The biggest climate stories often aren’t labelled ‘climate’ – so newsrooms miss them

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Doug Specht, Reader in Cultural Geography and Communication, University of Westminster

Rachel Reeves did not deliver a climate focused budget on November 26 2025. The Chancellor’s statement was framed around growth, productivity and the cost of living. Climate change and net zero were not primary headings. The word “climate” barely featured in her speech.

Yet dig into the budget document and climate was everywhere. The government announced the end of the energy company obligation (ECO), a long-standing scheme funding energy efficiency and low-carbon home upgrades.

The budget also introduced a new per-mile levy on electric vehicles from 2028. It extended the 5p fuel duty cut, kept the windfall tax on North Sea oil and gas at 78% until 2030, created new permissions for drilling near existing oil fields, committed billions to nuclear power, extended the UK emissions trading scheme to maritime routes, and introduced a carbon border adjustment mechanism from 2027.

These are not minor technical adjustments. They are decisions that will shape Britain’s emissions trajectory, energy infrastructure and climate resilience for decades. Some push in a low-carbon direction; others cut against or complicate decarbonisation. The tensions and trade-offs embedded in this budget deserve public scrutiny.

But you would struggle to learn much of this from the media coverage.

Searching across major UK news outlets on budget day revealed a striking pattern. Some outlets made climate connections: the BBC covered the oil industry windfall tax, the new electric vehicle levy and grid charge changes. The Independent and Daily Mirror reported on energy bills and green levies. The Telegraph and Reuters touched on energy elements in their roundups.

But other major outlets published multiple budget articles with little to no dedicated climate coverage at all. The Sun, Sky News and ITV News between them produced numerous pieces on the budget’s tax implications, benefit changes and political fallout, and the unprecedented leak of the Office for Budget Responsibility’s (OBR) forecasts – yet barely mentioned the climate implications of the policies announced.

The substantive analysis of what the budget means for Britain’s climate trajectory appeared almost entirely in specialist publications. Carbon Brief produced a comprehensive breakdown. Climate think tank E3G warned that ending the Energy Company Obligation scheme risks 10,000 jobs and will prevent a million families from insulating their homes. The LSE’s Grantham Institute, BusinessGreen, Offshore Energies UK and others provided detailed coverage of implications for the energy transition.

This work is valuable. But specialist outlets reach specialist audiences. The gap between expert analysis and public information is vast. Most people who read about the budget on November 26 encountered stories about tax raids, benefit caps and political drama, not stories about home insulation, fuel duty’s climate impact, or the contradictions between new North Sea drilling and net zero.

Why climate remains a side story

The pattern reflects structural problems in how British media covers climate. Several factors were at play on budget day.

First, dominant frames crowded out climate. The budget was presented by government as being about growth and cost of living. The leak before the Chancellor’s speech dominated the news cycle, with procedural scandal trumping policy substance. Tax changes and benefit reforms fit familiar political narratives that journalists and audiences recognise.

Second, climate connections require explanation. Linking the end of the ECO scheme to insulation jobs and fuel poverty requires context. Connecting the emissions trading scheme extension to maritime emissions needs specialist knowledge. On budget day, with tight deadlines and competing stories, reporters default to familiar frames.

Third, climate remains a “beat” rather than a “lens” in most newsrooms. Environment reporters cover climate; political reporters cover budgets. The integration has not happened. Climate implications of fiscal policy fall between desks.

The result is that detailed climate analysis exists, but in a specialist niche that mass audiences do not access. The public receives fragmented, decontextualised information about policies that will affect their lives for decades.

A different approach is possible

Other media systems demonstrate that climate connections can be mainstreamed. In France, broadcasters and newspapers have transformed their coverage of extreme weather events, explicitly drawing connections between heatwaves, wildfires and flooding and the documented effects of global warming. Headline language has shifted from “exceptional heatwave” to “symptom of climate change”. Climate is now treated as context, not occasional specialist story.

When climate policy is made through non-climate budgets, as it was on November 26, audiences need journalists who can surface those connections. This requires climate literacy across newsrooms, not confined to environment desks. It requires editorial decisions to treat climate as relevant to fiscal, economic and political coverage.

What gets lost

When climate connections go unreported, democratic accountability suffers. The public did not easily learn from mainstream coverage that ending the ECO scheme trades lower bills now for reduced home insulation in future. They did not learn that fuel duty cuts work against emissions reduction. They did not learn that this budget embeds climate choices in infrastructure spending for decades.

Policy contradictions go unscrutinised. Trade-offs are not debated. Climate measures, both positive and negative, happen without public understanding.

November 26, 2025 was not a climate budget. But it was a budget with significant climate consequences. The gap between those two facts, and the media’s failure to bridge it, matters for how Britain navigates the transition ahead.

If climate policy is everywhere, climate journalism needs to be too.

The Conversation

Doug Specht does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The biggest climate stories often aren’t labelled ‘climate’ – so newsrooms miss them – https://theconversation.com/the-biggest-climate-stories-often-arent-labelled-climate-so-newsrooms-miss-them-270833

Drones have changed warfare. Two new weapons might be about alter its course again

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Matthew Powell, Teaching Fellow in Strategic and Air Power Studies, University of Portsmouth

DragonFire is being developed by the Royal Navy and is expected to be deployed as early as 2027. Ministry of Defence

Like so many conflicts before it, the Russo-Ukraine war has forced both sides to innovate. Since they have been able to gain control of opposition air space, neither side has made wide use of traditional air assets such as fast fighter jets. which take much time and money to manufacture and so can’t be risked in active operations.

Instead, drones are now dominating the war. According to figures emerging from Ukraine, drones are causing an overwhelming percentage of all the casualties the country is suffering, amounting to between 60% to 70%.

However, history shows that this kind of technological advance in warfare is often followed by the development of counter measures. And we’re now seeing the emergence of anti-drone weapons that could reduce the importance of unmanned aerial vehicles in the Ukraine conflict and beyond.

The use of drones has changed the character of warfare with the zone in which ground forces are vulnerable to lethal attack extending to between six and nine miles behind the front lines. This has made trenches, fortified positions and armoured vehicles much more vulnerable than they would have been previously.

It is not just in the attack role that drones have proved their value, although their use in the intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance role is remarkably similar to that performed by aircraft and balloons in the first world war. Drones have been used to provide real-time intelligence and situational awareness of the battlefield to aid planning and mid-level command, control and communication on the battlefield.

The ability for drones to loiter for prolonged periods of time, combined with the difficulty in successfully targeting these assets, has also seen their use in artillery spotting.

Drones are being used on the battlefield, but also against civilian populations in Ukraine and Russia.

It has been argued that drones – and uncrewed aerial vehicles more generally – represent a radical change in the way moderns wars are fought and that these assets will shape the future of aerial warfare for a significant period. But what this argument fails to take into account is that when new technologies are deployed in warfare, counter measures and innovations can often quickly emerge that reduce their effectiveness.

The first use of tanks on the western front was during the five-month Battle of the Somme in 1916. Despite the radical boost the first tanks gave the allied forces, the Germans had soon negated this effect through the use of anti-tank guns by early 1917.

Countering drones

Similar developments are being seen in Ukraine where simple countermeasures such as netting are being used to reduce drones effectiveness. While this is providing a limited degree of protection, more technologically sophisticated countermeasures are being developed elsewhere.

