Forty years after the Chernobyl disaster, its legacy still resonates

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By David Roger Marples, Professor, Russian and East European History, University of Alberta

The explosion at the fourth reactor of the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant in northern Ukraine on April 26, 1986, changed the lives of thousands of Soviet citizens.

The plant was located 20 kilometres from of the Belarus border, near the confluence of the Uzh and Prypiat rivers and the Kyiv Reservoir. The area was remote, with scattered farms across a rural landscape.

Wind and rainfall dispersed the radiation to the north and northwest. The authorities evacuated the city of Prypiat, three kilometres to the north where 55,000 workers lived, 40 hours after the accident.

More than 70 officials in the Soviet Union’s ruling Communist Party fled the plant. Two operators were killed instantly, while 28 firemen and first aid workers sent to the site died of radiation sickness within three months.

Mikhail Gorbachev, the general secretary of the party’s central committee, had only been in office for six weeks at the time.

In March, he had appeared before the 27th party congress to announced “new thinking,” with watchwords “glasnost” (openness) and “perestroika” (restructuring). Nonetheless, the Soviet government’s reaction to news of the Chernobyl disaster was to stay silent for 40 hours.

On April 28, Soviet citizens heard that an accident had taken place, two people had died and a government commission had been set up to investigate.

What happened at Chernobyl?

The accident at Chernobyl occurred as a result of a safety experiment to determine power generation during a shutdown. It occurred over a holiday period with neither the plant director nor chief engineer present. To ensure the experiment’s success, operators dismantled seven mechanisms that would have safely shut down the reactor.

The graphite-moderated RBMK reactor, based on control rods, had an innate flaw unknown to the operators. It became unstable if operated at low power. When an operator lowered the power, it caused a surge that blew the roof off the reactor, spreading graphite from the core and creating a radiation cloud.

In early May, Gorbachev appeared on television but used the time to denounce “sensational” reports about mass casualties.

Members of the public in the main fallout areas of Ukraine and Belarus were desperate for information. Some 600,000 “liquidators” had the task of removing contaminated topsoil. Coal miners from the Russia and the Donbas region in eastern Ukraine constructed a shelf below the reactor to prevent it falling to the water table.

It took three years before Soviet authorities published maps detailing where radioactive cesium had fallen. The area covered most of Belarus, large areas of northern and western Ukraine, and part of southern Russia.

Thousands of liquidators died between 1986 and 1989, mostly from heart attacks. They were men in their 20s and 30s.

Thyroid cancer developed among children in Belarus by 1990, affecting more than 3,000. Ukraine placed a moratorium on building new reactors by 1990, and Chernobyl itself was shut down by 2000 with a roof (sarkofag or sarcophagus) over the damaged reactor.

Public reaction

As the scale of the disaster became clearer, anger and disillusionment grew among the population. In particular, many questioned why all the energy industries were under Moscow’s control, in ministries that had little knowledge of the local area.

In a way, Chernobyl created glasnost. Journalists wrote critiques of scientists supervising the accident’s aftermath and about the health consequences. The casualty rates far exceeded the totals publicized by the World Health Organization.

In November 1988, anti-nuclear power protests took place in Kyiv under the slogan “The Environment and Us.” Dr. Yuriy Shcherbak (later Ukraine’s ambassador to Canada) formed the Green World Association, which later became the Green Party of Ukraine. A popular movement called Rukh was founded in 1989 and focused on Ukrainian sovereignty, language and telling the truth about Chernobyl.

Both Ukraine and Belarus, however, were slow to accept political change. Party leaders did little to help overcome the aftermath of Chernobyl. A notable rift was evident in both societies between the scientific and party elite on the one hand, and activists, journalists and the general public on the other.

The aftermath of Chernobyl

In August 1986, a Soviet team arrived in Vienna to explain the causes of the accident to the International Atomic Energy Agency. Led by Soviet chemist Valery Legasov, it blamed the accident entirely on human error, ignoring more than 30 known flaws in the RBMK reactor.

On the eve of the accident’s second anniversary, Legasov committed suicide. He was demoralized by the authorities’ failure to heed his warnings about the safety of the reactor. He was likely also suffering from radiation sickness.

Anti-nuclear sentiment across the Soviet Union halted the vast program to expand atomic energy. Political movements in the Baltic States, Ukraine, Georgia and other republics coalesced, forcing the Soviet leadership to make concessions.

By 1991, Gorbachev limited glasnost and introduced the concept of a revised union of sovereign republics. Chernobyl was not the only factor in such a development, but it was a catalyst.

