá del núcleo familiar.

Leer más:
Por qué saltar compulsivamente de un vídeo a otro en TikTok o YouTube aumenta el aburrimiento

El valor del juego y la desestructura

El juego libre es una de las actividades más serias y formativas de la infancia y la juventud. No todo debe tener un propósito académico para ser valioso. Jugar es, en sí mismo, una forma profunda de aprendizaje. Es en el juego donde se experimentan roles, se ensayan normas, se gestiona la frustración y se valora la creatividad.

Además, el hecho de que muchas de estas experiencias ocurren fuera de estructuras rígidas no las hacen menos valiosas; al contrario, son complementarias. De hecho, la desestructuración del tiempo hace los aprendizajes más personalizados, más duraderos y conectados con la realidad emocional del niño.

¿Qué pueden hacer las familias?

No se trata de convertir las vacaciones en otra escuela paralela ni llenar la agenda con actividades formales. Lo ideal es encontrar un equilibrio entre cierta estructura (rutinas básicas y límites claros) y cierta libertad.

Algunas ideas para acompañar son:

• Fomentar momentos de juego libre, incluso sin juguetes.

• Proponer tareas sencillas en casa que impliquen participación y responsabilidad.

• Conversar sobre lo que sienten, lo que les interesa, lo que sueñan.

• Dejar tiempo para el aburrimiento, sin llenarlo enseguida.

Leer más:
Cómo fomentar el juego al aire libre

Aprender fuera del aula

Las vacaciones no son una pausa en el aprendizaje: son un escenario distinto, con otras reglas, donde aparecen nuevas formas de conocimiento fundamentales para la vida. Reducirlas a un simple tiempo “improductivo” es no ver todo lo que está sucediendo en la mente y en el ámbito emocional de los niños y adolescentes.

Seguramente, la lección más importante sea que aprender no siempre requiere un aula en una escuela. A veces, basta con un grupo de amigos, un árbol para trepar, una conversación, una tarde sin nada que hacer… Porque, como decía el pedagogo Francesco Tonucci, “los niños no necesitan más deberes, necesitan más vacaciones, más tiempo libre, más juego y más calle”.

Joan Tahull Fort no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

– ref. Las vacaciones también enseñan: lo que los niños aprenden sin querer cuando no están en la escuela – https://theconversation.com/las-vacaciones-tambien-ensenan-lo-que-los-ninos-aprenden-sin-querer-cuando-no-estan-en-la-escuela-260262

August 5, 2025

How language classes for immigrant students can perpetuate inequity

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Roberta Soares, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Education, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

Different countries and regions use various models for integrating immigrant students who need to learn or improve the language of schooling.

In Québec, one model for young people is the classe d’accueil, which could be translated in English as welcoming class or reception class.

It is part of the linguistic, school and social integration program of the Ministry of Education of Québec. According to provincial documents, the welcoming class is for those “in need of support” to improve their language skills.

It can be used from preschool to high school in the province, but it is notably used in secondary schools and in regions where the number of students learning the language of schooling is high, such as Montréal.

Students who do not speak French well enough to be placed in the mainstream class are placed in the welcoming class for French learning. Students in high school study mainly French, but also math, arts and physical education. This happens separately from students attending the mainstream class.

Interviews with students, school workers

My doctoral research focused on the placement procedures of newly arrived immigrant high school students before and after their stay in the welcoming class in Montréal.

I collected and analysed different types of data: documents, school observations and interviews with 37 school workers and seven students to learn about their experiences and views on the subject.

My research suggests that, even though the welcoming class is considered a “transition” to the mainstream class, the reality is more complicated.

In fact, some students may never get to the mainstream class. My research results reveal long stays in the welcoming class, immigrant students being placed below the age level of the students in the mainstream class and placements in general adult education and special education.

Challenges for immigrant students

Some students may stay years in the welcoming class if they are not considered ready to be placed in the mainstream class.

For some older teenagers who arrive without language skills of the host society, there are great chances that they can, after secondary school, be sent to adult education. They can end up studying with adults much older than them, which can influence their motivation.

Placement in special education means that they can be considered as having learning disabilities or directed towards technical programs that prepare them directly for the labour market.

A ‘deficit’ approach to seeing students

According to school workers I interviewed in my study, only some of the students meet the requirements of the host environment in terms of performance and behaviour and can therefore achieve educational success.

The students who fail to adapt can be seen as having individual or cultural “deficits” – for example, learning difficulties or academic delays. Some school workers highlighted structural issues of the host environment. They notably mentioned viewing school systems as under-resourced to meet immigrant students needs.

My research suggests what is meant to be a temporary support becomes a sorting mechanism to stream immigrants into an educational track that can lead to limits on higher education and lower-paying employment.

Thus, there is a need to critically look at how the decisions are made to place and keep students in the welcoming class and who they serve.

Families not sufficiently informed

According to students in my study, they (and their parents) are not sufficiently informed about the education system in their host province.

Consequently, they tend to accept placement decisions – in the welcoming class, general adult education and special education – without fully understanding the implications.

Other research has also shown how immigrant parents might not be familiar with the local education system and thus might not question recommendations by school workers.

In fact, since their focus is on their children’s safety and learning, they tend to trust the educational system and its professionals to guide them.

Placement decisions shape futures

Long stays in the welcoming class, as well as special education and adult education placements, can have profound consequences in the lives of immigrant students, especially those who are racialized, come from low-income backgrounds or have experienced interrupted schooling.

Based on the accounts of students in my study, being placed in the welcoming class, special education or adult education can deepen dynamics of othering. As other researchers have noted, “specialized” or “separate” forms of education often add to how students are viewed through a lens of difference, especially racialized, linguistic and cultural difference.

The discourse of integration can mask processes of categorizing and managing students based on conformity to dominant norms.

However, this is not to suggest that people in school systems who facilitate placements to the welcoming class, special education or adult education lack good intentions for immigrant students.

Many school workers seem to be doing their best under difficult conditions. It is a systemic issue, rooted in the structure of the school system. Nevertheless, if the system itself reproduces inequalities, acknowledging good intentions is not enough.

Thus, to create equitable education for all students, it is essential to:

1) ensure immigrant families have clear and accessible information about their rights and options by providing adequate support such as translation services, and by ensuring full student and parent participation in decision-making.

2) offer training and support to educators that encourages asset-based, instead of deficit-based, thinking, to legitimize and embrace different ways of learning).

3) consider inclusive models inside the mainstream classroom by providing sufficient school resources to facilitate a broader range of placement options.

In these ways, by moving to more flexible, equitable and student-centred approaches, our school systems can practise different ways of supporting student academic success.

