Formula 1’s 2026 rules: new sustainability rules are changing the way races are won

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paolo Aversa, Professor of Strategy, King’s College London

The first races under Formula 1’s new regulations delivered exactly what the sport’s rule-makers had hoped for: more overtaking. At the recent Australian Grand Prix in Melbourne, passes on track nearly tripled compared with the previous year. At the Chinese Grand Prix over the weekend the increase was less extreme, but still noticeable.

This revealed something unexpected about Formula 1’s new generation of cars. Many of the passes did not come from the classic ingredients of racing – a driver braking later into a corner, carrying more speed through the apex, or finding a daring line. Instead, they often happened when one car temporarily ran out of electrical power.

Under one of the most significant rule changes in the sport’s history, roughly half of a Formula 1 car’s output now comes from its electric motor. Drivers must carefully manage when their batteries deploy or regenerate energy. When the battery runs low, the car temporarily becomes vulnerable. Once the battery is recharged by recovering energy from braking, the driver can attack again. These cycles can create sudden swings in performance within a race.

This is raising questions about whether Formula 1’s push for sustainability is changing how races are won.

A greener engine era

Under the new regulations, the cars still look like Formula 1 machines. But the way they generate and deploy power is very different. The familiar turbocharged combustion engine remains, but it now shares power almost equally with the electric system.

The combustion engine also now runs on 100% sustainable fuel, designed to be carbon-neutral over its lifecycle. The cars themselves are smaller and lighter, with new active aerodynamic systems aimed at reducing air resistance on straights.

Major rule changes often trigger waves of experimentation as teams search for new advantages, and managing energy has suddenly become central to racing strategy. In a study published in Organization Science, my colleagues and I showed that Formula 1 teams face a classic strategic trade-off: incremental improvements are safe but rarely transformative, while radical innovations can produce breakthrough performance – or spectacular failure.

A new kind of racing

The Australian Grand Prix offered an early glimpse of how racing is being affected. Early in the race, Mercedes driver George Russell and Ferrari’s Charles Leclerc repeatedly overtook each other within a few laps. But the pattern was unusual: neither driver was consistently faster. Instead, their cars were alternating between phases of energy depletion and recharge. The result looked less like traditional racing and more like a strategic ebb and flow of electrical power.

In the new hybrid era, drivers may need to adjust braking points or racing lines to regenerate electricity efficiently. They may even need to lift their foot from the throttle when in past seasons the same situation would have called for flat-out acceleration.

Some drivers have already expressed concerns that the new cars could feel less instinctive if energy constraints become too restrictive. If success increasingly depends on managing software systems and electrical energy flows, some drivers may feel that the essence of their craft is shifting. After the Chinese Grand Prix, veteran racer Fernando Alonso called this the “battery world championships”, and recent champion Max Verstappen likened it to Mario Kart.

The F1 sustainability paradox

Formula 1 has long argued that it operates like a moonshot laboratory, where extreme competition accelerates development. Technologies refined in racing have later appeared elsewhere, from advanced braking and handling systems in road cars to sensor technologies now used in hospitals. Even the choreography of Formula 1 pit stops has inspired procedures used by emergency medical teams.

The new generation of engines aims to extend that tradition by demonstrating sustainable innovation through advanced hybrid systems and sustainable fuels. But there is a paradox here. Early estimates suggest Formula 1’s new synthetic, net-zero fuel could cost hundreds of dollars per litre, more than ten times the cost of conventional racing fuel – and a hundred or more times the cost of regular petrol.

While this shows what is technically possible, unless production costs fall dramatically these fuels may remain confined to racing or high-performance supercars. In other words, the sport may develop impressive sustainable technologies – but ones that remain too expensive for everyday mobility.

Racing for the future

None of this means the regulations have failed. Formula 1 has a long history of dramatic rule changes producing awkward early seasons before engineers unlock their potential. Previous technological revolutions such as ground-effect aerodynamics in the late 1970s or the hybrid power units introduced in 2009 and then in 2014 required years of refinement before teams fully mastered them. Something similar may happen this year.

The first two races of the new season offered a first hint of tension facing the sport, but whether it ultimately produces better racing remains uncertain. At times, the difference between new and old F1 resembles the contrast between choreographed WWE matches and Olympic wrestling: more visually dramatic, yet less about raw athletic contest.

What is clear is that the 2026 regulations have already begun to reshape Formula 1 in ways few expected.

The Conversation

Paolo Aversa does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Formula 1’s 2026 rules: new sustainability rules are changing the way races are won – https://theconversation.com/formula-1s-2026-rules-new-sustainability-rules-are-changing-the-way-races-are-won-278342

From the strait of Hormuz to Malacca, global trade relies almost entirely on these five narrow waterways

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gokcay Balci, Lecturer in Sustainable Freight Transport and Logistics, University of Leeds

The conflict in Iran has disrupted energy and commodity markets. Iran has effectively closed the narrow strait of Hormuz, a vital oil transit point, attacking more than a dozen ships over the past two weeks that have tried to sail through the waterway.

Donald Trump has been pressing US allies in Europe to help secure the strait, warning on March 15 that it will be “very bad for the future of Nato” if they do not support American efforts to reopen Hormuz. But Iran has vowed to keep the waterway closed.

The disruption to Gulf shipping has caused Brent crude oil prices to jump sharply from around US$70 (£53) a barrel before the crisis began to more than US$100. Global trade in a wide range of other goods – from consumer products to agricultural raw materials – is being affected too.

But the crisis has also highlighted a broader issue: that global trade depends on a surprisingly small number of narrow waterways, which are often called maritime “chokepoints”. Here is a guide to the chokepoints that matter most for global trade, and how vulnerable each one is to disruption.

1. Strait of Hormuz

Hormuz is the world’s most critical energy chokepoint. Connecting the Persian Gulf to the Arabian Sea, it carries around 39% of the seaborne crude oil trade and 19% of natural gas. Unlike most trade chokepoints, there is no viable alternative to Hormuz for Gulf states to export their energy.

Iran has periodically threatened to close the strait of Hormuz since the 1980s. But the disruption caused to shipping since late February, when the US and Israel first launched airstrikes across Iran, is the most serious escalation in decades. It has caused the largest oil supply disruption in history and soaring global oil prices.

The consequences of the current disruption to Gulf shipping extend beyond energy. The Gulf region handles over 26 million containers annually, with major fertiliser exports passing through here too. Prolonged shipping disruption will therefore have a direct effect on global food production costs.

A map of the strait of Hormuz in the Gulf region.
The strait of Hormuz, which has effectively been closed since the outbreak of the war in Iran, is the only sea passage from the Persian Gulf to the Arabian Sea.
Peter Hermes Furian / Shutterstock

2. Suez canal

The Suez canal links the Red Sea with the Mediterranean, cutting at least ten days off journey times between Asia and Europe. The waterway handles 10% of global seaborne trade, including 22% of container traffic, 20% of car shipments and 10% of crude oil.

Controlled by Egypt, it is not easily threatened directly. But the waterway is not immune to accidents, as demonstrated by the grounding of the Ever Given container ship in 2021. The vessel blocked the canal for six days, disrupting nearly US$10 billion in trade.

The bigger vulnerability of this chokepoint is the Bab el-Mandeb, the strait at the southern tip of the Red Sea. Attacks on commercial shipping by the Iran-backed Houthi group in Yemen between 2023 and 2025, which it carried out in response to Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza, forced many operators to reroute around Africa.