The UK’s navy has recently announced it will deploy a direct-energy weapon that has been named DragonFire. DragonFire is a laser-based defensive capability that has the capability to target and destroy small offensive weapons such as drones.

While there are limitations to Dragonfire, such as the requirement to be able to see the target in order to engage it, it demonstrates the continual tit-for-tat developments that widely encompass warfare.

The cost per shot of Dragonfire is as low as £10 and it can engage a target the size of a one-pound coin from a distance of one kilometre. This will mean that assets such as drones more vulnerable to defensive capabilities and calls into question the claim that drones are the future of aerial warfare. The Royal Navy plans to begin deploying DragonFire from 2027.

The UK is also experimenting with another form of direct-energy weapon that relies on radio-frequency systems. This new defensive weapon, which is currently undergoing trials, would use a pulse of directed radio waves in order to disable the internal electronics of assets such as drones.

The UK is trialling a radio frequency directed energy weapon which would take out enemy drones with a radio wave.

This system has advantages over Dragonfire. The first is that it is not a line-of-sight weapon, so it can be deployed in bad weather and in low cloud cover. DragonFire has to be able to see its target in order to be able to engage it effectively.

The second is that a radio pulse weapon can engage several targets in a specified area, whereas Dragonfire is only able to engage one target at a time.

But the major disadvantage to a radio pulse weapon is that it cannot discriminate between the targets which it engages. This means that friendly aircraft cannot fly when this target is being utilised.

The traditional tempo of technological developments and countermeasures that is a major character in warfare shows no sign of abating in 21st-century conflicts. So while drones are likely to remain important weapons, the idea that they will revolutionise warfare and make crewed warplanes obsolete is still to be seen.

The Conversation

Matthew Powell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Drones have changed warfare. Two new weapons might be about alter its course again – https://theconversation.com/drones-have-changed-warfare-two-new-weapons-might-be-about-alter-its-course-again-267895

How the financial markets reacted to the UK budget (and why they matter)

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alex Dryden, PhD Candidate in Economics, SOAS, University of London

Who is Danny/Shutterstock

Rachel Reeves’s second budget landed in an unusual fashion. Before she delivered it, most of the key details had already been revealed accidentally by the Office for Budget Responsibility.

This meant many observers – including the financial markets – had an unprecedented preview of the chancellor’s announcement. But what are these markets that governments are so mindful of when they come up with economic policy, and why does it matter what they think or do?

Generally, “the markets” refers to a broad set of investors who buy, sell and set the price of financial assets such as shares, bonds and currencies.

Key among them are the buyers of UK government bonds (commonly known as “gilts”), which is a form of government debt. Investors effectively lend money to the government, which pays it back with interest.

Buyers of gilts include pension funds, insurance companies, asset managers, banks and overseas investors. Their willingness to hold UK debt determines how much it costs the government to borrow (the more willing the investors, the cheaper it is for the government).

Alongside them are currency traders, who buy and sell the pound based on how they view the UK’s economic outlook. Their decisions feed directly into the value of sterling. A third group are equity investors, who assess how tax and spending changes will influence the profitability of companies listed on the stock market.

These different groups don’t coordinate with one another, but together they form the landscape described as “the markets”.

Rachel Reeves will have been relieved that the fairly muted reaction from all of the markets, despite the unprecedented preview, was striking mainly for its lack of drama. Traders still watched the chancellor’s speech line by line, but because so much of the package had been briefed in advance, there was very little for investors to reassess.

The £26 billion increase in taxes helped calm the markets’ fears of reckless fiscal giveaways. As a result, the bond markets barely moved.

Currency traders responded in much the same way. Growth estimates have been downgraded but with no unexpected measures, the pound held steady against other major currencies. This signalled that investors saw nothing in the announcement to shift the UK’s inflation outlook or expectations over interest rates.

Equity markets too were largely unchanged, as the measures affecting specific sectors were already anticipated and mostly priced in. Overall, investors appeared to take the view that the budget simply confirmed what they already knew.

Mute market

Even a muted reaction carries meaning for the wider economy. Small declines in gilt yields (the interest paid to investors) still help lower government borrowing costs, easing the pressure on the public finances at the margin. And because gilt yields serve as a benchmark for mortgages and business loans, even modest downward movements can help gently soften borrowing conditions across the economy.

A stable pound also matters. When exchange rates remain steady, the cost of imports becomes more predictable, which supports efforts to control inflation. It also reinforces the sense that markets see no new risks on the horizon, which is a form of reassurance in itself.

Rachel Reeves with her red briefcase.
Target market.
Fred Duval/Shutterstock

Behind these movements lies a broader judgement about credibility. Markets constantly assess whether the government’s plans are coherent, deliverable and consistent with long-term economic goals.

They do not demand austerity, but they do look for fiscal plans that add up and do not introduce unnecessary risk. The absence of significant volatility after Reeves’ announcement suggests that investors concluded the budget was neither a breakthrough nor a cause for concern. It simply met expectations.

In financial markets, credibility sits at the centre of every reaction. The muted response implies that investors were broadly satisfied that the government’s plans were realistic and contained no unwelcome surprises.

But credibility is not something won permanently. It can take years to build in the eyes of bond markets, yet it can evaporate in a single misstep. The UK still has a long road back to genuine fiscal sustainability – but for now at least, the financial markets seem content with what they heard.

The Conversation

Alex Dryden does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How the financial markets reacted to the UK budget (and why they matter) – https://theconversation.com/how-the-financial-markets-reacted-to-the-uk-budget-and-why-they-matter-270820

Cop30 saw important developments amid huge disappointment

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Will de Freitas, Environment + Energy Editor, The Conversation

MN84 / shutterstock

This roundup of The Conversation’s climate coverage was first published in our award-winning weekly climate action newsletter, Imagine.

Cop30 was never just another UN climate summit. Its setting in Belém, at the mouth of the Amazon, was a reminder that negotiations now unfold within the crisis they are meant to solve.

Ultimately the summit, which wrapped up last weekend, was a disappointment. The core negotiations on emissions reductions produced an underwhelming deal, and many academics argue that these days the most exciting progress happens in the side events. Yet even as political negotiations faltered, Cop30 revealed the rising power of first-hand experience – from indigenous leaders and youth negotiators to people using stories not spreadsheets to cut through climate fatigue.

The ‘people’s Cop’ that wasn’t

Brazil promised this would be the “implementation Cop” – one with more action than words, focused on the people most affected by climate change. But Simon Chin-Yee, who was at the negotiations in Belém, and his colleagues at UCL say it failed on that count.

They note that over 5,000 indigenous people were at the summit, but that “only 360 secured passes to the main negotiating ‘blue zone’, compared to 1,600 delegates linked to the fossil fuel industry”.

With the US having withdrawn from the Paris agreement (again), China became “one of the loudest voices in the room” in an attempt to cement its status as a green technology superpower. The absence of America came as a relief for some delegates, say Chin-Yee and colleagues:

“Without the distraction of the US attempting to ‘burn the house down’ … the conference was able to get on with the business at hand: negotiating texts and agreements that will limit global warming.”

But, nonetheless, they say the agreement reached – the Belém package – is “weak” and won’t get us anywhere near limiting warming to 1.5˚C.

“Most striking,” they write, “is the absence of the words ‘fossil fuels’ from the final text even though they were central to the Glasgow climate pact (2021) and the UAE consensus (2023).”