The research carried out during the doctoral program received financial support from the Fonds de recherche du Québec – Société et Culture (FRQSC) and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

– ref. How language classes for immigrant students can perpetuate inequity – https://theconversation.com/how-language-classes-for-immigrant-students-can-perpetuate-inequity-259867

August 5, 2025

Back-to-school transitions can trigger stress and anxiety — these 5 books can help

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Joanna Pozzulo, Chancellor’s Professor, Psychology, Carleton University

Managing emotions in a healthy way matters for our well-being. (Unsplash/Taylor Flowe)

As the end of summer approaches, many will find themselves preparing to usher in a new school year.

This transition period can be difficult, leading to a significant increase in stress and anxiety.

Bibliotherapy — the use of books and literature to support mental health and well-being — may be helpful.

The term bibliotherapy was coined in 1916, but the notion of using books or reading to support health and well-being was around well before then.

In recent years, bibliotherapy has been experiencing a resurgence to support mental health in clinical and non-clinical settings.

Mental health practitioners and scholars who study literature or books, as well as the intersection of medicine and human experiences of illness and wellness, are taking an interest in bibliotherapy in varied ways.

As a professor of psychology and Director of the Mental Health and Well-Being Research and Training Hub at Carleton University, I have created the Reading for Well-being Community Book Club. Through this hub, I select evidence-based books on various dimensions of well-being and self-improvement.

Each month, members receive a newsletter with my selection and review, along with a link to an electronic discussion board to comment on the books. All are welcome to join and there are no fees.

a teen girl sitting against a book shelf in a library reading a book — Reading has been associated with improved personal well-being, since it can decrease stress and promote a sense of calmness.
(Unsplash/Eliott Reyna)

Bibliotherapy, practised as prescribed reading by a mental health professional, can help with anxiety and depression with positive effects being sustained over a longer period.

If you seek to be proactive with maintaining your mental health, or are mildly concerned about how well you are doing (the mental health continuum model of “green, amber and red” zones might help you consider this), self-help books are among the resources that can provide a supportive option until you have access to a professional, or in conjunction to working with a trained professional.

When choosing books for this purpose, choose evidence-based books.

Here are five books offering strategies on how to ease the stress and anxiety associated with back-to-school transitions.

Shift: Managing Your Emotions — So They Don’t Manage you by Ethan Kross

a white book cover with the word shift and smiling and sad emojis — ‘Shift’ by Ethan Kross.
(Penguin Random House)

Kross, a professor and leading expert on emotion regulation, explores the science of emotion and provides several evidence-based strategies to help you manage it in a healthy way.

One of the most powerful statements in the book is the very last one Kross makes: “We have the power to shift our lives,” which illustrates our capacity to improve well-being.

This book is a must-read for anyone interested in emotion regulation.

Good Anxiety: Harnessing the Power of the Most Misunderstood Emotion by Wendy Suzuki with Billie Fitzpatrick

Neuroscience professor Suzuki takes you on a science-filled journey of how anxiety works in our brains and how you can change those pathways for a more positive experience.

Three themes that emerge centre around making time for meditation, exercise and sleep. These elements may help you move from bad to good anxiety.

The notion of good anxiety is about coping and changing our perceptions and reactions to anxiety so that it becomes a strength and motivator; “our superpower,” as Suzuki notes.

Suzuki provides numerous guided strategies to help make the shift to good anxiety.

The Resilient Teen: 10 Key Skills to Bounce Back from Setbacks & Turn Stress Into Success by Sheela Raja

a book cover for resilient teens with hands holding onto wrists forming a circle — ‘The Resilient Teen’ by Sheela Raja.
(New Harbinger Publications)

Raja, a clinical psychologist and professor, provides evidence-based strategies to help teens build their resilience, which is the ability to maintain well-being when stressors arise.

Using the strategies described can help readers develop resiliency.

This is a book for teens, and those who interact with teens, who want techniques to help deal with stress and anxiety.

Breathing is My Superpower: Mindfulness Book for Kids to Feel Calm and Peaceful by Alicia Ortego

This book features the character Sophia, who describes several child-friendly breathing techniques to help regulate emotions.

Some basic yoga techniques also are described to help ease anxiety. The techniques in the book can be practised by a child alone or with an adult.

Ruby Finds a Worry by Tom Percival

This is a child-friendly picture book on how worry can grow and become more difficult to manage if ignored.

By helping another child who experiences worry, the character Ruby learns that talking about worry can help manage it.

This book can be used as an entry point to talk to children about their emotions.

Reading for Well-Being podcast

Podcasts provide several benefits for health and well-being. Listeners can gain access to leading experts around the world and content may be presented in a way that helps people gain a deeper understanding of the subject matter.

I created the Reading for Well-Being podcast to facilitate my book club’s knowledge mobilization (providing research findings in a manner that can be used by the general public).

I interview the authors of my selected book club picks to help listeners better understand the science and strategies for improved well-being. Book club members can submit questions to the authors in advance of an episode’s recording.

Reading books about wellness or self-help can be a useful tool in coping with stress and anxiety associated with going back to school. But, remember, choose books that are written by professionals with advanced training from reputable institutions. For severe anxiety, seek help from a doctor or trained mental health professional.

Joanna Pozzulo receives funding from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council.

– ref. Back-to-school transitions can trigger stress and anxiety — these 5 books can help – https://theconversation.com/back-to-school-transitions-can-trigger-stress-and-anxiety-these-5-books-can-help-261042

August 5, 2025

An excellent source of protein: Health, hype and hard truths

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By James McKendry, Assistant Professor in Nutrition and Healthy Aging, University of British Columbia

Protein is having its moment: From grocery store shelves to Instagram feeds, high-protein foods are everywhere. Food labels shout their protein content in bold, oversized fonts, while social media overflows with recipes promising to pack more protein into your favourite dishes.

And according to the International Food Information Council’s Food and Health Survey, “high protein” topped the list of popular eating patterns in 2024. But does the hype match the science?

Yes and no.

Protein is essential to good health and boosting protein intake can support healthy aging and fitness goals, but the rush to pile on grams — often driven by marketing more than medical need — raises questions. How much do you really need? Can you overdo it? What’s the best source of protein?

This article breaks down the facts, debunks common myths and answers the most pressing questions about protein today.

What is dietary protein and why do we need it?

Protein is one of the three essential macronutrients your body needs in large amounts, alongside carbohydrates and fats. While carbs and fats are primarily used for energy, protein plays a more structural and functional role. It helps build and repair tissues, supports immune health and produces enzymes, hormones and other vital molecules.

Proteins are made of amino acids. Your body can make some amino acids, but nine must come from food. These are called essential amino acids. That’s why protein is a daily dietary requirement, not just a delicious post-workout bonus.

Unlike fat and carbohydrates, which the body can store for later use, protein doesn’t have a dedicated storage system. That means you need to replenish it regularly. In extreme situations — like prolonged fasting or severe illness — your body will break down its own muscle to release amino acids for energy and repair. It’s a last-resort mechanism that underscores just how essential protein is for survival.