This cut traffic through the Suez canal from over 26,000 vessels in 2023 to around 13,000 in 2024. Houthi leaders have recently threatened to resume attacks on commercial shipping in retaliation for the Israeli and US attacks on Iran, warning in official communications that their “fingers are on the trigger”.

3. Panama canal

Connecting the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, the Panama canal handles around 2.5% of global seaborne trade – a modest share, but concentrated in high-value and strategic cargo such as containerised goods, cars and grain. The canal carries around 40% of all US containerised shipments, valued at US$270 billion annually.

Its vulnerability stems both from the climate and geopolitics. In 2023 and 2024, severe droughts caused water levels in the canal’s freshwater reservoirs to fall sharply, forcing restrictions on vessel numbers and size. Then, in early 2025, Trump threatened to take control of the canal. He cited concerns over the operation of some of its ports by Hutchison, a Hong Kong-based company.

4. Strait of Malacca

The Malacca strait is the busiest shipping lane on Earth. It carries 24% of all global seaborne trade, including 45% of seaborne crude oil and 26% of cars. The waterway is also home to Singapore, which hosts the second-busiest container port in the world.

Malacca is the primary gateway through which China, Japan and South Korea receive their energy imports. Nearly 80% of China’s oil imports pass through here, a dependence Beijing calls the “Malacca dilemma”.

Piracy remains a persistent concern, with over 130 incidents reported in the Malacca strait in 2025. But the greater risk is geopolitical. Any escalation in tensions between China and the US or India over maritime dominance in the region could severely disrupt passage through the strait.

Malacca is also exposed to natural disasters, including tsunamis and volcanic activity. The Boxing Day tsunami in 2004, for example, caused significant damage to coastal infrastructure at the strait’s southern entrance.

A map showing the strait of Malacca between Malaysia and Indonesia.
China refers to its heavy reliance on the narrow strait of Malacca for energy imports and trade as the ‘Malacca dilemma’.
Peter Hermes Furian / Shutterstock

5. Turkish straits

The Turkish straits – the Bosphorus and Dardanelles – are the only sea route between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. They carry 3% of global seaborne trade. While this share may appear small, it includes around 20% of global wheat exports from Ukraine, Russia and Romania.

At just 700 metres wide at its narrowest point, running through the centre of Istanbul in Turkey, navigation is complex and minor collisions are common. Under the Montreux convention, Turkey controls military access to the straits, a power Ankara has used since Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine to restrict the movement of warships while keeping commercial traffic open.

Further escalation in the Black Sea area could disrupt this balance and shake global grain markets. The region’s high seismic activity adds another layer of risk.

The current crisis in the strait of Hormuz has thrown into sharp relief just how vulnerable global trade is to disruption due to its reliance on a handful of narrow waterways. But the five waterways mentioned above are not the only trade chokepoints.

There are as many as 24 maritime chokepoints in the world, including other major waterways like the Taiwan, Dover and Bering straits. Each of these waterways are exposed to their own combination of geopolitical tension, climate change, piracy, accidents or natural disasters.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. From the strait of Hormuz to Malacca, global trade relies almost entirely on these five narrow waterways – https://theconversation.com/from-the-strait-of-hormuz-to-malacca-global-trade-relies-almost-entirely-on-these-five-narrow-waterways-278329

Why harmful content keeps reaching children online – and what advertising has to do with it

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Karen Middleton, Senior Lecturer in Marketing and Advertising, University of Portsmouth

Matryoha/Shutterstock

Children today can encounter harmful material online with alarming ease, including violent, sexual and self-harm content. While this is often treated as a moderation failure, the deeper cause is economic.

Much of the internet is built on a business model that rewards attention above all else. In simple terms, algorithms that recommend content do not meaningfully distinguish between helpful, neutral and harmful material. Described as “topic agnostic”, their primary task is to keep users watching, scrolling and clicking.

Why? Because attention drives advertising revenue.

Most online platforms appear free to use, but they are largely funded through advertising. The longer users stay online, the more adverts they see and the more valuable they become to advertisers. As a result, platform design is shaped by what scholars call the “attention economy” – a system in which human attention is the resource being bought and sold.

Harvard scholar Shoshana Zuboff describes this model as “surveillance capitalism”: platforms collect behavioural data, predict what users will do next, and optimise systems to influence behaviour in ways that generate profit.

This matters because research consistently shows that emotionally charged content – material that provokes fear, outrage, anxiety or shock – generates higher engagement. Studies of recommender systems have found that algorithmic ranking tends to amplify content that keeps users emotionally activated, regardless of its social value (or otherwise).

For adults this can distort public debate and political discourse. For children, the consequences can be more serious because their online habits and emotional responses are still developing. Young people are more sensitive to social comparison, distressing narratives and emotionally intense material. When recommendation systems detect that a young user pauses on, searches for or engages with such content, they often respond by delivering more of it.

The result is what media researchers describe as a feedback loop. Engagement signals drive recommendations; recommendations increase exposure; exposure deepens engagement. Users are rarely targeted by a person. They are targeted by optimisation.

Public debate often assumes the solution is faster removal of harmful posts. Moderation is important, but there is a deeper issue. Harmful content continues to spread because the underlying incentives remain unchanged.

If platform revenue depends on attention, systems will always prioritise content that captures it most effectively. Removing individual posts does little if the algorithmic logic promoting engagement remains intact.

This helps explain why controversies around online harms keep resurfacing despite new safety tools and policies – and why proposed social media bans are unlikely to address the root cause. Researchers in platform governance increasingly argue that safety requires addressing system design and incentives, not just individual pieces of content.

The role of advertising – and why it matters now

Advertising rarely features in public conversations about online safety, yet it sits at the centre of the ecosystem. Advertising revenue funds recommendation systems, data collection practices and engagement optimisation strategies.

This does not mean advertisers intend harm. In fact, many brands are unaware of where their adverts appear within complex programmatic advertising supply chains. But the economic reality remains: engagement – including engagement with harmful material – generates value.

Teenagers on phones
Engagement drives revenue.
Drazen Zigic/Shutterstock

Scrutiny is growing. In the UK, regulators are implementing the Online Safety Act, lawsuits concerning social media harms are emerging internationally, and researchers are gaining access to internal platform documents through litigation. Together, these developments are lifting what has long been described as a “black box” surrounding platform decision-making.

The digital environment did not evolve naturally. It was built through choices – technical, economic and political – made over decades. And because it was designed, it can be redesigned.

The conversation now moving into public view is not simply about banning phones or blaming young users. It is about incentives. What kinds of online environments do current business models reward? And what alternatives might prioritise wellbeing alongside innovation?

For people working inside advertising and technology industries, this moment may feel particularly significant. Greater public awareness means fewer opportunities to claim that online systems are too complex to understand or influence.

If safer digital spaces are the goal, the debate must move beyond individual content towards the structures that determine why that content spreads in the first place. Understanding how advertising, data and algorithms interact is not a technical detail. It is the key to building an internet that protects children rather than profiting from their attention.

The Conversation

Karen Middleton is affiliated with Conscious Advertising Network

ref. Why harmful content keeps reaching children online – and what advertising has to do with it – https://theconversation.com/why-harmful-content-keeps-reaching-children-online-and-what-advertising-has-to-do-with-it-277527

Kent meningitis outbreak: what students need to know

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Manal Mohammed, Senior Lecturer, Medical Microbiology, University of Westminster

Prostock-studio/Shutterstock

If you are a student in the UK, news of an outbreak of meningitis affecting university students in Kent may be causing you alarm.