Read more:
Cop30: five reasons the UN climate conference failed to deliver on its ‘people’s summit’ promise


The Amazon speaks

If the main negotiations were disappointing, perhaps Cop30 will be mostly remembered for its location. “The pivot from the two previous conferences in petrostates Azerbaijan and UAE … was jarring.”

That’s according to Alexander Lees, who researches tropical ecology at Manchester Met and has lived in Belém for many years. Lees, with two colleagues, says the city’s climate even “became a protagonist in its own right”. “A huge thunderstorm during one afternoon flooded many roads and brought down trees across the city, causing power outages.”

people in indigenous clothing outside cop30 building
Mundukuru indigeous protesters in Belém.
Antonio Scorza / shutterstock

Meanwhile, Belém’s oppressive heat and humidity was noticeable even in the negotiating rooms: “This catalysed an official complaint from UN climate chief Simon Stiell about the climate conditions in the Cop venue, asking for ‘a clear delivery plan on how temperatures will be brought down within the next 24 hours’. The parallels to the goals of the wider negotiation process were hard to miss.




Read more:
Why hosting the UN climate summit in the Amazon was so important, despite the disappointing outcome


Stories cut through the noise

The image of climate diplomats wiping sweat from their brows as they struggle to focus in a stuffy room is compelling. And it’s this sort of stuff that often gets people interested.

Until the final few days of Cop30, the biggest stories to emerge from the summit all had a human angle: the floods, an indigenous protest, a fire that briefly evacuated the negotiations.

That makes sense. The negotiators speak in mitigation pathways and emissions curves, while people speak in memories, anecdotes and daily struggles shaped by a changing climate. The latter is just much more compelling.

Indeed, stories of personal experience cut through “climate fatigue” in ways that global negotiations can’t, according to climate psychologists Gulnaz Anjum of the University of Limerick and Mudassar Aziz of the University of Oslo.

“Psychology research consistently shows that people engage more deeply when they can recognise themselves, their families, their fears and their hopes in climate stories. Without that human connection, climate messages often become background noise.”

One problem is that people are often exhausted by gloomy climate news. This isn’t them being disengaged, say Anjum and Aziz, it’s a sign they are overwhelmed. “Years of catastrophic headlines, stalled policies and political gridlock create a sense of powerlessness. This ‘climate fatigue’ is often mistaken for apathy, yet it is more accurately a form of emotional self-protection.”

What works, they say, is “grounded hope”, and “stories that reflect their own struggles and resilience: a family rebuilding after a hurricane; neighbours sharing water during heatwaves; young people restoring mangroves to protect coastlines; mothers comforting frightened children as storms approach.”




Read more:
How stories of personal experience cut through climate fatigue in ways that global negotiations can’t


We gambled and lost

With all that said, let’s end on a gloomier note. Our final story doesn’t open with a personal narrative, but it does have a nice metaphor: the lost gamble.

Ten years ago the world placed a bet, say James Dyke of the University of Exeter and Johan Rockström of the Potsdam Institute in Germany. The Paris agreement, and its system of voluntary emissions cuts and agreement by consensus, would put humanity on a path to avert dangerous climate change.

A decade on, after another underwhelming summit, they reckon “we can definitively say humanity has lost this bet.”

Referring to scientific attempts to map out plausible scenarios for the future, they say the best on offer is now “a future where peak warming reaches 1.7°C before returning to within 1.5°C in 75 years”.

That’s certainly better than the scenario in which we do nothing. But even that modest win will require “immediate action” on multiple fronts: a fossil fuel phase out; a food system that absorbs carbon instead of emitting it; removal of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere on an unprecedented scale.

Belém may have failed politically but it highlighted something academics have been saying for years: narrative and symbolism can sometimes be as powerful as facts and laws. If Cop30 taught us anything, it’s that the era of negotiating climate change at arm’s length is hopefully coming to a close. The crisis is no longer outside the venue – it’s flooding the streets and overheating the negotiating rooms. Whether world leaders listen is one question hanging over the road to Cop31 host Turkey, and beyond.




Read more:
Turkey will host the next UN climate summit – here’s how it plans to use its moment in the spotlight



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The Conversation

ref. Cop30 saw important developments amid huge disappointment – https://theconversation.com/cop30-saw-important-developments-amid-huge-disappointment-270712

Why it’s so easy to choke on fish bones – and the other dangers they pose

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Taylor, Professor of Anatomy, Lancaster University

Strictly Come Dancing judge Shirley Ballas recently revealed that she’d “thought that was it” after a fish bone became lodged in her throat. Ballas’s terrifying ordeal lasted for 20 minutes, with the judge struggling to breathe until her hair and makeup artist managed to dislodge the bone using the Heimlich manoeuvre (also known as abdominal thrusts).

Ballas certainly isn’t the first person to make the news for such an ordeal. Even the late Queen Mother had experienced something similar.

Fish bones are actually one of the most common reasons people end up in the emergency department. This phenomenon is particularly common in Asian countries, where diets tend to include a lot of fish. The problem is so great, in fact, that in China specialist fish bone removal clinics have popped up.

Although fish are a good source of many minerals, protein and heart-healthy fatty acids, they also contain multiple small, delicate “pin” bones – usually in the fillet.

Cod have approximately 17 pin bones and salmon have around 30 – though some fish can have over 100. Eel bones have also frequently been linked to emergency room trips, while flounder bones are particularly dangerous because of the number and size of them – making it easy for them to get lodged far down the throat.

This means that despite the care taken during the food prep process, some may inadvertently slip through. These bones can be dangerous if swallowed accidentally – and choking is just one of the serious complications that they can cause.

Fish bones typically become lodged in the tonsils at the back of the throat, in the pharynx at the back of the mouth, the piriform sinus (a small hollow that plays a role in swallowing) and, of course, the oesophagus (the canal which connects the throat to the stomach).

If you do accidentally swallow a fish bone, you’ll probably experience coughing, a prickly or “something stuck” sensation in the throat, as well as pain or difficulty swallowing and spitting up blood.

However, they don’t always cause symptoms – and some people end up living unknowingly with a fish bone stuck in their throat. For instance, in 2012 a 69-year-old Japanese woman went to hospital complaining of a swollen neck – only for doctors to discover she had a 32mm fish bone which had been lodged in her throat for nine months.

Undiscovered fish bones can also migrate around the neck. Repeated swallowing can also result in the bones penetrating the wall of the oesophagus and moving into the tight spaces in the neck.

Here, the bone poses a high risk to the vast number of critical nerves and blood vessels that pass through the neck – such as the carotid artery, which is one of the major vessels that supplies blood to the brain.

A chef wearing black gloves removes a fish bone from a salmon fillet with tweezers.
Fish have many small bones which can be missed even during careful food prep.
Roman Samsonov/ Shutterstock

Bones can also pierce the thyroid gland, which can cause abscesses and inflammation. This can also lead to sepsis, a rare but incredibly dangerous complication.

In some cases, lodged fish bones have even managed to migrate into the neck’s muscles and under the skin. They can even pop out the skin too – as happened recently to one Thai woman.

Any bones that manage to migrate out of the throat are a surgical emergency as there’s no way to dislodge it otherwise. These bones can also cause infections in the spaces around the heart, or migrate into the spinal cord leading to secondary infections which could cause paralysis.

This is why it’s imperative that if you do accidentally swallow a bone, you try to remove it as soon as possible.