How much protein do people need?

The amount of protein an individual needs to consume each day may vary based on age, physical activity levels and the presence of health conditions. However, the recommended dietary allowance (RDA) for daily protein intake is the same for almost everyone: 0.8 grams of protein per kilogram of body weight per day (g/kg/d).

For example, a woman weighing 65 kilograms should aim to consume approximately 52 grams of protein daily.

An important caveat is that the RDA is set to prevent protein deficiency, not to promote optimal health. Older adults who have a reduced ability to utilize the nutrients they consume, athletes whose bodies need more substrate for tissue growth and repair, and pregnant or breastfeeding individuals whose protein intake is shared with another being, often need more protein. Sometimes as much as 1.2 to 2 grams per kilogram of body weight. Therefore, an older person of the same body mass (65 kilograms) might need between 78 g and 130 g of protein daily, far exceeding the RDA.

Is there such a thing as too much protein?

While several expert groups agree that consuming more protein can be beneficial in certain situations — particularly for older adults — there is probably little to no advantage in consuming protein amounts exceeding two grams per kilogram per day.

The good news is that if you are generally healthy, increasing your protein intake will not shorten your lifespan, cause your kidneys to fail, give you cancer or lead to bone loss.

When should I consume my protein?

A prominent social media influencer recently claimed that post-menopausal women must consume protein within a very short window (~45 minutes) after exercise, or any benefits from exercise will quickly dissipate and they will lose all their muscle. This is absolutely not the case.

The idea of an “anabolic window” — a brief period after exercise when recovering muscles make the best use of protein — has long been debunked. Perhaps more accurately described as a garage door rather than an anabolic window, there is a generous period of at least 24 hours to consume protein after exercise.

This means your muscles remain sensitive to the muscle-building effects of protein for a long time after exercise. So, focusing your efforts on consuming enough protein each day is much more important than stressing about guzzling your protein shake in the changing room immediately following your workout.

As long as you’re eating enough protein each day, feel free to consume it on a schedule that fits your daily routine.

But if increasing the amount of protein that you eat at each meal helps you feel fuller and curb your appetite, you may be a little less likely to overeat or indulge in sweet treats.

And with the increasing off-label use of Type 2 diabetes medications such as GLP-1 agonists, which significantly reduce appetite, putting protein on your plate first might — and it’s a considerable might — help slow muscle loss that accompanies this drastic weight loss. However, this is rather speculative, and resistance exercise will probably be your best option for slowing muscle loss while on these medications.

Are all proteins created equal?

Protein is found in a wide variety of foods, from animal sources such as meat, fish, eggs and dairy to plant-based options like legumes, soy products, whole grains, nuts, seeds and even some vegetables. Protein is also widely available as a nutritional supplement, with whey, casein and collagen being among some of the most popular options.

Animal-based proteins are often touted by many online as superior, especially when it comes to supporting muscle growth, but the reality of protein quality is more nuanced.

Animal proteins often contain more of the essential amino acids and are more bioavailable, meaning they are easier for the body to absorb and use. However, a well-planned plant-based diet can also supply all the essential amino acids the body needs — it just takes a bit more variety and intention.

If that wasn’t enough, and you find yourself trying to wrap your head around food labelling, you’re not the only one. When it comes to high-protein products seen all over the grocery store, meat, dairy, shakes and bars are no longer the only options. Now, consumers are bombarded with high-protein popcorn, chips and even candy. Most of these, like diets promoted by influencers, are unnecessary “health halo” gimmicks.

My advice would be to follow a varied, whole-food, protein-forward diet — much like the dietary guidelines. And whatever your preferred protein source — animal- or plant-based — fill about a quarter of your plate or bowl at breakfast, lunch and dinner.

This approach will greatly support your overall health, especially when combined with a diverse diet rich in fruits, vegetables and whole grains, along with regular physical activity.

The bottom line is that protein is an essential nutrient, and consuming enough of it daily is crucial for maintaining good health. But meeting your body’s protein needs doesn’t need to be complicated.

James McKendry receives funding from The University of British Columbia and The Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council (NSERC) of Canada

– ref. An excellent source of protein: Health, hype and hard truths – https://theconversation.com/an-excellent-source-of-protein-health-hype-and-hard-truths-259984

August 5, 2025

La pauvreté de masse : symptôme d’une crise de la cohésion sociale

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Hugo Spring-Ragain, Doctorant en économie / économie mathématique, Centre d’études diplomatiques et stratégiques (CEDS)

En 2023, le taux de pauvreté a dépassé 15 % en France. Cela n’est pas tant le résultat d’une conjoncture économique défavorable que la conséquence de changements structurels emportant des mutations de long terme. Le sujet mérite d’autant plus d’être observé car, au-delà de la situation des personnes concernées, il remet en cause la stabilité des institutions politiques.

En 2023, la France a enregistré un taux de pauvreté monétaire record, atteignant 15,4 %, soit un niveau inédit depuis 1996. La question de la soutenabilité du modèle socio-économique des démocraties occidentales revient au premier plan. Cette progression de la pauvreté ne relève pas uniquement d’un choc conjoncturel, mais témoigne d’une mutation plus profonde du rapport entre croissance, redistribution et cohésion sociale. Le retour de la pauvreté de masse, y compris dans des catégories jusqu’ici intégrées au salariat protégé, signale une possible rupture de régime dans la promesse implicite d’ascension sociale et de protection des plus vulnérables.

La conjoncture n’explique pas tout

Le taux de pauvreté monétaire a atteint 15,4 % en France en 2023, soit le niveau le plus élevé depuis 1996. Cette progression significative (+0,9 point en un an, soit environ 650 000 personnes supplémentaires) interroge profondément les fondements socio-économiques des pays développés. Loin d’un simple effet de conjoncture (inflation, crise énergétique ou guerre en Ukraine), cette inflexion marque une tendance structurelle : la multiplication des zones de précarité latente – vulnérabilité économique persistante, souvent masquée par l’emploi ou des ressources instables, mais exposée au moindre choc – dans les segments inférieurs et médians de la distribution des revenus.

Les déterminants structurels de l’augmentation de la pauvreté sont multiples : montée des emplois atypiques (et ubérisation), stagnation des salaires réels pour les déciles médians, dualisation du marché du travail, déformation du partage de la valeur ajoutée au détriment du facteur travail et réduction de l’investissement public dans certains services collectifs essentiels. À cela s’ajoutent des dynamiques territoriales inégalitaires où les zones rurales, périurbaines et certains centres urbains dégradés cumulent désindustrialisation, isolement social et sous-dotation en infrastructures publiques comme privées.