The UK Health Security Agency has confirmed 13 cases of invasive meningococcal disease, a severe infection that can cause meningitis and septicaemia (blood poisoning), and is providing antibiotics and guidance to students and their close contacts. Two young people, a year 13 school pupil and a university student, have died. Others are seriously ill.

Why meningitis outbreaks happen at universities

Meningococcal disease is caused by Neisseria meningitidis bacteria. Although many people can carry the bacteria harmlessly in their nose or throat, very occasionally it invades the bloodstream or central nervous system and causes life-threatening illness. Meningitis is an inflammation of the membranes around the brain and spinal cord.

Meningococcal disease spreads through close contact with respiratory droplets. This could be through kissing, sharing drinks or utensils, and coughing and sneezing. This is what makes the risk higher in settings where people live, study and socialise closely together, such as university campuses.

Outbreaks such as the recent one in Kent, especially in communal settings like universities or schools, are less common than individual sporadic cases. While the overall risk remains low, the proportion of cases among young adults and students is higher than in older age groups simply because of the social mixing and living arrangements typical of school and university life.

How to reduce your risk

There is no guaranteed way to eliminate risk entirely, but several practical steps can help.

The first is vaccination. In the UK, there are routine immunisation programmes against key meningococcal strains. The MenACWY vaccine is usually offered in school to protect against four common meningococcal groups and can be given up to age 25 if missed. The MenB vaccine is given to infants. Whether older teenagers have had it varies because the risk profile and vaccine history differ. The MenB vaccine is available privately for teenagers and adults.

So check your vaccination history. You can do this by looking over your vaccination records, asking your GP practice, checking the NHS app or looking at your university or travel clinic records. If you can’t find a record of having a vaccination against meningitis, doctors may recommend vaccinating again – receiving an extra dose is generally safe.

Talk to your friends about their vaccination history, too. People can carry meningococcal bacteria without symptoms. Awareness of your own vaccination status and encouraging friends to be up to date increases community protection.

Even if someone has been vaccinated, they may still be advised to take preventive antibiotics if they were a close contact of a case of meningococcal disease.

Hands in blue gloves putting plaster on woman's upper arm
It’s a good idea to check your vaccination status.
Kmpzzz/Shutterstock

Good hygiene is important. Simple measures like covering your mouth when coughing, not sharing drinks or utensils, washing hands regularly and avoiding close face to face contact when someone is ill can help reduce transmission.

What to look out for

One of the biggest challenges with meningococcal disease is that its early symptoms can look like flu or a bad cold, making it easy to overlook until it becomes severe. According to UK public health guidance, early symptoms can include fever or high temperature, a very bad headache, vomiting or nausea, muscle and joint pain, cold hands and feet, and rapid breathing. Symptoms can develop in different sequences and progress quickly.

As the disease progresses, more specific and serious “red flag” symptoms may appear. These include a stiff neck, confusion or delirium, dislike of bright lights, severe sleepiness or difficulty waking, seizures, and a rash that does not fade under pressure. This last is a key sign of septicaemia, and you can use the “glass test” to help identify it. Press a clear glass firmly against the glass. If it doesn’t fade under this pressure, contact a doctor straight away.

It’s crucial to stress that not all cases will show a rash, and no single symptom alone proves meningitis. But the combination of severe headache with fever, stiff neck, rash or rapid deterioration should prompt urgent suspicion.

If a friend shows symptoms

If you notice a friend exhibiting any concerning signs – especially rapid worsening over hours – take them seriously. Public health advice is clear: if symptoms are worrying or escalating, seek medical help immediately. In the UK, that means contacting NHS 111 for advice, or calling 999 if they are seriously unwell.

Check on your friend regularly, don’t dismiss symptoms as “just a hangover” and err on the side of urgency when in doubt. Early treatment with antibiotics can be lifesaving.

Acting quickly is vital

The Kent outbreak is a stark reminder that although meningococcal disease is uncommon, when it does occur it can progress rapidly and have devastating consequences. Students and young people, in particular, should be aware that illness can be serious even in previously healthy individuals. Early recognition and rapid medical response are vital and vaccination and awareness are primary tools for prevention.

While public health authorities work to contain outbreaks, the first line of defence is individuals and communities. Knowing the symptoms, acting quickly if someone becomes ill, and encouraging vaccination can make the difference between a contained case and a fatal outcome. In meningitis, the disease can escalate within hours. Early recognition and immediate action can save lives.

The Conversation

Manal Mohammed does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Kent meningitis outbreak: what students need to know – https://theconversation.com/kent-meningitis-outbreak-what-students-need-to-know-278449

The shot that could stop cancer before it begins – and why getting it early matters

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jiayao Lei, Assistant Professor in Epidemiology, Karolinska Institutet

Halfpoint/Shutterstock

When 12-year-olds receive a letter from the school nurse about the HPV vaccine, their reactions are often mixed. Some students worry about the needle. Others wonder why they need a vaccine for something they have never heard of.

What many of them may not realise is that this routine school vaccination protects against a virus that can cause cancer later in life. For many students, the letter is the first time they encounter a remarkable idea: that a vaccine can help prevent cancer before it even starts.

The evidence for that protection is now becoming clear. In our recent study, we analysed long-term health data from girls and young women followed for nearly two decades and found that the HPV vaccine greatly reduces the risk of cervical cancer.

This matters because cervical cancer remains one of the most common cancers affecting women worldwide, despite being largely preventable. Importantly, the protection does not appear to weaken over time.

Human papillomavirus (HPV) is one of the most common viruses in the world. Most people will get it at some point in their lives, often without knowing it. In many cases, the body clears the virus naturally. But some types of HPV can remain in the body for years and gradually damage cells. Over time, this can lead to cancer.

How the HPV vaccine prevents cancer

HPV causes almost all cervical cancers and can also lead to other cancers in both men and women, including cancers of the throat, anus, penis, vagina and vulva. Because these cancers usually develop slowly, often many years after infection, preventing the virus early is the most effective way to stop them.

That is exactly what the HPV vaccine is designed to do.

To understand how well the vaccine works in real life, we followed 926,362 girls and young women in Sweden over 18 years in a nationwide population study. Some had received the HPV vaccine, while others had not.

Over time, far fewer people who were vaccinated developed cervical cancer compared with those who were not vaccinated. This shows that the vaccine helped protect many people from getting cervical cancer.

We also found that the age at vaccination matters. Girls who received the vaccine before the age of 17 were much less likely to develop cervical cancer later in life. In fact, their risk was about four times lower than girls who had not been vaccinated. People vaccinated later still gained some protection, but the benefit was smaller.

The reason is straightforward. The vaccine prevents HPV infection, but it cannot remove an infection that has already occurred. Vaccinating earlier, ideally before exposure to the virus, allows the immune system to build protection in advance. This is why HPV vaccination is often offered to young teenagers through school vaccination programmes.

Lasting protection

A common question about vaccines is whether their protection fades over time. The results of our study are reassuring.

We followed participants for up to 18 years after vaccination and found no evidence that protection declined over time. Once the vaccine created protection, it continued working year after year. Long-lasting protection means the vaccine can guard against the virus during the years when it matters most.

Many countries now recommend HPV vaccination for both girls and boys, usually in early adolescence. Vaccinating boys protects them from HPV-related cancers and also helps reduce the spread of the virus.