What to do

Stuck fish bones can be removed in a variety of ways.

For some people, a forceful cough will be enough to eject it. This technique is most effective in cases where the bone is stuck in the airway, rather than the oesophagus.

But one problem with coughing is that instead of ejecting it, it could dislodge the bone and allow it to pass into the stomach and through the intestines, where there’s a risk of perforation.

Bones that are stuck in the wall of the oesophagus could potentially move through the body, but many cases will require endoscopic removal.

Some tips suggest that eating something such as bread or banana can force the bone down, but there’s no scientific evidence to support this remedy. It may even further block the airway or oesophagus – and could potentially make things worse by lodging the bone further into the tissue. So if coughing doesn’t help and you still have symptoms, seeking medical advice is the next sensible step.

Where a person is unable to speak or breathe then abdominal thrusts may be needed to help dislodge the offending fish bone (or other item). If it comes to this, you should call emergency services and seek urgent medical support.

The Conversation

Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why it’s so easy to choke on fish bones – and the other dangers they pose – https://theconversation.com/why-its-so-easy-to-choke-on-fish-bones-and-the-other-dangers-they-pose-270613

Climate action saves lives. So why do climate models ignore wellbeing?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Inge Schrijver, PhD researcher, Wellbeing Inclusivity Sustainability & the Economy, Leiden University

Photo by Hunter Scott on Unsplash, CC BY-SA

Climate change is already shaping our wellbeing. It affects mental health, spreads infectious diseases, disrupts work, damages food supplies and forces families to leave their homes because of conflict, hunger or flooding.

Wellbeing refers to everything that enables people to live healthy, safe and meaningful lives. It includes physical and mental health, access to food, clean water, hygiene and income, as well as work, leisure, culture and education.

It also involves personal safety, freedoms, trust in institutions and how people feel about their own lives. Environmental quality, biodiversity and the degree of inequality in society are part of wellbeing too. Climate change touches every one of these areas.

Our new study, written with René Kleijn of Leiden University, examined the many ways climate change affects wellbeing and assessed whether these impacts are reflected in the climate policy models that guide global decision-making.

These models are large computer simulations that explore how society and the economy might change under different climate and policy scenarios. Policymakers use them to test “what-if” questions, such as introducing a carbon price or expanding renewable energy, before making real decisions.

We found that although researchers have documented a wide range of climate-related harms, very few of these factors appear in the most influential models used by governments and international agencies. Newer experimental models do include wellbeing, but these are not the ones shaping today’s climate policies.

This gap matters because climate policy models influence real-world choices. For example, the International Energy Agency’s modelling informs energy investments. The models used by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the UN’s scientific advisory body, have shaped global interest in bioenergy with carbon capture and storage, sometimes at the expense of rapid emissions cuts.

If wellbeing is not represented, the benefits of climate action will be undervalued because the models cannot account for them.

Research from more than one hundred institutions through the Lancet Countdown – one of the world’s leading annual assessments of how climate change is already impacting human health – shows that heat is now responsible for around 550,000 deaths each year. This is 63% more than in the 1990s. Four out of five heatwave days today would not have occurred without climate change.

Rising temperatures are changing the nature of work. In 2024, 640 billion potential working hours were lost in sectors such as agriculture and construction because conditions were too hot to work safely. This represents more than $1 trillion US dollars (£755,725,000) in lost income.

Heat and drought threaten global food systems as well. According to Lancet Countdown projections, if the planet warms by 2°C, around 500 million more people could face food insecurity within the next two decades.

If warming reaches 3.6°C by the end of the century, the number could rise to 1.1 billion. These estimates do not yet include the effects of sea-level rise, damaged infrastructure, agricultural pests or reduced nutrient content in crops.

None of these impacts – heat deaths, lost working hours, or rising food insecurity – are systematically included in the major climate policy models used today. That means decisions about climate action may be overlooking some of the most important human consequences.

Failing to cut emissions costs lives and livelihoods but climate action protects both.

Why climate models still miss wellbeing

Despite extensive research, most climate policy models ignore impacts on wellbeing. When wellbeing is included, it is often measured in narrow economic terms that miss what matters most to people.

Yet many areas have already been studied in ways that could be incorporated into models. Research has quantified the damage from diseases such as malaria, diarrhoea and cardiovascular illness, as well as mental health conditions including depression and suicide.

For example, a large systematic review examined the link between extreme heat and worsening mental health, including hospitalisations for psychiatric conditions.

Other work shows how climate change affects worker productivity, leisure, conflict, migration, air quality and biodiversity. Studies have demonstrated clear connections between rising temperatures and reduced labour productivity, and between climate change and biodiversity loss, with implications for human health and food systems. These issues are central to people’s lives and should be represented in policy modelling.

Some areas have been explored in research but still cannot be included in climate policy models because they lack the numerical data needed for modelling. These areas include education, cultural heritage, subjective wellbeing (how people evaluate and feel about their own lives), and governance.

Some reviews describe how climate change affects these aspects of life. However, they also emphasise that these impacts remain difficult to quantify in consistent, comparable ways, which is why they are not yet represented in most climate models.

Inequality must be part of the picture

Climate change does not affect everyone equally. Women, children and older adults are often more exposed. Evidence from the United Nations and global health research shows that these groups face higher mortality and displacement risks during climate-related disasters.




Read more:
How stories of personal experience cut through climate fatigue in ways that global negotiations can’t


Some people face greater risks because they do not have safe housing, live in regions already experiencing extreme heat, work outdoors or lack the financial resources to prepare for future impacts.

People who contributed least to climate change often face the most severe consequences, particularly in regions with limited means to adapt. This pattern is described extensively in literature on climate vulnerability and justice, such as the 2026 Global Climate Risk Index. Almost no climate policy model includes these inequalities.

Climate change is not only about emissions and temperature limits. It affects how people live, work, eat, breathe, learn and feel. When models ignore wellbeing, they underestimate the benefits of climate action and overlook the true costs of inaction.

To create climate policy that reflects real human lives, wellbeing needs to move from the margins to the centre of modelling efforts. Climate action is not only an environmental necessity. It is an investment in global health, safety, dignity and fairness.

The Conversation

Inge Schrijver’s PhD is part of the WISE Horizons project, which is funded by Horizon Europe (grant number 101095219).

Paul Behrens receives funding from The British Academy and REAPRA.

Rutger Hoekstra receives funding from the Horizon Europe “WISE Horizons” Research & Innovation Action (GA 101095219).

ref. Climate action saves lives. So why do climate models ignore wellbeing? – https://theconversation.com/climate-action-saves-lives-so-why-do-climate-models-ignore-wellbeing-269879

Could a national, public ‘CanGPT’ be Canada’s answer to ChatGPT?

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Fenwick McKelvey, Associate Professor in Information and Communication Technology Policy, Concordia University

As generative artificial intelligence (AI) tools like ChatGPT, Google Gemini and others reshape the digital landscape, much of the conversation in Canada has focused on commercial innovation.

But what if AI were developed as a public utility rather than as a commercial service? Canada’s long history with public service media — namely the CBC and Radio-Canada — offers a useful model for thinking about how AI could serve the public amid growing calls for a public interest approach to AI policy.

Commercial AI has largely been built on the assumption that user-generated content posted online is available to train commercial AI. Focusing so much on the technical success of generative AI ignores that its innovations depend on access to global cultural knowledge — the result of treating the internet as a “knowledge commons.”