Figure – Évolution comparée des niveaux de vie (D1, D5, D9) en France, 1996–2023, avant et après redistribution. – Source : Insee

Lecture : les courbes montrent l’évolution des revenus des 1er, 5^e et 9^e déciles, en euros constants (base 100 en 2008). Avant redistribution, les écarts sont beaucoup plus prononcés, notamment entre D1 et D9. L’effet redistributif réduit significativement ces écarts, mais ne suffit pas à inverser les dynamiques inégalitaires de long terme. La stagnation du bas de l’échelle (D1) reste visible même après transferts sociaux, alors que le haut (D9) progresse nettement.

Des amortisseurs sociaux de moins en moins opérants

Si les transferts sociaux jouent encore un rôle crucial dans la réduction de la pauvreté (le taux brut atteindrait 21,7 % sans redistribution), leur efficacité relative diminue. Non seulement ils ne parviennent plus à enrayer la montée tendancielle de la pauvreté, mais ils peinent aussi à répondre à la complexité des situations contemporaines : travailleurs pauvres, jeunes diplômés sous-employés, femmes seules avec enfants ou encore retraités vivant sous le seuil de pauvreté (1288 euros).

Ce glissement progressif traduit une rupture dans le compromis fordiste sur lequel reposait la cohésion des économies occidentales : emploi stable, protection sociale contributive et croissance redistributive. Il met également en tension la soutenabilité politique du modèle social à mesure que les classes moyennes perçoivent ces transferts comme moins universels et plus segmentés.

Ce phénomène n’est pas propre à la France : les économies occidentales dans leur ensemble connaissent une montée d’une pauvreté dite « intégrée », c’est-à-dire présente au sein même du salariat. Dans les pays de l’OCDE, plus de 7 % des travailleurs sont aujourd’hui pauvres, signe que l’emploi ne protège plus systématiquement du besoin. Cette évolution remet en cause le postulat selon lequel le marché du travail constitue un vecteur naturel d’intégration économique et sociale. En parallèle, les écarts de niveau de vie entre les déciles extrêmes s’élargissent, accentuant la fragmentation du tissu social.

Les classes moyennes déstabilisées

Au-delà de la pauvreté en tant que phénomène statistique, c’est l’évolution relative des positions sociales qui alimente un sentiment profond de déclassement. Les classes moyennes, longtemps considérées comme les piliers de la stabilité démocratique et de la croissance domestique, sont désormais prises en étau. D’un côté, la paupérisation des actifs précaires et la fragilité de l’emploi fragmenté ; de l’autre, l’accumulation exponentielle de capital chez les 10 % les plus riches et plus encore chez les 1 % supérieurs. Il est ici essentiel de distinguer les flux de revenus (salaires, prestations) des stocks patrimoniaux, dont la concentration alimente des écarts croissants sur le long terme, indépendamment des efforts individuels.

Cette polarisation résulte de dynamiques économiques profondes : concentration du capital immobilier et financier, désindexation salariale, évolution défavorable du capital humain dans les secteurs intermédiaires et fiscalité régressive dans certains segments. Les gains de productivité ne se traduisent plus par des hausses de salaire ; la fonction d’utilité des agents tend à se contracter dans les déciles intermédiaires et les effets de seuils fiscaux, sociaux ou réglementaires amplifient les discontinuités dans les trajectoires de vie.

Perte de foi dans la promesse méritocratique

On assiste ainsi à une recomposition en sablier de la structure sociale : précarité durable en bas, enrichissement du haut, et effritement du centre. Dans ce contexte, la perception d’une mobilité sociale bloquée, ou, pire, inversée renforce le désengagement civique, la frustration relative et la radicalisation des préférences politiques. Ce que révèlent les indicateurs de pauvreté ne relève donc pas uniquement d’un appauvrissement objectif mais bien d’une perte d’espérance en la promesse méritocratique au cœur de la légitimation démocratique.

France 24 – 2025.

La situation est d’autant plus préoccupante que les variables d’ajustement traditionnelles comme l’éducation, le travail qualifié ou l’accession à la propriété ne jouent plus leur rôle d’ascenseur. L’immobilité relative des positions intergénérationnelles, combinée à l’explosion du coût de l’entrée dans la classe moyenne (logement, études, santé), tend à enfermer les individus dans leur position initiale. Autrement dit, la pauvreté s’ancre dans des dynamiques d’exclusion durables plus difficilement réversibles que par le passé.

Une crise de soutenabilité du contrat social démocratique

L’universalité du filet de sécurité et la promesse de mobilité sociale ascendante constituaient les deux piliers implicites du contrat social des économies libérales avancées, or ces deux fondements sont aujourd’hui ébranlés. L’universalité tend à se fragmenter sous l’effet de ciblages budgétaires croissants et d’un tri social plus restrictif dans l’accès aux droits sociaux. La mobilité, quant à elle, est de moins en moins portée par les fonctions traditionnelles de l’école, de l’emploi et du logement.

La question centrale devient donc : nos démocraties disposent-elles encore des moyens économiques et politiques pour corriger les déséquilibres que leur propre trajectoire historique a produits ? Plusieurs options sont sur la table : réforme de la fiscalité sur les hauts patrimoines, réinvestissement dans les infrastructures sociales, redéfinition des politiques d’emploi, expérimentation de mécanismes de revenu minimum garanti, remise à zéro du modèle social. Mais leur mise en œuvre se heurte à une contrainte majeure : le consentement fiscal des classes moyennes, précisément celles dont la position socio-économique est la plus fragilisée.

Le taux de pauvreté à 15,4 % est plus qu’un indicateur social. Il traduit une perte d’efficacité du modèle redistributif, une fragmentation des trajectoires individuelles et une mise en tension du pacte démocratique. Le défi est donc double : restaurer une forme d’égalité réelle tout en reconstruisant les conditions d’un consentement collectif à la solidarité.

Hugo Spring-Ragain ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. La pauvreté de masse : symptôme d’une crise de la cohésion sociale – https://theconversation.com/la-pauvrete-de-masse-symptome-dune-crise-de-la-cohesion-sociale-261486

August 5, 2025

Kabylie-État algérien : une confrontation politique persistante

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Salem Chaker, Professeur émérite à l’Université d’Aix-Marseille, Aix-Marseille Université (AMU)

De gauche à droite, les dirigeants du Front de libération nationale algérien, Ahmed Ben Bella, Mohamed Boudiaf, Hocine Aït Ahmed, Mostefa Lacheraf et Mohamed Khider, arrêtés par l’armée française après le détournement de leur avion reliant Rabat à Tunis, le 22 octobre 1956. Picryl, CC BY

La Kabylie reste le théâtre d’un face-à-face politique et idéologique avec Alger, enraciné dans les divisions du mouvement national algérien. Ce texte rassemble une série de constats et de réflexions nourris par plus d’un demi-siècle d’observation et d’engagement – une observation que l’on pourrait qualifier de participante – au sein de la principale région berbérophone d’Algérie : la Kabylie.