For many adults today, the HPV vaccine did not exist when they were teenagers. Younger generations now have a powerful opportunity: they can prevent certain cancers before they begin.

A future where cancers caused by HPV can largely be prevented may begin with a simple vaccine given in adolescence.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The shot that could stop cancer before it begins – and why getting it early matters – https://theconversation.com/the-shot-that-could-stop-cancer-before-it-begins-and-why-getting-it-early-matters-277006

Canada’s immigration system is going digital, and accountability must keep pace

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Marika Jeziorek, PhD Candidate in Global Governance, Balsillie School of International Affairs

Canada’s immigration system has long played a central role in the country’s economic and social development. Immigration accounts for most of Canada’s population growth and helps address labour market shortages across sectors. Settlement services support newcomers as they build lives and communities across the country.

As the number of people seeking to visit and immigrate to Canada grows, the way applications are handled is becoming more digital. This shift is reshaping how applicants interact with Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada.

Through its Digital Platform Modernization initiative, the department has been rolling out new online client accounts, automated processing tools and digital visas as part of a broader multi-year transformation.

However, as processes become more automated, it can be harder to see how decisions are shaped or how to challenge them. The growing use of automated tools has long been linked to changes in accountability and institutional practice.

In immigration administration, these changes are becoming visible in everyday interactions with digital systems.

Operational pressures

Canada processes millions of temporary and permanent immigration applications each year, placing significant pressure on administrative systems and processing capacity.

Much of this work is currently done through the current Global Case Management System (GCMS). This system was introduced 20 years ago when immigration processing relied heavily on paper records and centralized operations.

However, the system was designed for a different era of immigration administration. When GCMS was first implemented, immigration processing still relied heavily on paper documentation and centralized administrative workflows.

Over the past two decades, both the scale and complexity of Canada’s immigration system have expanded significantly. As a result, IRCC has begun developing a new case-management platform intended to replace the GCMS as part of the department’s broader digitization initiative.

A digitized process

Immigration administration involves some of the most consequential decisions the federal government makes about a person’s legal status, mobility and protection. Today, most people applying for Canadian visas or residency begin the process online rather than through direct interaction with an immigration official.

Applicants typically interact first with online portals, automated messages and document-verification systems before their files reach a decision-maker.

These changes are institutional as well as administrative. Canadian immigration law now allows electronic systems to assist officers in processing applications and making decisions.

A woman sitting on a couch working on a laptop
As the number of people seeking to visit and immigrate to Canada grows, the way applications are handled is becoming more digital.
(Unsplash/Brooke Cagle)

Advanced data analytics help identify routine applications and speed up processing. Across the federal public service, similar technologies are increasingly used to support administrative decision-making.

Client portals also shape how applicants interact with the state by organizing how documents are submitted, how additional information is requested and how applicants receive updates about their cases.

Migration files are increasingly managed as digital case records that move across government systems. This means applications may be evaluated at several stages of processing rather than only when an officer makes the final decision.

For example, automated triage systems can classify applications as routine before an officer reviews them, while online client portals structure how applicants submit documents and receive updates throughout processing.

Automation and the applicant experience

While these reforms are designed to improve efficiency, they are also reshaping how applicants experience the immigration system.

For many migrants, immigration now involves prolonged interaction with digital systems, document verification procedures and automated communication channels. Applicants may need to repeatedly upload documents, respond to automated requests for additional information or monitor online portals for updates over months or even years.

Limited visibility into timelines or decision pathways can make it difficult to understand how cases are being assessed, resulting in prolonged uncertainty and new administrative burdens.

These experiences may appear to be technical issues, but they also reflect deeper changes in how immigration administration now operates.

The shift toward digital and automated administration also affects how immigration officers work. Automation and triage tools have been introduced to manage workload and improve productivity, while also reshaping how responsibilities are distributed across technical systems and administrative workflows.

Caseworkers are increasingly operating within infrastructures that pre-classify applications and structure decision processes. But instead of addressing the source of administrative strain, it’s simply reorganized.

Keeping automation accountable

Canada already has several oversight mechanisms in place, including algorithmic impact assessments required by directives on automated decision-making.

These measures represent meaningful progress toward responsible digital governance. However, as immigration administration becomes increasingly automated and platform-based, additional safeguards are needed to ensure accountability keeps pace.

Possible measures include expanding public documentation about automated triage systems, introducing independent review processes and ensuring clear pathways for human review. Such steps would better align digital modernization with Canada’s existing oversight frameworks for automated decision-making.

Canada’s immigration system is often described as rights-based and grounded in equity, fairness and inclusion. Maintaining public trust in that system depends on ensuring administrative decision systems remain transparent, contestable and accountable.

Automation and platform-based administration are reshaping Canada’s migration. Efficiency alone cannot sustain public trust. As Canada modernizes immigration administration, accountability must be built into digital systems as deliberately as the technologies themselves.

The Conversation

Marika Jeziorek does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Canada’s immigration system is going digital, and accountability must keep pace – https://theconversation.com/canadas-immigration-system-is-going-digital-and-accountability-must-keep-pace-276741

Municipales : « Le triomphe autoproclamé du RN et de LFI ne correspond pas à la réalité »

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Frédéric Sawicki, professeur de science politique, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne

Si les bascules potentielles de grandes villes de gauche à droite (et inversement) sont mises en avant par les médias, elles demeurent rares. Les équipes municipales seront le plus souvent reconduites dans un scrutin qui échappe largement aux partis politiques. Les percées des partis « protestataires », RN et LFI, doivent, par ailleurs, être relativisées. Analyse du premier tour des municipales 2026 avec le politiste Frédéric Sawicki.


The Conversation : Quels sont les principaux enseignements du premier tour des élections municipales 2026, notamment en ce qui concerne l’abstention ?

Frédéric Sawicki : Selon les informations disponibles, le taux d’abstention est de 42,8 %. C’est bien moins que lors des municipales de 2020 qui furent perturbées par l’épidémie de Covid (55,3 %). Mais en 2014, l’abstention était de 36 %. Ces élections confirment donc la tendance continue, depuis le début des années 1990, de baisse de la participation en France, qui touche toutes les élections, sauf la présidentielle. Bien qu’elles soient présentées comme des élections de proximité, les municipales mobilisent moins de six Français·es sur dix.

Le changement de mode de scrutin dans les communes de moins de 1 000 habitants (la loi du 21 mai 2025 leur a imposé un mode de scrutin de liste paritaire et bloquée), qui représentent 70 % des communes françaises, a eu pour effet d’augmenter le nombre de communes où il n’y avait qu’une seule liste. Est-ce que cela a contribué à démobiliser les électeurs ? Il est trop tôt pour le dire.

Dans les grandes villes, les taux de participation sont très contrastés. À Paris, on est à 58,89 %, à Lyon à 64,45 % mais à Roubaix à 37 %. Cela s’explique en partie par un turnover important des populations – avec des personnes qui ne sont pas forcément attachées au territoire et qui ont du mal à identifier les acteurs et les enjeux municipaux. Il y a aussi le fait que beaucoup de décisions importantes sont désormais prises dans l’espace intercommunal, pour lequel les électeurs ne votent pas directement.