AI would have been impossible without public data, and much of that data was taken without contributing back to the public system. Canada, in fact, has a historical link to AI innovation.

Early work in automated translation involved a tape reel that was anonymously sent to IBM in the 1980s containing Canadian parliamentary transcripts. The multilingual material helped train early translation algorithms. What if Canada intentionally trained the future of AI in the same way?

CanGPT: a Canadian public-service AI

A growing number of countries are experimenting with national or publicly governed AI models. Switzerland, Sweden and the Netherlands are all building AI systems with the goal of creating public AI services. The Canadian federal service has some of its own experiments with its own alternative to ChatGPT, CanChat, but it’s only an internal tool.

In Montréal, many arts-based organizations have begun discussing creating their own commons-based AI infrastructure and tools, but they lack infrastructure and resources to advance their mission. A national initiative could help.

There is precedent for this approach. When radio and television first emerged, many countries created public broadcasters — like the BBC (British Broadcasting Company) in the United Kingdom and the CBC in Canada — to ensure new communication technologies served democratic needs.

A similar approach could work for AI. Instead of letting companies build the future of AI, Canadian Parliament could sponsor the creation of its own AI model and expand the mandate of an organization like the CBC to deliver better access to AI. Such a public model could draw on materials in the public domain, government datasets and publicly licensed cultural resources.

CBC/Radio-Canada also has an enormous, multilingual archive of audio, video and text going back decades. That corpus could become a foundational dataset for a Canadian public-service AI, if treated as a public good.

A national model could become an open-source system available either as an online service or as a locally run application. Beyond providing public access, CanGPT could anchor a broader national AI strategy rooted in public values rather than commercial incentives.

Setting democratic boundaries for AI

Developing CanGPT would force a needed debate about what AI should and should not be able to do. Generative AI is already implicated in deepfake pornography and other forms of technology-assisted violence.

Today, the guardrails governing these harms are set privately by tech companies. Some platforms impose minimal moderation; others, like OpenAI, ban politicians and lobbyists from using ChatGPT for official campaign business. These decisions have profound political implications that shape content moderation and social media governance.

Content moderation and acceptable-use policies could be solved through normative principals embedded in CanGPT. A publicly governed AI model could allow Canadians to debate and define these boundaries through democratic institutions rather than through technology firms.

Why a public AI model matters

Public AI is a different tack than government’s infrastructure-heavy approach to AI. The federal government — despite growing concerns that we are in an AI bubble — has invested billions in a big, costly AI Sovereign Compute Strategy.

The policy might be ineffective, end up going largely to American firms and dismantle Canada’s capacity to build public-interest AI.

Canada’s AI agenda has a big environmental impact. A public-good framework could encourage the opposite: frugal, energy-efficient models that run on smaller, local machines and prioritize targeted tasks rather than massive, multi-billion parameter models like ChatGPT. A smaller public model could contribute to this by having a lower environmental footprint.

This approach could stand in direct contrast to the federal government’s efforts to build large-scale AI, as reflected in the massive data centre investments outlined in recent federal budgets. Canada has made major investments in big AI projects. If the bubble bursts, however, smaller-scale AI initiatives may offer a less risky future.

Imagining a public future for AI

Building CanGPT would not be simple. Questions remain about how to fund it, how to update it and how to maintain competitive performance compared with commercial AI.

But it would open a national conversation about AI’s social purpose, regulatory standards and the role of public institutions in digital infrastructure. CanGPT is, admittedly, a strange idea, but it might be precisely what is lacking in Canada’s approach to public service media and digital sovereignty.

At minimum, imagining a public AI model opens the possibilities of new ways to deliver on the promises of AI other than another subscription sold to us by Big Tech.

The Conversation

Fenwick McKelvey receives funding from Social Science and Humanities Research Council and the Fonds de recherche du Québec.

ref. Could a national, public ‘CanGPT’ be Canada’s answer to ChatGPT? – https://theconversation.com/could-a-national-public-cangpt-be-canadas-answer-to-chatgpt-231170

Beyond Zohran Mamdani: Social media amplifies the politics of feelings

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Merlyna Lim, Canada Research Professor, School of Journalism and Communication, Carleton University

Zohran Mamdani’s election as New York City mayor has spurred global celebrations and pride. Scores of social media users worldwide celebrate and claim him as one of their own.

Muslims across the globe, including in Indonesia — home to the world’s largest Muslim population, where I was born and raised — rejoice that he is Muslim. Indians take pride in Mamdani’s Indian roots. Ugandans cheer his victory because Kampala is his birthplace.

Representation does matter. It can be deeply affirming to see someone whose identity resonates with you succeed in a foreign political landscape.

However, Mamdani didn’t win simply because of who he is. He won because of what he did, the politics that his campaigns were based on — a platform that focuses on the cost of living, from utility bills to grocery bills to bus fares to child care to rent — and, more importantly, the feelings, the trust and cohesion generated in the network of people who organized with and for him.

As a scholar who examines digital media and information technology in relation to citizen participation and democracy, I know that political behaviour research has long observed that voters don’t choose based on policy alone: they vote based on identity, group belonging, emotional attachments and symbolic cues, all of which speak to “the politics of feelings.”

This refers to politics that mobilize and build power through shared feelings and emotional bonds.




Read more:
Zohran Mamdani’s transformative child care plan builds on a history of NYC social innovations


Identity, platform, visibility

That Mamdani is Muslim — the son of a South Asian African Muslim father and a Hindu Indian mother, born in Uganda — and that he has lived an immigrant community experience in New York is a formidable part of his story.

This profoundly matters in a political landscape that often marginalizes such identities — and helps explain why he has become so visible online and globally.

Viral videos, algorithmically boosted content and his public persona amplified this visibility. Online, the Zohran Mamdani phenomenon illustrates the power of emotion-driven mobilization, the process through which emotional currents bring people into alignment or connection with a cause, figure or community.

Identity and emotion have always been central to politics. Social media didn’t invent the politics of feelings; it accelerated and amplified them.

Branding a politician

Social media political participation doesn’t operate within a deliberative civic culture, but within an algorithmic marketing culture where algorithmic targeting and data-driven marketing principles shape how persuasion, visibility and emotion circulate.

Branding shapes the way content looks and feels. Algorithms push what’s likely to grab attention, and human users — naturally drawn to emotion — interact with it, feeding the system in return. Together, they produce a self-reinforcing loop where high-arousal content dominates, as a consequence of the interplay of marketing logic, machine learning and user behaviour.

The algorithm rewards emotion, not analysis. It privileges what’s instantly legible — a name, a face, a faith — over the collective labour and work behind a political movement.

Hope, pride as well as fear, outrage

Posts highlighting Mamdani’s Muslim, immigrant or brown identity, whether in celebration or attack, elicit emotions — hope, pride, fear or outrage. These emotions fuel engagement, which algorithms amplify, generating cycles of visibility which can simultaneously mobilize support and provoke backlash.




Read more:
The urgent need for media literacy in an age of annihilation


Indeed, the same identity categories that make him so celebrated abroad have also been weaponized against him at home in the United States.

Through social media disinformation fuelled by racism and Islamophobia, Mamdani’s opponents have framed him as a “Muslim extremist,” “communist,” “jihadi terrorist,” “brown” and “dirty” or a “threat” to American values.