À bien des égards, la Kabylie peut être vue comme un condensé de l’histoire politique de l’Algérie depuis son indépendance. Condensé caractérisé par la continuité des pratiques de répression et de neutralisation d’une région qui s’est trouvée maintes fois en opposition frontale avec le pouvoir central.

En 1982, à l’occasion du vingtième anniversaire de l’indépendance de l’Algérie, le chanteur kabyle Ferhat Mehenni du groupe Imaziɣen Imula composait et interprétait une chanson dont le refrain disait à peu près ceci :

« Vingt ans de dictature déjà,
Sans compter ce qui nous attend »

Le futur fondateur du Mouvement pour l’autonomie de la Kabylie (MAK, 2001) n’imaginait certainement pas que sa chanson, quarante ans plus tard, serait encore d’une tragique actualité. Quarante ans plus tard, le caractère autoritaire et répressif du régime algérien n’a fait que se renforcer et se généraliser et la Kabylie en a fait, et en fait, la cruelle et permanente expérience. Certes, cette situation concerne bien sûr l’ensemble de l’Algérie, mais elle se présente pour cette région sous une forme à la fois récurrente, quasiment systémique, et particulièrement diversifiée.

À ce sujet, on me permettra de mentionner ici un souvenir personnel. La première fois que j’ai rencontré, fin 1981 ou début 1982 à Paris, le grand historien algérien Mohamed Harbi, celui-ci, au cours de la conversation, constatant chez ses interlocuteurs une certaine naïveté et improvisation, nous déclara :

« Vous êtes des boy-scouts ! Ne savez-vous pas que les plans de mise en état d’alerte de l’armée algérienne sont fondés sur deux scénarios uniquement : une guerre sur la frontière algéro-marocaine et une insurrection armée en Kabylie ? »

Cette spécificité kabyle est déterminée par un ensemble de facteurs historiques, sociologiques, culturels bien connus : un particularisme linguistique et culturel marqué, une densité démographique élevée, le maintien d’une tradition communautaire villageoise forte, une scolarisation significative ancienne, une émigration précoce et massive vers la France et une politisation sensible des élites et de l’émigration ouvrière… On trouvera une présentation précise de ces paramètres dans mon dernier ouvrage Berbères aujourd’hui.
Kabyles et Berbères : luttes incertaines (éditions L’Harmattan, 2022).

Continuité d’une répression multiforme

Depuis 1962, la Kabylie a connu à peu près toutes les formes de répression envisageables :

L’intervention militaire directe dès 1963 pour mater la rébellion armée du Front des forces socialistes (FFS) de Hocine Aït Ahmed (septembre 1963-juin 1965), qui tentait de s’opposer à la mise en place du système de parti unique et au régime autoritaire du tandem Ben Bella- Boumediene. Intervention qui se soldera par des centaines de morts et des centaines d’arrestations, de détentions arbitraires et de tortures sauvages.
La répression violente de manifestations pacifiques. On n’évoquera ici que les événements de grande ampleur, pour un historique détaillé, on se reportera à l’article de Chaker et Doumane (2006). Parmi ces événements, le printemps berbère de 1980 (entre mars et juin) ; les manifestations du printemps 1981 ; celles de juin 1998 à la suite de l’assassinat, dans des conditions suspectes, du chanteur Matoub Lounès ; et surtout celles du « printemps noir » de 2001-2002 qui seront sévèrement réprimées et se solderont par au moins 130 morts et des milliers de blessés.
La répression judiciaire récurrente aboutissant à des centaines d’arrestations et condamnations de manifestants et à de nombreuses condamnations des meneurs par la Cour de sûreté de l’État.
L’interdiction et la répression de toute tentative d’organisation légale notamment celle de la Ligue algérienne des droits de l’homme, créée autour de feu maître Abdennour Ali Yahia, dissoute en tant que « ligue berbériste » en 1985 (plus d’une dizaine de ses membres ont été arrêtés et sévèrement condamnés et maltraités).
Les assassinats ciblés d’opposants politiques, y compris à l’étranger : parmi les plus importants, on citera celui de Krim Belkacem (Francfort, 1970) et celui d’Ali Mecili (Paris, 1987).
Des manipulations par les services secrets contre de prétendus groupes terroristes ou armés : affaire des poseurs de bombes (1974), affaire de Cap Sigli (1978).

Le dernier épisode en date (printemps/été 2021) a consisté à classer comme « organisations terroristes » le MAK et le mouvement Rachad et à arrêter des centaines de leurs militants et d’opposants indépendants accusés d’appartenir à ces organisations. Ce dernier épisode n’est pas sans rappeler les pratiques de la Turquie d’Erdogan qui tendent à museler toute opposition en la qualifiant de « terroriste ».

Cette affaire s’est soldée en novembre 2022 par une parodie de justice à l’issue de laquelle ont été prononcés, en moins de trois jours, 102 lourdes condamnations. On vient donc d’atteindre un degré tout à fait inédit dans la répression, sans doute symptomatique d’une crise profonde au sein du régime et/ou d’une volonté de liquider en Algérie toutes les oppositions politiques significatives en les criminalisant.

Dans tous ces cas, la presse officielle s’est déchaînée contre « les ennemis de l’unité nationale, les agents de l’impérialisme et du néo-colonialisme, du Maroc, du sionisme, voire les agents des services secrets occidentaux ». Le but étant de démanteler des groupes ennemis de l’État et de la nation, et de ressouder le peuple autour de ses dirigeants.

Et bien sûr, une répression culturelle structurelle, pendant une trentaine d’années, inscrite officiellement dans les orientations idéologiques, les Constitutions et les lois de l’État algérien qui définissaient l’Algérie comme un pays exclusivement arabe et musulman (Ce n’est qu’en 2016 que le tamazight a accédé au statut de langue nationale et officielle). Le paramètre berbère étant considéré comme ayant disparu ou devant disparaître, car susceptible de porter atteinte à l’unité de la nation. C’était la position tout à fait officielle du FLN et notamment de sa commission culture, totalement investie par le courant arabiste.

Continuité d’une politique de neutralisation

Une autre permanence de la politique de l’État central par rapport à la région est la neutralisation de ses élites politiques et culturelles par intégration dans l’appareil d’État et ses structures satellites. Je ne parle évidemment pas du rôle considérable qu’ont joué les Kabyles au sein de l’appareil d’État, en particulier dans ses sphères technocratiques et sécuritaires, pendant les deux ou trois premières décennies qui ont suivi l’indépendance. Cette surreprésentation des Kabyles dans ces secteurs était une conséquence directe à la fois de leur implication forte dans la guerre de libération et de données socio-culturelles plus anciennes, notamment la formation d’élites locales assez nombreuses.