Mon autre remarque générale est que les médias se focalisent sur les villes où il y a un suspense, un risque de bascule, en cherchant à tirer des enseignements pour la présidentielle de 2027. Or, il est difficile de déduire de ces élections municipales des tendances générales nettes et des conclusions à propos des échéances nationales de l’an prochain. Les très grandes villes sont des vitrines pour les partis politiques, et pouvoir mettre en avant deux ou trois gains spectaculaires permet très largement de masquer le fait que, globalement, la plupart des maires de France sont reconduits dans leurs fonctions. En vérité, les municipales échappent de plus en plus aux partis politiques dans un contexte où de nombreux maires ne mettent plus en avant d’appartenance partisane, d’où la multiplication des listes « divers » (gauche, centre, droite, voire extrême droite) enregistrées par le ministère de l’intérieur.

Jordan Bardella, président du Rassemblement national (RN), a fait part de sa satisfaction au soir du premier tour en déclarant : « Les Français ont exprimé leur volonté avec clarté et, ce soir encore, une aspiration profonde au changement. » Son triomphalisme est-il justifié ?

F. S. : Le Rassemblement national va disposer mécaniquement en 2026 de beaucoup plus de conseillers municipaux qu’aux élections municipales précédentes. En 2020, il n’avait présenté que 325 listes contre 482 en 2026 si l’on inclut l’UDR d’Éric Ciotti, soit un surcroît de 4 300 candidatures. En revanche, il semble que, pour l’instant, il passe de 13 mairies à environ une vingtaine, ce qui reste modeste. En outre, en dehors de Marseille, Nice et Toulon, il n’est pas en situation d’avoir des conseillers municipaux dans la plupart des grandes villes françaises. Malgré un noyau électoral stabilisé depuis 2022 autour de 30 %, le RN se heurte à un plafond de verre faute d’alliés pour conquérir plus de villes. Là où il ne parvient pas seul à engranger la majorité, il doit compter sur le maintien des listes de ses adversaires pour espérer l’emporter à la faveur d’une triangulaire. Je relativiserais donc largement le message triomphaliste de Jordan Bardella à l’issue du premier tour.

Les Républicains (LR) pourraient-ils être tentés par des alliances avec le RN ?

F. S. : LR a peu de grandes villes, plutôt des villes moyennes et, là encore, les résultats devraient être stables. Le vrai problème de LR, comme du PS, c’est de conserver des élus qui s’affilient au parti plutôt que de jouer la carte « divers droite ».

Bruno Retailleau a appelé à faire barrage à LFI, considéré comme le seul ennemi extérieur à « l’arc républicain ». Est-ce une porte ouverte à des rapprochements avec le RN ? Pour l’instant, il ne semble pas que des fusions soient envisagées, mais il pourrait y avoir des désistements stratégiques entre LR et le RN. À Roubaix, par exemple, assistera-t-on à une fusion de listes LR-RN ou à un appel de la droite à voter RN sans pour autant fusionner ? Je pense qu’il peut surtout y avoir des dérives locales, des candidats divers droite ou anciens LR qui pactisent avec le Rassemblement national contre des postes d’adjoints. Bruno Retailleau ne maîtrise pas tout ce qui se passe localement et il peut fermer les yeux en assurant « Ce ne sont pas de vrais LR ». Cela est possible dans de petites communes, beaucoup moins dans de grandes villes médiatisées, car le risque de perdre une partie des électeurs serait important.

Jean-Luc Mélenchon, pour La France insoumise (LFI), s’est félicité d’une « magnifique percée » de son parti. Partagez-vous son analyse ?

F. S. : LFI devrait gagner Roubaix et a déjà gagné Saint-Denis, la plus grande ville de la couronne parisienne, c’est considérable, même s’il faut quand même rappeler qu’à Saint-Denis, c’est grâce à une alliance avec le Parti communiste français, qui, depuis longtemps, essaye de récupérer la ville perdue au profit des socialistes. Deuxième élément, LFI dépasse 10 % dans beaucoup de grandes villes, ce qui leur assure des mandats de conseillers municipaux qu’ils n’avaient quasiment pas jusqu’alors. Cela contribue donc à l’ancrage local d’un parti qui, jusque-là, était une machine présidentielle.

Pour la première fois, LFI a essayé, partout où c’était possible, de présenter des candidats – notamment dans les grandes villes ou dans les banlieues des grandes villes. De façon assez habile, le parti a mis en avant des candidats de la diversité, ce que les autres partis de gauche ont beaucoup plus de mal à faire. Des thématiques nationales et internationales – Gaza – ont été mises en avant, notamment la dénonciation des discriminations.

Reste que la performance de LFI est très contrastée. Si l’on compare aux européennes de 2024, il y a une forte progression à Toulouse, des progrès à Brest et à Clermont-Ferrand, mais pas de progrès à Lille, par exemple. Évry, en région parisienne, était considérée comme gagnable par LFI. Or, le candidat centriste a été élu dès le premier tour. À Paris, LFI a perdu des voix. Aux européennes, LFI y avait totalisé 16,7 % des votes et, dimanche, la liste Chikirou a obtenu 11,7 % : c’est une baisse très importante. Idem pour Nantes, Lyon, Nancy, Montpellier : LFI s’implante mais est loin de réitérer ses scores des européennes où le taux de participation était à peu près identique. Est-ce un effet des prises de position polémiques de Jean-Luc Mélenchon ? Est-ce un effet de l’union de la gauche choisie par le PS, Les Écologistes et le PCF ? Difficile à dire… Dans tous les cas, je relativiserais le « succès » de LFI. Ce qui est certain, en revanche, c’est que LFI pose un problème évident au Parti socialiste et aux écologistes : dans certaines villes, ces derniers ne pourront pas gagner sans alliance ou fusion technique avec le parti de Mélenchon.

Alors qu’ils avaient gagné de nombreuses villes en 2020, Les Écologistes sont-ils en pleine déroute ?

F. S. : Pour ce qui concerne Les Écologistes, il faut rappeler que la performance des villes gagnées en 2020 était en partie le produit de circonstances exceptionnelles : faible taux de participation, succès de Yannick Jadot aux élections européennes de 2019, discrédit des socialistes, mobilisation internationale en faveur du climat. Aujourd’hui, le contexte a complètement changé, et on pouvait s’attendre à des pertes. À Grenoble, à Bordeaux, à Strasbourg, les résultats ne sont pas très bons, mais pas si catastrophiques si on les rapporte, là encore, aux résultats des élections européennes et à l’inexpérience initiale des élus écologistes. Les résultats au bout du compte dépendront des fusions de listes, et la principale ville gérée par Les Écologistes, Lyon, contre tous les pronostics devrait leur rester acquise.

Quels sont les enjeux du second tour pour le PS ?

F. S. : Les dirigeants socialistes sont pris au piège de leurs divisions stratégiques vis-à-vis de LFI. En même temps, la forte autonomie laissée aux candidats locaux par Olivier Faure ouvre la porte à des arrangements pragmatiques. Il y a quelques risques de basculement de villes vers la droite, en cas de refus de désistement ou de fusion avec la liste LFI (Nantes, Brest, Clermont-Ferrand, peut-être Rennes). À Paris, l’avance dont dispose Emmanuel Grégoire semble le mettre relativement à l’abri de Rachida Dati. À Lille, Les Écologistes vont-ils s’allier à LFI contre le maire socialiste ? On va assister à une variété de configurations qui vont peut-être se traduire par des solutions ad hoc, des accords locaux. Ces accords vont-ils changer les relations du PS et de LFI sur le plan national d’ici 2027 ? C’est bien peu probable à court terme, tant les arènes politiques municipales et nationale sont aujourd’hui déconnectées.