The flattening happens from both sides: he is either attacked for his identity or adored because of it.

The irony is sharp. For example, some Indonesians embrace a man named Mamdani — Mamdanis are part of the Khoja Shia community — while turning a blind eye to anti-Shia persecution at home.

Similarly, some Modi supporters claim Mamdani’s Indian heritage without acknowledging that he is a vocal critic of Modi.




Read more:
Listen: Indian PM Modi is expected to get a rockstar welcome in the U.S. How much is the diaspora fuelling him?


Identity becomes politicized

We can see similar dynamics elsewhere. Sadiq Khan’s visibility as a Muslim mayor of London generated both celebration and Islamophobic backlash on social media, amplified through viral videos, memes and algorithmically boosted news cycles.

In Canada, former prime minister Justin Trudeau’s youthful, multicultural and photogenic persona generated strong emotional attachment and global circulation while overshadowing his substantive political work.

This is how identity becomes politicized. By focusing the debate on who someone is, attention is diverted from what they stand for. It’s easier to categorize than to engage with structural critique.

In an algorithmic age, we consume politics in byte sizes, where visibility often displaces understanding and emotional attachment overshadows knowledge-seeking. It’s easier to celebrate a face than to join a struggle.

Emotion meets lived experience

But visibility is not the same as electoral power. We learn from Mamdani’s case that, for local politics, symbolism is rarely enough. It operates in a different register from national or global scales.

While Mamdani’s online persona benefited from algorithmic amplification, his campaign was also built on grassroots, volunteer-based mobilization combining door-knocking and neighbourhood conversations across the city of New York.

In local elections, voters aren’t distant algorithmic audiences. They’re neighbours, co-workers and community members who experience the effects of policy in their daily lives. A candidate’s identity, promises and track record must resonate with the residents’ tangible needs. Branding and emotional attachment help, but they cannot replace direct knowledge of local realities and persistent organizing work.

Mamdani platform

To cast a ballot for Mamdani in New York, voters needed to not only embrace his identities, but also his platform and the fact that, like Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, he’s unapologetically a democratic socialist.

The word “socialism” is not widely accepted in the United States, as it’s often conflated with “communism” — the remnant of Cold War anti-communism propaganda. It’s not popular in Indonesia, India and Uganda either.

Whether Mamdani will fulfil his voters’ expectations is too early to tell. What is clear is that his story isn’t just about Muslim pride or immigrant success. It’s about what’s possible when people organize across differences for a common cause. It’s about choosing to see beyond who someone is to what they stand for.

The Conversation

Merlyna Lim does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Beyond Zohran Mamdani: Social media amplifies the politics of feelings – https://theconversation.com/beyond-zohran-mamdani-social-media-amplifies-the-politics-of-feelings-269792

Négociations sur l’Ukraine : le scandale Witkoff, fausses révélations et vrai symptôme

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Cyrille Bret, Géopoliticien, Sciences Po

Alors que l’administration Trump a récemment présenté un plan en 28 points sur l’Ukraine, très favorable aux intérêts de Moscou, on vient d’apprendre que, le mois dernier, le conseiller du président des États-Unis Steve Witkoff avait affiché lors d’une conversation téléphonique avec un conseiller de Vladimir Poutine une grande proximité à l’égard de la position du Kremlin. Ces fuites ont suscité un scandale artificiel : en écoutant cet échange de quelques minutes, on n’a rien appris que l’on ne savait déjà sur la posture réelle de l’administration Trump… laquelle demeure pourtant, qu’on le veuille ou non, le seul véritable médiateur entre Moscou et Kiev.


Que de bruit autour de demi-révélations et de secrets éventés ! Que d’émois autour du « scandale Witkoff » !

Et que de commentaires indignés suscités par la retranscription intégrale, publiée par Bloomberg le 26 novembre, de la conversation téléphonique entre l’envoyé spécial du président Trump, Steve Witkoff, et le conseiller diplomatique du président Poutine, Iouri Ouchakov, le 14 octobre dernier !

Aux États-Unis comme en Europe, on crie à la trahison de l’Ukraine. On met en cause l’honnêteté du magnat de l’immobilier, ami proche de Donald Trump. Et on met en question sa capacité à mener une médiation entre Moscou et Kiev.

Que les propos échangés ne soient pas à l’honneur du milliardaire américain, on peut en convenir. Que sa connivence surjouée avec un membre éminent de l’administration présidentielle russe choque, c’est l’évidence.

Mais invoquer ces fuites comme autant de raisons pour récuser Witkoff comme émissaire atteste d’une naïveté idéaliste qui n’a pas sa place dans la géopolitique contemporaine de l’Europe. Et qui, paradoxalement, dessert la cause ukrainienne.

Fausses confidences et évidences usées

Quelles sont ces prétendues révélations que les opinions publiques occidentales feignent de découvrir ? Quels secrets ces propos livrent-ils ? Et quels mystères ces fuites mettent-elles à jour ?

Le négociateur américain cultive une familiarité avec la Russie, entretient la flagornerie à l’égard du Kremlin, développe des relations d’affaires avec des businessmen proches de lui et affiche sa condescendance pour les Ukrainiens comme pour les Européens. II suggère à son interlocuteur de demander à Vladimir Poutine de flatter l’ego légendaire de l’actuel locataire de la Maison Blanche. Et il accepte la proposition d’Ouchakov quand celui-ci dit vouloir organiser un entretien téléphonique entre les deux présidents avant la visite à Washington de Volodymyr Zelensky, qui allait avoir lieu deux jours plus tard.

La belle affaire ! Ces secrets sont de notoriété publique, et ces fuites, bien inutiles.

Toutes les déclarations publiques de l’univers MAGA le proclament urbi et orbi, autrement dit sur les réseaux sociaux : l’administration Trump veut se débarrasser de la guerre en Ukraine à tout prix, établir des coopérations fructueuses avec la Russie, tenir les Ukrainiens comme les Européens sous la pression et régler le conflit à son seul profit. Elle professe depuis longtemps une admiration non feinte pour le style de gouvernement Poutine. À l’est, rien de nouveau !

L’entourage de Donald Trump ne veut éviter ni les conflits d’intérêts, ni la servilité envers les chefs, ni l’intrigue, ni même de prendre des décisions concernant des États souverains sans consulter leurs autorités légales. Ses représentants officiels, du vice-président J. D. Vance au secrétaire d’État Marco Rubio, ont déjà montré, dans la guerre en Ukraine comme dans le conflit à Gaza, ce qu’était « la paix selon Trump » : un accord précaire, court-termiste et publicitaire. Le succès personnel, rapide et médiatisable compte bien plus que le règlement durable des conflits. Là encore, rien de nouveau sous le soleil de Bloomberg.

Comme on dit en anglais : « Old news ! » Autrement dit, le scoop est éventé depuis longtemps.

Le monopole américain du dialogue avec la Russie

Les critiques formulées à l’égard de Witkoff par les démocrates et les républicains classiques, comme par les Européens, sont sans doute causées par une indignation sincère. Mais, au fond, elles attestent d’une ignorance coupable à l’égard du rapport de force géopolitique actuel en Europe. Et de la nature d’une médiation internationale.