Je pense en fait surtout à ce que j’ai appelé ailleurs « la nouvelle politique berbère » qui se met progressivement en place à partir de la fin des années 1980/début 1990. En réalité, les premiers signes de cette évolution sont décelables dès 1985, après l’apparition des premières actions terroristes islamistes : certains milieux du pouvoir, son aile « moderniste », ont tenté dès cette époque une approche des milieux berbéristes.

Jusque-là, une grande partie des élites politiques, intellectuelles et culturelles kabyles était globalement dans une relation d’opposition au pouvoir central, du fait même de l’ostracisme prononcé contre le paramètre berbère. Exclue de l’espace institutionnel, la mouvance berbère s’est développée pendant deux à trois décennies en dehors et largement contre le système étatique algérien, particulièrement en émigration. Que ce soit dans le champ de la culture et de la langue ou dans le champ politique, ces deux courants se recoupant largement, en particulier autour du FFS de Hocine Aït Ahmed.

À partir de la fin des années 1980 et le début des années 1990 se dessine progressivement une nouvelle ligne politique officielle, plus tolérante à la berbérité et à ses élites représentatives politiques et culturelles.

Le contexte politique global de cette évolution est bien connu : il est clairement déterminé par la montée en puissance des islamistes qui deviennent pour le pouvoir le danger principal.

Cette nouvelle politique berbère va explicitement se mettre en place pendant la décennie 1990, avec Mohamed Boudiaf et, surtout, avec la prise de pouvoir par les généraux : des composantes significatives du courant berbère soutiendront le pouvoir militaire au nom de la lutte contre les islamistes. Cette politique va s’accentuer et s’accélérer pendant la période Bouteflika. Un des axes majeurs de cette nouvelle orientation, incarnée par la ministre de la culture Khalida Toumi Messaoudi à la longévité exceptionnelle (2002-2014), sera l’intégration systématique des élites culturelles kabyles et la prise en charge de la langue et de la culture berbères dans le cadre d’une politique de gestion patrimoniale et nationale. Le 10 avril 2002, une révision de la Constitution algérienne ajoute l’article 3bis, qui reconnaît le berbère comme langue nationale. Au fond, il s’agit d’une opération méthodique d’intégration d’un paramètre et d’une élite jusque-là hors système d’État.

On notera d’ailleurs qu’une politique similaire peut être observée au Maroc dans le cadre de ce que j’ai appelé « la makhzénisation » de la culture et des élites berbères marocaines. Dans ce pays, cette opération d’intégration a été cependant beaucoup plus aisée, car les élites politiques et intellectuelles berbères marocaines, à l’exception notable de celles du Rif, ont toujours été parties prenantes du système politique.

Dans les deux cas, il s’agit clairement d’une entreprise de neutralisation et de dépossession : la langue et la culture berbères ne sont pas l’apanage des régions berbérophones ou des berbérophones, mais celui de l’État, incarnation de la nation unie et indivisible. Le discours officiel et les réformes constitutionnelles de 2002 et de 2016 en Algérie (et celles de 2011 au Maroc) sont parfaitement explicites et adoptent des formulations strictement parallèles : la langue et la culture berbères font partie du patrimoine indivis de la nation.

Sur ce point précis, la filiation avec la tradition politique et juridique jacobine française est flagrante ; j’ai montré ailleurs (Chaker 2022, chapitre 7) que la République française avait développé exactement le même type d’approche à propos des langues régionales de France : les experts du gouvernement français ont ainsi affirmé, en 1999, que « le breton (le basque, etc.) n’appartient pas aux Bretons ou à la Bretagne, mais au patrimoine indivis de la nation française ».

Le but évident de cette affirmation, en contradiction manifeste avec la réalité historique et sociolinguistique, étant d’éviter de reconnaître des droits spécifiques à des minorités linguistiques, situation qui pourrait aisément dériver vers des revendications autonomistes ou fédéralistes.

Salem Chaker ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. Kabylie-État algérien : une confrontation politique persistante – https://theconversation.com/kabylie-etat-algerien-une-confrontation-politique-persistante-262078

August 5, 2025

Our DNA analysis of 75,000-year-old bones in Arctic caves reveals how animals responded to changing climates

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Samuel Walker, British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow, Zooarchaeology, Bournemouth University

Scientists excavating bones in Arne Qvamgrotta, a cave in the Norwegian Arctic. Trond Klungseth Lødøen, CC BY-NC-ND

As the Arctic warms faster than anywhere else on Earth, animals that have evolved to survive the cold face unprecedented challenges. While scientists are learning more about how modern wildlife responds to environmental change, we still know little about how species coped in the past.

Our new study investigates the oldest-known diverse animal community from the European Arctic, dating back 75,000 years. Preserved deep inside a cave in northern Norway, it offers a rare insight into how Arctic ecosystems functioned during a slightly warmer phase of the last ice age.

The Arctic region underwent repeated advances and retreats of glacial ice throughout the last ice age (118,000-11,000 years ago) – a sequence of colder full-glacial conditions (stadials) and warmer phases (interstadials), during which the glaciers retreated to higher elevations. These fluctuating conditions resulted in successive migrations and retractions of animals and plants, eventually shaping the animal communities we see today.

A consequence of being in a glacially active area is that sediment deposits are easily destroyed, as glaciers carve across the landscape and meltwater flushes the caves bare. This has left very few records of the animals and ecosystems prior to the end of the last ice age, around 11,000 years ago.

But remarkably, one sediment deposit has survived intact for more than 75,000 years within Arne Qvamgrotta, a branch off the larger Storsteinhola karst cave system in Norway.

This cave is tucked just within the Arctic Circle in the shadow of Norway’s national mountain, Stetind, on the outskirts of the small coastal town of Kjøpsvik, Nordland. The region is home to thousands of karst caves formed through water dissolving the underlying bedrock, resulting in a dramatic and breathtaking landscapes both above and below ground.

inside the cave in Norway — The sediment profile in Arne Qvamgrotta, Norway, after excavation.
Trond Klungseth Lødøen, CC BY-NC-ND

The intact sediment deposit with preserved bones in Arne Qvamgrotta was first discovered in the early 1990s, during industrial mining activity for limestone. In 2021 and 2022, our team – led by the University of Oslo – returned to the cave to explore these sediments and excavate and recover bone material, to better understand the species diversity in this unusual deposit. Our analyses provide a rare ecological snapshot of the last ice age.

We recovered more than 6,000 bone fragments, on which we used comparative osteology (comparing bone shape and structure to identify species) and ancient-DNA metabarcoding (identifying fragmented bones by analysing DNA strands and matching them to a database of species). Using these techniques, we identified 46 different kinds of animal (to family, genus and species levels) including mammals, birds and fish living both on land and in the sea.