Les résultats de Renaissance confirment-ils l’échec du macronisme à s’implanter localement ?

F. S. : Effectivement, Renaissance a raté le coche de l’ancrage local en refusant d’utiliser les moyens du parti pour développer des collectifs locaux. En 2020, le parti d’Emmanuel Macron a tenté de débaucher des élus sortants de centre droit ou de centre gauche sans beaucoup de succès, à la différence d’Horizons d’Édouard Philippe. Renaissance a quelques espoirs à Bordeaux ou à Annecy, mais cela restera maigre, d’autant que Christian Estrosi a de fortes chances d’être battu à Nice. Le parti de Gabriel Attal est totalement absent de Lyon, de Marseille et de Paris – alors que la capitale est un bastion électoral macroniste aux élections nationales. Les macronistes n’ont pas de quoi être optimistes, mais ils ne le sont plus depuis la dissolution de 2024. L’implantation territoriale du centrisme repose aujourd’hui surtout sur Horizons d’Édouard Philippe, l’UDI et le MoDem. Si on veut en faire un test pour 2027, je dirais que ces municipales semblent plus favorables à Édouard Philippe, bien placé au Havre, qu’à Gabriel Attal, qui dirige Renaissance.


Propos recueillis par David Bornstein.

The Conversation

Frédéric Sawicki ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Municipales : « Le triomphe autoproclamé du RN et de LFI ne correspond pas à la réalité » – https://theconversation.com/municipales-le-triomphe-autoproclame-du-rn-et-de-lfi-ne-correspond-pas-a-la-realite-278452

Quel bilan pour les nouvelles « forêts urbaines » d’Anne Hidalgo ?

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Serge Muller, Professeur émérite, chercheur à l’Institut de systématique, évolution, biodiversité (UMR 7205), Muséum national d’histoire naturelle (MNHN)

Forêt urbaine du parvis de l’Hôtel-de-Ville, à Paris, le 27 novembre 2025. Serge Muller , Fourni par l’auteur

En 2020, Anne Hidalgo s’engageait à faire naître quatre forêts urbaines à Paris. Qu’en est-il aujourd’hui ? Ces projets ont-ils vraiment fait naître des « forêts » ? Sont-ils suffisants à l’heure du changement climatique ?


Paris est une des pires villes européennes en temps de canicule. Pour changer cet état de fait, augmenter le nombre d’arbres parait plus que jamais nécessaire. D’autant plus qu’avec 14 % seulement de sa surface boisée en ne prenant pas en compte les bois périphériques de Boulogne et de Vincennes, et 21 % en les intégrant, Paris est aussi une des capitales les moins boisées d’Europe.

Afin d’améliorer cette situation, la maire sortante de Paris, Mme Anne Hidalgo, s’était engagée à planter 170 000 arbres au cours de la mandature 2020-2026. Parmi les opérations phares de ce projet figure la création de quatre « forêts urbaines » à Paris.

Six ans après ces promesses, et à quelques semaines des élections municipales, quel bilan peut-on faire de ces projets ?

Quels sont les sites concernés ?

Bien que les sites prévus aient changé du fait de difficultés techniques, la création des quatre forêts urbaines a pu être finalisée et elles ont été inaugurées avant les élections municipales des 15 et 22 mars 2026 : celles de la place de Catalogne en juin 2024, du bois de Charonne en septembre 2024 et du parvis de l’Hôtel-de-Ville en juin 2025. l’inauguration de la quatrième sur la place du Colonel-Fabien a elle eu lieu juste avant les élections, le 11 mars 2026.

Myrtus communis plantée dans la forêt de Charonne
Le myrte commun, arbuste méditerranéen planté dans la forêt urbaine de Charonne, 29 novembre 2025.
Serge Muller, Fourni par l’auteur

Le premier site correspond à la place de Catalogne dans le XIVe arrondissement. Cette place d’environ 1 hectare (ha), qui constituait un rond-point de circulation automobile avec initialement une fontaine au milieu, était totalement minéralisée et dépourvue d’arbres. Elle a été végétalisée sur 4 000 mètres carrés (m2) par la plantation de 470 arbres correspondant à 16 espèces différentes, soit une densité de 12 arbres pour 100 m2, complétés par la plantation de 1 200 arbustes.

Le deuxième site, plutôt linéaire, nommé bois de Charonne, est situé dans le XXe arrondissement sur une ancienne voie ferrée de la petite ceinture avec ses abords. Il couvre environ 2 ha. Près de 112 arbres de haute taille y ont été plantés parmi environ 7 500 jeunes plants d’arbres de 40 essences différentes, accompagnés d’environ 2 200 arbustes également d’une quarantaine d’espèces différentes. Cette nouvelle forêt est située en continuité d’un square existant de 1,5 ha, le « jardin de la gare de Charonne ». L’opendata de la Ville de Paris y comptabilise actuellement 295 arbres pour cet ensemble de 3,5 ha, soit environ 1 arbre pour 100 m2.

Présentation du bois de Charonne.

Le troisième site est localisé sur le parvis de l’Hôtel-de-Ville. Il est composé de deux espaces végétalisés, totalisant 2 500 m2, séparés par une partie centrale restant minérale.

Présentation du parvis de l’Hôtel-de-Ville.

Y ont été plantés, selon l’open data de la Ville de Paris, 46 arbres matures (atteignant jusqu’à 10 m de hauteur) de cinq espèces différentes (charme, févier d’Amérique, chêne chevelu, micocoulier de Julian et érable de Zöschen). D’autres arbres ou arbustes plus petits, d’espèces différentes (chêne à feuilles de phillyrea, arbousier, argousier), ont été plantés en périphérie de l’ensemble sur 850 m2, afin de renforcer la végétalisation de la place.

L’arbousier (photo de gauche et du centre) et le micocoulier de Julian (photo de droite) dans la forêt urbaine de l’Hôtel-de-Ville, 27 novembre 2025.
Serge Muller, Fourni par l’auteur

Le quatrième site, dont le chantier a été achevé, est localisé à la place du Colonel-Fabien (carrefour des Xe et XIXe arrondissements). Il correspond à la création d’une forêt urbaine sur 1 460 m2 avec la plantation réalisée de 79 nouveaux arbres.

Quelles caractéristiques de ces nouvelles forêts urbaines ?

Tous ces espaces ont été aménagés par désimperméabilisation de places minérales ou de friches ferroviaires, avec un apport important de terre végétale et la plantation d’arbres de taille déjà conséquente (hauteur de 3 à 7 m, voire davantage), accompagnés de plants d’arbres de plus petite taille et d’arbustes. Ces forêts ont été créées sur des superficies assez variables en fonction des disponibilités de terrain (entre 1 400 m2 pour la place du Colonel-Fabien et environ 20 000 m2 pour les nouvelles plantations du bois de Charonne). L’objectif est ainsi de constituer rapidement des espaces boisés relativement denses à partir d’un état initial de substrat minéral.

Chantier de la forêt de la place de la Catalogne
Chantier de la forêt de la place de Catalogne, 18 décembre 2023.
Serge Muller, Fourni par l’auteur

Mais ces espaces végétalisés sont-ils des forêts ? Pas vraiment pour la plupart, si l’on se fie à la définition retenue par l’Organisation des Nations unies pour l’alimentation et l’agriculture (FAO) pour qui le terme de forêt désigne un peuplement d’arbres d’une surface d’au moins un demi-hectare (5 000 m2) et ayant un couvert arboré d’au moins 10 %, ce qui signifie que, vue du ciel, la surface du sol recouverte par les cimes des arbres, doit dépasser 10 %.