Peut-on crier à la déloyauté quand un médiateur établit une proximité personnelle avec ses interlocuteurs désignés ? Doit-on s’indigner qu’il ait intégré dans son équation des revendications de la partie adverse, comme base de discussion ? Là encore, ces protestations – certes moralement légitimes – ne tiennent pas compte de la réalité du travail de la médiation américaine concernant l’Ukraine.

En rejetant le rôle de protecteur de l’Ukraine et en endossant celui de médiateur, les États-Unis ont rempli la fonction laissée orpheline par les Européens. À tort ou à raison, ceux-ci ont estimé que la défense de l’Ukraine exigeait de couper les canaux de communication avec la Russie. C’est une réalité dérangeante : un médiateur a précisément ce rôle ambigu de dialoguer avec les deux ennemis, l’agresseur et la victime. Il doit réaliser une opération quasi alchimique, transformer les ennemis en interlocuteurs.

Que le plan en 28 points de l’équipe Trump soit profondément favorable aux intérêts russes, c’est l’évidence.

Mais on ne peut pas non plus nier le fait que seul l’entourage du président américain est aujourd’hui en position géopolitique de parler aux deux parties, de leur proposer des documents de travail, d’exercer sur les deux la pression nécessaire à l’ouverture de discussions et ainsi d’esquisser les conditions d’une fragile suspension des combats, dont, répétons-le, les Ukrainiens sont les victimes sur leur propre territoire.

Aujourd’hui, volens nolens, l’équipe Trump a pris le monopole de la discussion avec la Russie et avec l’Ukraine. Les Européens sont (provisoirement) réduits à se faire les avocats de l’Ukraine à l’égard des États-Unis, pas vis-à-vis de la Russie.

Les négociations internationales selon Donald Trump

La discussion entre Witkoff et Ouchakov atteste de l’amateurisme diplomatique du premier et de l’habileté tactique du second, du moins durant ces quelques minutes. La fuite à l’origine de la retranscription souligne que la méthode Trump ne fait pas l’unanimité aux États-Unis et que certains essaient d’entraver la politique que l’administration actuelle met en œuvre.

Mais ce faux scoop doit servir d’alerte aux Européens. Les règles du jeu diplomatique sont bouleversées par le conflit en Ukraine car celui-ci est bloqué : la paix par la victoire militaire de l’une ou de l’autre partie est impossible ; la reconquête par Kiev des territoires illégalement occupés et annexés par Moscou est plus qu’incertaine ; quant aux négociations directes entre belligérants, elles semblent irréalistes. Pour sortir (même provisoirement) du cycle des offensives et contre-offensives et pour donner à l’Ukraine le répit dont elle a besoin, les outils classiques sont momentanément inopérants.

L’administration Trump, dans son style fait de compromissions, de provocations, de revirements, de vulgarité et de coups de pression, essaie de sortir de l’impasse. C’est sur ce point que les révélations Witkoff sont éclairantes : la lutte existentielle de l’Ukraine peut soit se prolonger dans une guerre sans fin, soit être suspendue par une diplomatie non orthodoxe qui choquera moralement les consciences au nom des résultats espérés. Ceux-ci sont bien incertains : ils peuvent être ruinés en un instant par un dédit du Kremlin, par un succès militaire tactique d’un des deux ennemis ou encore par un nouveau scandale en Ukraine.

Quand la victoire paraît hors de portée, quand les négociations sont impensables et quand la paix paraît impossible, comment récuser la seule médiation actuellement possible, aussi biaisée soit-elle ? Quand la paix est lointaine et la négociation impensable, les méthodes non orthodoxes sont nécessaires pour briser le cercle indéfiniment vicieux du conflit.

Plutôt que de s’indigner d’un faux scoop, les Européens devraient le voir comme le symptôme de leur propre conformisme diplomatique. Plutôt que de réagir avec retard comme intercesseurs de l’Ukraine auprès de l’administration Trump, ils devraient innover, dans leur propre intérêt et dans celui de l’Ukraine. Reprendre directement contact avec le Kremlin, proposer un plan de paix qui ne soit pas le simple rappel du droit international, veiller à ce que la reconstruction de l’Ukraine ne se fasse pas à leurs dépens leur permettrait de s’affirmer pour ce qu’ils sont : la première puissance du continent et non pas de simples spectateurs de leur propre sécurité.

The Conversation

Cyrille Bret ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Négociations sur l’Ukraine : le scandale Witkoff, fausses révélations et vrai symptôme – https://theconversation.com/negociations-sur-lukraine-le-scandale-witkoff-fausses-revelations-et-vrai-symptome-270737

« Dévendeurs » contre commerçants : comment sortir du dilemme des politiques de soutien à l’économie circulaire ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Amal Jrad, Chercheuse, Université de Strasbourg

Malgré le succès grandissant du Black Friday, qui se tient ce vendredi 28 novembre et qui vient renforcer la surconsommation à travers des promotions généralisées, les modes de consommation changent peu à peu à l’aune des enjeux écologiques. Mais les politiques publiques peinent souvent à trouver l’équilibre entre soutien à l’économie circulaire et protection des intérêts commerciaux traditionnels. Comment sortir de ce dilemme ?


En novembre 2023, à la veille du Black Friday, l’Agence de la transition écologique (Ademe) lançait une campagne de communication introduisant le concept de « dévendeur ». Concrètement, plusieurs vidéos mettaient en scène un vendeur qui encourageaient un client en quête de conseils sur le modèle à acquérir, à plutôt réparer son bien au lieu d’acheter un nouveau produit neuf.

Dévendeur ponceuse, Ademe/Havas, 15 novembre 2023.

Sur les réseaux sociaux, l’initiative a déclenché une vive polémique et a divisé autant les professionnels que le gouvernement. Au-delà de la controverse, cette situation illustre un défi majeur de notre époque : comment concilier la transition vers l’économie circulaire avec les intérêts économiques traditionnels ?

Pour trouver des réponses, l’Observatoire des futurs de l’EM Strasboug (Université de Strasbourg) a réalisé une étude sur la thématique industrie et économie circulaire à l’horizon 2035. Cette étude s’appuie sur des ateliers participatifs réunissant chercheurs, praticiens et acteurs institutionnels tels qu’Eurométropole, l’Ademe, Initiatives durables, et Grand Est Développement). Nous en livrons quelques résultats.




À lire aussi :
Sobriété versus surconsommation : pourquoi les « dévendeurs » de l’Ademe sont polémiques


Un dilemme au cœur des politiques publiques

À l’échelle européenne, l’engagement pour l’économie circulaire s’est considérablement renforcé depuis le lancement du Pacte vert en 2019. Cette volonté s’est traduite par des plans d’action successifs, notamment en mars 2020, ciblant des secteurs spécifiques comme le textile, les plastiques et la construction. La Commission européenne a également proposé en 2022 des mesures pour accélérer cette transition, avec un accent particulier mis sur la durabilité des produits et la responsabilisation des consommateurs.

En France, cette dynamique européenne s’est accompagnée d’initiatives nationales ambitieuses. La loi anti-gaspillage pour une économie circulaire (dite loi Agec) adoptée en 2020 promeut en particulier l’économie de la fonctionnalité et du service via le réemploi et la réparation. Selon une étude de l’Institut national de l’économie circulaire (Inec) et d’Opeo publiée en 2021, 81 % des industriels français interrogés perçoivent l’économie circulaire comme une opportunité.