These species include the third-oldest polar bear ever discovered, plus walrus, bowhead whale and seabirds such as king eider and puffin. We found fish including the Arctic grayling and Atlantic cod. One of the most important finds is the now-regionally extinct collared lemming, an animal not previously been identified in Scandinavia.

bone in cave, next to measure rule — Researchers found this well-preserved polar bear vertebra during the cave excavation.
Trond Klungseth Lødøen, CC BY-NC-ND

We used various dating techniques that show the bones are around 75,000 years old – dating back to a slightly warmer (interstadial) phase of the last ice age.

The animals we found show that, during this time in this part of Norway, the coastal land was ice-free – enabling the easy northward movement of migratory reindeer and freshwater fish, for example. We also found a rich mix of marine and coastal animals that support the presence of seasonal sea ice.

This animal community is distinctly different from the most commonly found ice-age megafauna. These include the woolly mammoth and musk ox that are typically associated with the mammoth steppe – the cold, dry grasslands that stretched across much of Europe, North America and northern Asia during the last ice age.

This difference probably reflects the unique coastal setting and landscape surrounding Arne Qvamgrotta, which would have supported a different kind of ecosystem.

Further ancient-DNA analyses from some of the bones reveal that the lineages of the polar bear, collared lemming and Arctic fox from this time and place are now extinct. This suggests these animals could not follow the changing habitats or find refuge during later cold periods of the last ice age – highlighting how vulnerable nature can be under changing climate conditions.

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Samuel Walker receives funding from the British Academy.

Sanne Boessenkool receives funding from The Research Council of Norway.

– ref. Our DNA analysis of 75,000-year-old bones in Arctic caves reveals how animals responded to changing climates – https://theconversation.com/our-dna-analysis-of-75-000-year-old-bones-in-arctic-caves-reveals-how-animals-responded-to-changing-climates-261409

August 5, 2025

What your pet’s poo can reveal about the spread of antibiotic-resistant superbugs

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Matthew B Avison, Professor of Molecular Bacteriology, University of Bristol

Antibiotic-resistant _Escherichia coli_ is one of the most common superbugs found in UK dogs’ poo. otsphoto/ Shutterstock

Bagging up and disposing of your pet’s poo is a necessary, albeit unpleasant, part of responsible pet ownership. But a new UK government initiative will be asking people to send them their pets’ poo instead of throwing it away.

As strange as that might sound, the aim of this initiative is to test for antibiotic-resistant superbugs.

A growing number of bacterial species are evolving resistance to the antibiotics designed to kill them. This means that many common infections which were once easily treated are now becoming harder to get rid of.

The World Health Organization lists antimicrobial resistance as one of the top global public health threats, given estimates that antibiotic resistant bacteria were directly responsible for 1.27 million deaths worldwide in 2019.

Antibiotic-resistant superbugs are all around us. We even carry them on our skin and in our gut. You mainly pick antibiotic resistant bugs up from other people – but you can also pick them up from food, or by accidentally swallowing them if they get on your fingers and you haven’t washed your hands before touching your mouth.

There are plenty of documented examples of superbugs being passed from pet to person, as well.

Superbugs find their way into our pets’ bodies through similar means. Our pets swallow them either when eating, drinking, licking or chewing contaminated objects. Once swallowed, they enter the animal’s gut and multiply – then get passed out in its poo.

It then only takes a tiny amount of your pet’s poo to be accidentally swallowed by you for the bacteria to end up in your gut. This could happen during routine moments with your pet – such as when it licks your face, or if you forget to wash your hands after cleaning up after them.

A man picks up his dog's poo in the park, while his small brown and white dog watches. — The superbugs in your pet’s poo can be passed to you.
Lucky Business/ Shutterstock

Bacteria such as Escherichia coli, Klebsiella and Enterococci can be found in pet and human poo, and can cause infections in both.

These bacteria are normally harmless when present in the gut, but problems occur when, by chance, they get into places they don’t belong – such as the urinary tract, a wound or the bloodstream. The bacteria can then cause what’s known as an “opportunistic infection”.

Such infections are a particular risk for people whose immune systems are not functioning very well, and can be serious. Opportunistic infections kill over a million people globally each year.

We use antibiotics to treat opportunistic infections. But if the causative bacterium is a superbug that has evolved resistance to the antibiotic, this makes infections longer-lasting, more serious and more likely to kill.

Clues in poo

Because pet owners pick up some of their gut bacteria from their pets, this is why it’s useful to know whether the bacteria in a pet’s poo are antibiotic-resistant superbugs.

The UK initiative is the first formalised, nationwide attempt to monitor for antibiotic resistant bacteria in pets’ poo. However, it isn’t the first time researchers have studied pet poo to understand antibiotic resistance.

For example, my team recruited 600 adult dogs and almost 250 16 week-old puppies for a series of studies looking at the levels of antibiotic resistant Escherichia coli in their poo. We found them in almost every poo sample we analysed.

One benefit of measuring the levels of superbugs in pet poo is that it can help you figure out probable risk factors. Understanding where pets might have picked up these superbugs can potentially help reduce their risk of picking up more in future.

The new UK initiative may also help researchers identify which bacterial species are resistant to antibiotics, and pinpoint how many antibiotics a specific bacterium is resistant to.

Studies from my research group and others have demonstrated that the biggest risk factor associated with dogs having antibiotic-resistant Escherichia coli superbugs in their poo is that they’re fed raw meat.

This is because resistant Escherichia coli can also be found in the poo of farm animals. Meat can become contaminated with these bacteria at slaughter. Cooking kills the bacteria – but if a pet eats the meat raw, these farm-origin superbugs can get into its gut.

The new monitoring study will work out how best to measure superbug levels, and will monitor levels for up to four years to see if they’re changing. The results might help us work out how to make superbugs go away.

How to reduce your risk

Even without waiting for its findings, there are things you can do if you want to reduce your risk of picking up superbugs from your pet.

Take hygiene seriously when cleaning up or after touching your pet. It’s highly likely your pet’s poo contains antibiotic-resistant superbugs. So make sure to wash your hands after cleaning up after or touching your pet. And don’t let your pet lick your face.

Minimise known risk factors. Since raw meat feeding can increase a pet’s likelihood of picking up superbugs, feed them cooked meat or kibble. Never feed cooked meat that has bones because cooking can make the bones break during chewing, which can cause serious harm.

Finally, follow your vet’s advice when your pet gets sick. If your pet is prescribed antibiotics, follow their advice to ensure your pet is properly treated.

Only a small proportion of the superbugs in your pet’s gut (and poo) will ever be picked up by you. Most of the superbugs that find their way in your gut will come from other people. So don’t put your pet in the dog house.

Matthew B Avison receives funding from UK Research and Innovation; National Institute for Health and Social Care Research; Welsh Government; Medical Research Foundation

– ref. What your pet’s poo can reveal about the spread of antibiotic-resistant superbugs – https://theconversation.com/what-your-pets-poo-can-reveal-about-the-spread-of-antibiotic-resistant-superbugs-262397

August 5, 2025

The hubris arc: how visionary politicians turn into authoritarians

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Trang Chu, Associate Fellow, Saïd Business School, University of Oxford

What turns a democratically elected leader into an authoritarian? The process is rarely abrupt. It unfolds gradually and is often justified as a necessary reform. It is framed as what the people wanted. All this makes it difficult for citizens to recognise what is happening until it’s too late.