Quelles différences avec les squares et les parcs urbains ?

Ces mini-forêts urbaines se rapprochent peut-être davantage des squares, jardins et parcs urbains de Paris, de type haussmanniens ou plus récents (comme le parc Brassens, dans le XVe arrondissement), en prévoyant également des aires de quiétude et de promenade pour les citadins.

Mais les boisements sont plus denses et les espaces de récréation plus petits dans ces mini-forêts urbaines que dans les squares, sans espaces de jeu prévus pour les enfants par exemple. La forêt urbaine de Charonne est un peu particulière à cet égard puisqu’elle est adossée au « jardin de la gare de Charonne », square de 1,5 ha créé en 1986, donc il y a quarante ans, sur l’emplacement de l’ancienne gare de Charonne.

Forêt urbaine de Charonne
Forêt urbaine de Charonne, 29 novembre 2025.
Serge Muller, Fourni par l’auteur

Ces forêts urbaines se veulent aussi plus « naturelles » en privilégiant comme essences de boisement celles qui sont indigènes dans le Bassin parisien ou la France hexagonale et en réduisant la part des espèces exotiques. Ainsi près de 60 % des arbres de la forêt urbaine de la place de la Catalogne correspondent à des essences indigènes dans le Bassin parisien, les autres étant de provenance subméditerranéenne, américaine ou asiatique. La même attention n’a toutefois pas été accordée aux arbustes puisque 95 % des plants introduits dans cette forêt urbaine correspondent à deux espèces originaires d’Extrême-Orient (la véronique arbustive et la menthe australienne). Quant aux plantes herbacées introduites, il s’agit principalement d’un patchwork de cultivars de fougères.

Forêt urbaine de la Place de la Catalogne
Forêt urbaine de la place de Catalogne avec fougères au premier plan, 20 avril 2024.
Serge Muller, Fourni par l’auteur

Plutôt qu’un mélange hétéroclite d’ensembles floristiques de diverses provenances, on aurait pu y expérimenter un cortège exclusivement subméditerranéen, afin de tester son adaptation aux conditions climatiques des prochaines décennies.

Ni véritablement des forêts selon la définition de la FAO, pas exactement des squares non plus, ces nouveaux espaces s’éloignent aussi d’un autre modèle : celui des micro-forêts Miyawaki, qui correspondent à des plantations très denses de jeunes plants (jusqu’à trois individus au mètre carré) de moins d’un mètre de hauteur et d’essences en principe uniquement indigènes. Or, ces nouvelles mini-forêts urbaines parisiennes ont pour la plupart des hauteurs de plusieurs mètres, pouvant même dépasser 7 mètres et aussi des densités bien plus faibles, de l’ordre d’un à une dizaine d’arbres pour 100 m2, sur des superficies en principe plus grandes, allant jusqu’à 2 ha pour les plantations du bois de Charonne.

Quel intérêt de ces nouvelles mini-forêts urbaines de Paris ?

Ces nouveaux boisements, devant nécessairement être adaptés aux potentialités et contraintes locales, sont assez diversifiés dans leurs dimensions et configurations (forme plutôt arrondie pour les anciennes places comme celles de Catalogne ou du Colonel-Fabien, au contraire allongée pour l’ancienne voie ferrée du bois de Charonne).

Forêt urbaine de Charonne
Forêt urbaine de Charonne, 29 novembre 2025.
Serge Muller, Fourni par l’auteur

Les compositions et structures des peuplements d’arbres et d’arbustes plantés apparaissent aussi assez variables, en fonction du contexte et des opportunités, mais avec toujours l’objectif d’adaptation aux conditions climatiques futures. L’intérêt de la prédominance d’essences régionales reste toutefois discutable dans ce contexte de changement climatique. La constitution de peuplements à forte diversité d’essences et structure hétérogène est un point fort de ces nouvelles forêts urbaines, qui doit permettre d’accroître leur résilience aux perturbations et aléas climatiques auxquels elles seront assujetties.

Ces plantations contribuent indubitablement, sur des surfaces certes modestes, à la végétalisation de la ville, ainsi qu’à l’augmentation de sa canopée et aux continuités écologiques. Il s’agit d’opérations pilotes, à fort impact médiatique et à coût relativement élevé, qui démontrent la faisabilité et l’intérêt paysager et environnemental de telles opérations de création ex nihilo de « forêts urbaines ». Il conviendra toutefois d’examiner leur évolution au cours des prochaines décennies.

Forêt urbaine de l’Hôtel de ville
Forêt urbaine du parvis de l’Hôtel-de-Ville, 27 novembre 2025.
Serge Muller, Fourni par l’auteur

Ces créations de forêts urbaines doivent nécessairement, comme prévu dans le « Plan arbre 2021-2026 » de la ville, s’inscrire en complémentarité et si possible en continuité avec d’autres types de plantations tels que des alignements d’arbres, des créations ou extensions de parcs et squares urbains, la densification des peuplements d’arbres dans les cimetières, les cours d’école, les places, les talus du périphérique et autres espaces ouverts. L’objectif doit être d’accroître encore sensiblement le recouvrement de la canopée dans la ville de Paris et la métropole du Grand Paris, afin de contribuer à mieux adapter ces territoires urbains aux conditions climatiques des décennies à venir.

The Conversation

Serge Muller est membre associé de l’Autorité environnementale de l’IGEDD (Inspection Générale de l’Environnement et du Développement Durable) en France et membre du Groupe sur l’urbanisme écologique (GrUE)

ref. Quel bilan pour les nouvelles « forêts urbaines » d’Anne Hidalgo ? – https://theconversation.com/quel-bilan-pour-les-nouvelles-forets-urbaines-danne-hidalgo-272531

How big data is transforming what we know about the universe

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Muiris MacCarthaigh, Professor of Politics and Public Policy, Queen’s University Belfast

NSF-DOE Rubin Observatory/AURA/B. Quint

Science in the modern era is increasingly reliant on enormous datasets and automated analysis. In astronomy, the Vera C. Rubin Observatory’s Legacy Survey of Space and Time (LSST) – a ten-year survey covering the entire southern sky almost a thousand times over the next decade – will test the limits of this reliance.

The Rubin observatory, located on a mountaintop called Cerro Pachón in Chile, is expected to catalogue the night sky in exquisite detail. The observatory aims to answer a number of questions about the universe by studying different phenomena in the sky, including supernovae (exploding stars), asteroids, dark matter and the properties of our own galaxy.

What it will also answer is a question dominating all areas of science in the 21st century: how is discovery viewed in the age of big data?

Although primarily funded by the US Department of Energy and National Science Foundation (NSF), the Rubin telescope is the product of a collaborative effort by astronomers spanning six continents and over a dozen countries.

Assistance in setting up its data processing systems was provided by the UK, France, Spain, Italy, Japan, Brazil, Australia, South Africa and Canada, among others. These in-kind contributions provide researchers from these countries with data rights for the LSST.

Alerts providing scientific data are forwarded to seven “brokers” scattered around the world. The brokers are websites or software that astronomers use to access the data from LSST.

The alerts provide information on a new astronomical object, such as its likelihood of being real, its type, the galaxy it belongs to and how its brightness has changed over time. With this data, astronomers are able to select the best candidates for follow-up research.