Pour plus de 85 % d’entre eux, elle permettrait non seulement de développer de nouveaux marchés et de réaliser des économies, mais aussi de relever les défis environnementaux actuels. Cependant, ces orientations se heurtent à un modèle économique encore largement basé sur la vente en volume.




À lire aussi :
Consommation sobre : un défi culturel autant qu’économique


Des consommateurs de plus en plus conscients

L’évolution des comportements d’achat témoigne d’ailleurs d’une prise de conscience croissante chez les consommateurs. Les convictions personnelles liées à l’éthique et l’environnement pèsent de plus en plus sur les choix individuels et les consommateurs privilégient désormais le « Made in France » et les produits issus de l’économie circulaire.

Une enquête menée en France par OpinionWay en 2024 montrait ainsi que 42 % des personnes interrogées se disaient prêtes à dépenser plus d’argent pour avoir des produits vestimentaires plus respectueux de l’environnement et socialement responsables.

D’après une étude d’Ipsos, deux vacanciers européens sur trois se déclaraient prêts à modifier leur mode de transport durant l’été 2023 pour réduire leur impact carbone.




À lire aussi :
Surconsommation de vêtements : pourquoi la garde-robe des Français déborde


Un soutien public en quête d’équilibre

Face à ces évolutions, les politiques publiques tentent de trouver un équilibre délicat. L’Union européenne (UE) déploie des financements importants pour soutenir cette transition. Le programme Horizon Europe (2021-2027) offre ainsi un budget de 95,5 milliards d’euros, dont une partie significative est destinée à la recherche et l’innovation en économie circulaire.

Toutefois, ces mécanismes de financement européens souffrent de plusieurs lacunes que nous avons identifiées à partir des entretiens d’experts réalisés dans le cadre de l’étude :

  • une communication limitée autour des programmes,
  • un soutien insuffisant aux entreprises déjà engagées dans la circularité,
  • et des budgets parfois davantage orientés vers les études que vers l’accompagnement concret des transformations.

Au niveau national, de nombreuses mesures ont été mises en place, parmi lesquelles :

  • le fonds d’économie circulaire de l’Ademe, renouvelé annuellement,
  • les programmes d’investissement d’avenir successifs, dont le dernier (PIA 5) dispose d’un budget de 54 milliards d’euros,
  • ou le plan France 2030, qui a déjà engagé 21 milliards d’euros avec plus de 1 000 projets répondant à l’objectif « mieux produire ».

Ces dispositifs ne parviennent toutefois pas toujours à répondre aux besoins de l’ensemble des acteurs. Les petites entreprises, en particulier, peinent souvent à accéder aux informations et aux financements, alors même qu’elles sont en général plus avancées dans leurs pratiques circulaires.

C’est plutôt au niveau local qu’émergent les solutions innovantes les plus prometteuses : l’Eurométropole de Strasbourg, par exemple, déploie des actions concrètes : création de réseaux d’acteurs autour de l’économie circulaire, soutien aux structures d’insertion dans le domaine du recyclage, développement de l’écologie industrielle territoriale et promotion du réemploi dans le secteur du bâtiment et travaux publics (BTP).

Ces initiatives montrent qu’il est possible de créer des synergies entre différents acteurs économiques autour de l’économie circulaire.




À lire aussi :
Économie circulaire : les consommateurs, acteurs oubliés de la réglementation européenne


Quatre futurs possibles pour réinventer le commerce

Mais la controverse des « dévendeurs » a révélé un besoin plus profond de repenser nos modèles économiques. Comment les politiques de soutien pourraient-elles évoluer face à ce dilemme entre promotion de la sobriété et maintien de l’activité commerciale ? Quatre scénarios se dessinent à l’horizon 2035, chacun proposant une approche différente de création de valeur.

  • Dans un premier scénario, les politiques de soutien resteraient ambivalentes, tentant de satisfaire à la fois les commerçants traditionnels et les acteurs de l’économie circulaire. Cette approche conduirait à des mesures parfois contradictoires : d’un côté, des subventions pour la modernisation des commerces, de l’autre, des campagnes promouvant la sobriété. Les grandes enseignes s’adapteraient en créant des « coins réparation », mais sans remise en cause fondamentale de leur modèle. Les petits commerces, pris entre deux logiques, peineraient à trouver leur place. Le risque est d’aboutir à un soutien fragmenté et inefficace.

  • Le deuxième scénario miserait sur l’innovation pour réconcilier vente et durabilité. Les commerces deviendraient des « hubs circulaires » où la technologie (IA, blockchain) optimiserait la réparation et la revente. Le métier de vendeur évoluerait vers un rôle de « conseiller en usage durable », proposant la solution la plus pertinente : réparation, achat neuf ou reconditionné. Un modèle prometteur, mais qui risque d’exclure les petits commerces faute de moyens d’investissement.

  • Dans une troisième configuration, les politiques se territorialiseraient fortement, avec des aides adaptées aux besoins locaux. Les commerces deviendraient des lieux hybrides de vente, réparation et échange. L’économie de la fonctionnalité s’y développerait naturellement, privilégiant l’usage plutôt que la propriété. Les « dévendeurs » s’intégreraient dans ce maillage territorial, même si cette approche pourrait créer des disparités entre régions.

  • Face à l’urgence climatique, le dernier scénario verrait l’État imposer une transformation radicale et un tantinet autoritaire. Des quotas de réparation et de réemploi seraient imposés aux commerces. La fonction de « dévendeur » deviendrait obligatoire dans les grandes surfaces. Parmi les mesures concrètes, l’Institut national de l’économie circulaire propose déjà une TVA à 5,5 % sur les opérations de réparation et des taux réduits pour les produits reconditionnés et écoconçus.

Dépasser l’opposition entre vendeurs et « dévendeurs »

La résolution du dilemme entre « dévendeurs » et commerçants passera sans doute par une combinaison de ces approches. Les politiques de soutien devront préserver la viabilité économique du commerce tout en accélérant la transition vers la sobriété. Ce qui implique la création de nouveaux métiers autour de la réparation et du réemploi, l’innovation dans les services plutôt que dans la production de biens, un accompagnement fort des pouvoirs publics et une transformation de notre rapport à la consommation.

En définitive, l’enjeu n’est plus tant d’opposer commerce traditionnel et économie circulaire que de réinventer nos modes de production et de consommation. Le concept de « dévendeur » n’est peut-être qu’une première étape vers cette nécessaire mutation de notre économie, qui requiert des politiques de soutien plus inclusives, capables d’accompagner tous les acteurs dans cette transition.


L’article s’appuie sur des entretiens réalisés avec Christophe Barel (chef de projet senior à l’Ademe, le 30 janvier 2024) ; Carmen Colle (entrepreneuse dans le secteur du textile et militante pour un entrepreneuriat responsable, social et solidaire, 14 décembre 2024) ; Pia Imbs (présidente de l’Eurométropole de Strasbourg, 19 décembre 2024) ; Anne Sander (députée européenne, questeur du Parlement européen, 9 février 2024) et Maryline Wilhelm (conseillère déléguée à l’économie circulaire, sociale et solidaire, Ville de Schiltigheim, 19 janvier 2024).

The Conversation

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ref. « Dévendeurs » contre commerçants : comment sortir du dilemme des politiques de soutien à l’économie circulaire ? – https://theconversation.com/devendeurs-contre-commercants-comment-sortir-du-dilemme-des-politiques-de-soutien-a-leconomie-circulaire-262979