Consider Viktor Orbán’s transformation in Hungary. Once celebrated as a liberal democrat who challenged communist rule, Orbán now controls 90% of the Hungarian media and has systematically packed the country’s constitutional court. His trajectory is now widely recognised as a textbook case of democratic backsliding.

Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was initially praised for showing that democracy and Islamic governance could coexist. In early reforms, he lifted millions from poverty by challenging Turkey’s secular establishment – a feat that required exceptional confidence and a bold vision. Now, a decade on, Erdoğan has turned Turkey into what political scientists call a competitive authoritarian regime.

In the US, Donald Trump rose to power promising to “drain the swamp”. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro campaigned as an anti-corruption crusader who would restore the country’s moral foundations. Both have since weaponised democratic institutions to consolidate their own power.

Part of this shift is a psychological process we term the hubris arc. This sees a visionary leader become increasingly myopic once in office. Their early successes bolster their belief in their transformative capabilities, which gradually diminishes their capacity for self-criticism.

The visionary stage typically coincides with systemic failure. When established institutions prove inadequate for addressing public grievances, it provides fertile ground for leaders with exceptional self-confidence to emerge. These outsiders succeed precisely because they possess the psychological conviction that they can challenge entrenched systems and mobilise mass support through bold, unconventional approaches.

Such leaders excel at crafting compelling narratives that enable them to to transform public frustration into electoral momentum. They offer simplified solutions to complex problems, providing certainty where establishment politicians offer only incrementalism and compromise.

Losing perspective

But as visionary capacity increases, so too does myopia. Seeing a singular path with exceptional clarity necessitates narrowing one’s perceptual field.

These leaders initially succeed because their heightened focus cuts through the paralysis of nuanced thinking. But they quickly reach an inflection point where they face a fundamental choice: accept institutional constraints as necessary feedback mechanisms or redefine them as obstacles to their vision.

A cartoon of a group of people round a board table with one person gagged and bound. The leader of the meeting is asking, — When dissenting voices magically drop away.
Shutterstock/Cartoon Resource

Those who maintain a productive vision actively build systems for honest feedback. They allow formal channels for dissent to continue and construct diverse advisory teams.

Where strong democratic institutions endure – independent media, empowered legislatures, autonomous courts – leaders must continue negotiating and compromising. This tends to keep their confidence grounded. Some leaders successfully work within these constraints, which proves that the descent into myopia is actually more a reflection of institutional weakness than psychological destiny.

Where institutions lack strength or leaders resist self-discipline, electoral success may embolden rather than restrain authoritarian tendencies. As leaders become increasingly convinced of their transformative vision, their ability to perceive alternatives diminishes.

This psychological narrowing manifests in predictable behaviours, notably eliminating dissenting voices. With every election victory, Orbán has replaced independent-minded allies with loyalists. Trump’s first presidency featured constant turnover among advisers who challenged him. His second is populated by people who can be trusted to toe the line.

Myopic decline follows when hubris reaches saturation. Once leaders systematically eliminate feedback mechanisms, they lose all capacity for self-correction. As their ability to process contradictory information deteriorates, they may increasingly conflate personal power with national interest.

This conflation appears most pronounced in cases where leaders have systematically weakened independent media and judicial oversight.

When leaders achieve complete institutional capture, this self-conception becomes institutionalised. Orbán’s declaration, “We have replaced a shipwrecked liberal democracy with a 21st-century Christian democracy,” reveals how personal vision becomes indistinguishable from national transformation.

Institutional capture occurs through different methods but serves similar purposes. Orbán’s control of the media and courts means he has created parallel institutions that exist solely to validate his vision. Erdoğan used emergency powers after a 2016 coup attempt to instigate mass purges.

In both cases, motivated reasoning becomes institutionalised: leaders come to control the institutions that usually determine what information is legitimate and enable forms of dissent.

The endpoint is a transformation in which opposition becomes an existential threat to the nation. When Orbán positions himself as defender of “illiberal democracy” against EU values, or when Erdoğan arrests his rivals, they frame dissent as treason.

Opposition is a threat not just to their power but to the nation’s essence. Maximum vision has produced maximum blindness. Institutions have been redesigned to perpetuate rather than puncture the delusion.

Resisting the decline

The robustness of democratic institutions is decisive in determining whether hubristic tendencies can be contained within democratic bounds or whether they culminate in authoritarian consolidation.

Hungary and Turkey display a more linear model of democratic erosion. Both Orbán and Erdoğan leveraged initial electoral mandates to systematically capture state institutions. Their hubris evolved from a tool for challenging establishments into a self-reinforcing system in which the regime’s vast sway over state institutions eliminated feedback mechanisms.

Bolsonaro’s slide toward authoritarianism – denying COVID science, attacking electoral systems, attempting to overturn his 2022 defeat – triggered immediate institutional pushback. Unlike Hungary or Turkey, where courts and civil society gradually bent to executive pressure, Brazilian institutions held firm.

Bolsonaro’s trajectory from populist outsider to authoritarian to electoral defeat and institutional rejection suggests that robust federal structures and an independent judiciary can function as circuit breakers. They can prevent permanent democratic capture.

The American experience presents a third model: democratic resilience under stress. Unlike Hungary and Turkey, where institutional capture succeeded, Trump’s first presidency tested whether these patterns could emerge in a system with deeper democratic roots and stronger institutional checks.

While his efforts to pressure state election officials and weaponise federal agencies followed recognisable authoritarian scripts, American institutions proved more resistant than their Hungarian or Turkish counterparts. Courts blocked key initiatives, state officials refused to “find votes,” and congressional oversight continued despite partisan pressures.

Yet even this institutional resistance came under severe strain, suggesting that democratic durability may depend more on specific design features and timing than general democratic culture.

The Trump stress test has revealed vulnerabilities. The erosion of democratic norms – when parties prioritise loyalty over constitutional obligations – creates openings for future exploitation.

The second Trump term could systematically target the weaknesses identified during his first: expanded emergency powers, strategic appointments to undermine the administrative state, and novel statutory interpretations to bypass Congress. The critical question is whether American institutions retain sufficient strength to again disrupt Trump’s trajectory.

The hubris arc appears inherent in populist psychology, underscoring why constitutional constraints and institutional checks are indispensable. Democracies survive not by finding perfect leaders but by constraining imperfect ones.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The hubris arc: how visionary politicians turn into authoritarians – https://theconversation.com/the-hubris-arc-how-visionary-politicians-turn-into-authoritarians-262562