However, even with the efforts of the software teams and brokers, there is still too much transient data for any research team to sift through. The final stage of data processing from the Rubin telescope will involve scientists using machine learning and AI techniques to identify the best data.

These techniques may be for identifying real cosmic objects among the terabytes of false alerts received, or for classifying the ones most interesting to scientists.

Noir Lab Computer Room
The Rubin observatory will generate huge amounts of data, requiring large numbers of personnel to analyse it.
NOIRLab/NSF/AURA/T. Slovinský

Astronomy is increasingly code-heavy and focused on in-house development. Given the huge amounts of data generated with every night of telescope observations, it is, unsurprisingly, one of the first sciences to turn to machine learning as a solution.

LSST’s Informatics and Statistics Science Collaboration (ISSC), for example, is a group of over 150 data scientists who work on developing tools for astronomy, focusing on the survey’s data science goals.

Astronomy has led the charge in regard to big data, with funding provided by companies such as Amazon and Microsoft for a number of major projects. Indeed, the namesake of the 8.4-metre Simonyi Survey Telescope at the Rubin observatory, Charles Simonyi, is known for software development in the early days of Microsoft, as well as his philanthropic work.

The volume of data produced by the observatory will not only produce opportunities for scientists, software developers and tech workers, but also for volunteers with an interest in astronomy via citizen science projects.

LSST’s partnership with the citizen science platform Zooniverse will ask volunteers to look through data and provide additional context to what they’re shown – identifying interesting objects, discarding garbage data and classifying various types of phenomena.

Future lessons

What does the Rubin observatory tell us about modern astronomy? The 20th century saw a greater push for international collaboration in exploring the skies. The increased sophistication of the resulting observatories means that more and more astronomers are working in the service of enabling science, rather than making discoveries themselves.

The huge amounts of data generated by the survey, and the huge number of personnel required to analyse it, is not novel to Rubin. Other contemporary surveys such as Euclid and the Ligo-Virgo-Kagra collaboration, as well as the next decade’s even larger Square Kilometer Array, each consist of thousands of collaborators worldwide leveraging huge amounts of data.

What is clear is that AI will dominate the scientific discovery space of the Rubin observatory to meet these big data challenges. With more funding from industry to develop AI tools to analyse astronomy data, astronomy is becoming deeply embedded within the tech-sphere that dominates modern life.

Rubin will produce 10 terabytes of data every night, with the aim of a final database size of 15 petabytes at the end of its ten-year survey. With the majority of the 10 million alerts produced each night expected to be false, advanced machine learning and AI tools are required to filter out all but the most promising candidates for follow-up.

By reducing the amount of time spent by astronomers reviewing this data, more time can be spent carrying out new and exciting astrophysics research.

Ownership of both the tools of discovery and the discovery itself is now disseminated among scientists, big tech and the citizens who label data. The unresolved question is whether the cosmos will remain a shared public frontier, or become a domain shaped by the priorities of Silicon Valley.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How big data is transforming what we know about the universe – https://theconversation.com/how-big-data-is-transforming-what-we-know-about-the-universe-278115

Two people have died from bacterial meningitis in the UK. An expert answers your questions

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rebecca A. Drummond, Professor, Immunology and Immunotherapy, University of Birmingham

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An outbreak of invasive bacterial meningitis at the University of Kent has left two people dead and 11 seriously ill in hospital, prompting the UK Health Security Agency to distribute antibiotics to students in the Canterbury area. Here’s what you need to know about the disease and how to protect yourself.

What is meningitis?

Meningitis is an inflammation of the tissue lining that surrounds your brain and spinal cord (the meninges). Any type of harmful microbe, including viruses, bacteria, fungi and parasites, can invade the meninges and cause an infection. (The current outbreak at the University of Kent is caused by bacteria.) This can be very dangerous since the meninges function as a protective layer around your brain. When it becomes damaged, your brain and spinal cord become at risk too.

What is invasive meningococcal disease, and why is it so dangerous?

The bacteria that cause meningitis are called Neisseria meningitidis, and the disease can quickly spread from person to person if they have close contact. The bacteria invade blood vessels in the meninges, damaging them, and this causes immune cells to enter the meninges and produce molecules that trigger inflammation. When the meninges become inflamed like this, the brain can stop functioning properly, leading to serious illness and brain damage.

Neisseria meningitidis bacteria.
Neisseria meningitidis bacteria (orange).
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What are the symptoms, and how do I know if it’s meningitis rather than flu or a hangover?

Meningitis can look different in different people. Symptoms typically include a high fever (but with cold hands and feet), vomiting, headache, joint pain, a stiff neck and feeling unusually sleepy. Some people may become confused or distressed by bright lights and sounds. Some people may also develop a rash that won’t disappear when you press a glass against it. Babies may develop an unusual cry.

If you suspect you have meningitis, particularly if your symptoms are not typical when compared to previous hangovers or flu-like illnesses, then go to your nearest hospital or call for help. It’s better to get checked out than wait and see, as meningitis tends to progress very quickly.

Who is most at risk?

Anyone can get meningitis, but the risk is higher for very young babies and older people. Immune-compromised people – such as those undergoing chemotherapy – are also at higher risk for the infections that can cause meningitis. Outbreaks in younger adult populations, like we are seeing at the University of Kent, tend to happen because of the increased exposure and spread of the bacteria that can cause meningitis.

How does the infection spread?

The bacteria that cause meningitis can spread by close contact, such as kissing and sharing drinks, or through coughing and sneezing. Large events that bring lots of people together can therefore be associated with outbreaks of meningitis, because of the increased likelihood that people become exposed to the bacteria. This is one of the reasons why university students can be at increased risk for meningitis, because there is a lot of social mixing in this group.

A graphic showing where the bacteria infect in bacterial meningitis.
Where the bacteria are found in bacterial meningitis.
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Why are healthy students at the University of Kent being given antibiotics?

This is a precautionary measure to ensure that anyone who has been exposed to the bacteria, but perhaps hasn’t developed symptoms yet, is protected. The antibiotics will help kill the bacteria, hopefully before it has a chance to establish an infection or invade the meninges and brain.

Is there a vaccine against meningitis and should I get one?

Several vaccines are available to protect against the most common causes of bacterial meningitis. These are effective and safe medicines that prevent you from getting seriously ill if you do become exposed to meningitis-causing bacteria. The MenB, MMR and pneumococcal vaccines are all recommended for babies in the UK because they protect against bacteria that cause meningitis infections in young children in particular.

How is bacterial meningitis treated, and what happens if it’s caught late?

Antibiotics are the main course of treatment for bacterial meningitis. The earlier these drugs are given, the more likely the infection will be stopped in time before any serious damage occurs.

However, some bacteria can become resistant to antibiotic treatment. When this happens, antibiotics are no longer effective at preventing meningitis. This is why vaccines are very important for protecting yourself against these infections as they can work to protect you even against antibiotic-resistant bacteria.

What should I do if I think I or someone I know has meningitis?

Meningitis symptoms typically come on rapidly. If you suspect meningitis, act quickly. The faster that antibiotic treatment is started, the better the outcome is likely to be.

The Conversation

Rebecca A. Drummond receives funding from the Medical Research Council, the Wellcome Trust and the Lister Institute for Preventative Medicine.

ref. Two people have died from bacterial meningitis in the UK. An expert answers your questions – https://theconversation.com/two-people-have-died-from-bacterial-meningitis-in-the-uk-an-expert-answers-your-questions-278434