The plant has long been shut down and decommissioned, but its significance remains. Ukraine still depends on nuclear power for about half its energy needs. The Russian invasion saw a brief occupation of the defunct Chernobyl station and a takeover of Ukraine’s largest nuclear plant at Zaporizhzhia.

We should remember the bravery of those who fought the fire and cleaned the area. We should also remember the courage of ordinary people who defied the authorities in a quest for hard information and societal change. And we should keep the memory of the date, one of significant change in the former Soviet Union.

The Conversation

David Roger Marples does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Forty years after the Chernobyl disaster, its legacy still resonates – https://theconversation.com/forty-years-after-the-chernobyl-disaster-its-legacy-still-resonates-279715

Not getting enough physical activity may be harming your health: Here’s what being sedentary does to your body

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Scott Lear, Professor of Health Sciences, Simon Fraser University

Being regularly active can improve your mental well-being, reduce your chances of disease and increase your lifespan.

The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends that adults get at least 150 minutes of moderate activity (brisk walking, easy cycling) or at least 75 minutes of vigorous activity (running, tennis), along with at least two strengthening sessions, per week. But only 73 per cent of adults meet these guidelines worldwide, and 51 per cent of Canadian adults are considered physically inactive.

I’m a professor in Health Sciences at Simon Fraser University and I study how behaviours relate to health and disease. I also write a blog on the role health behaviours play in your health.

What is physical inactivity?

Physical inactivity is defined as not meeting the minimum guidelines for being active. Being physically inactive, however, doesn’t mean you’re not active at all. You could still be doing light activity, like general walking or household chores — just not moderate or vigorous activity. And in general, people who are inactive spend more of their time being sedentary.

Sedentary activities are those of very little or no movement and include sitting, lying down and standing. For most people, the majority of sedentary time is spent sitting.

Various studies report adults spend on average six hours per day sitting. But these studies are based on self-report. The few studies that have used direct measures of activity (such as accelerometers) indicate it may be closer to 10 hours of sitting per day.

This is a concern as the WHO labels physical inactivity as the fourth leading modifiable risk factor for death. It’s estimated that with a 10 per cent increase in activity, 500 million early deaths could be prevented.

Biological changes and health concerns

From a biological perspective, being inactive is more than the opposite of being active. This is because sedentary activities result in unique physiological changes. When you sit, your metabolism slows down. This makes sense, as your energy needs are much lower. It’s not much different from a car engine shutting down at a stoplight.

Prolonged sitting can lead to an accumulation of fats (triglycerides) in your blood. As your body needs less energy when sitting (or lying) down, production of certain enzymes goes down. One of those is lipoprotein lipase (LPL), which breaks down fats in the blood so muscles and organs can use fat for energy.

In rodent studies, LPL decreased when the rodents were inactive. With continuous sitting over months and years, the excess fats can impair insulin and glucose metabolism, and increase your risk for Type 2 diabetes.

Other health risks include weakened muscles. Muscles need movement to keep strong. If they’re not being used, they shrink and get weaker. Varicose veins and deep vein thrombosis can also result from the continually pooling of blood in the lower legs that comes with sitting. And over years, your risk for dementia, cancer, heart disease and early death rise.

It’s quite common to wonder if being active can compensate for sitting. The short answer is yes — being active, even in the presence of long periods of sitting, is better for you than not being active. But it depends on how active you are, and how much you sit.

In a study I co-authored, we found increased sitting was associated with early death regardless of how active you are. But the risk was worse for those who were less active. For those who met the WHO’s physical activity guidelines, sitting for more than six hours per day had the same risk as those who sat less than six hours per day but did not meet the guidelines.

Managing sitting and sedentary behaviour

We’re not going to do away with sitting, nor should we. Sitting is needed to provide time for rest and recovery. Also, many tasks are more comfortably performed while sitting. At present, there isn’t a specific target for sitting time, other than to reduce how much siting you do.

Standing is often mentioned as a solution. And the standing desk industry has exploded in recent years. While standing will result in less sitting, standing for long periods has a similar effect on metabolism as sitting. Other health concerns of prolonged standing include muscle fatigue, varicose veins and potential for greater risk for heart disease.

Replacing sitting (or standing) with movement is the best solution. Our study found replacing 30 minutes of sitting with movement reduced risk for early death by two per cent in people who sat more than four hours per day. But getting up and moving for 30 minutes may not be possible in all situation, so it’s important to reduce continuous, uninterrupted sitting time.

Breaking up sitting every 20-30 minutes with two minutes of activity (light walking, jumping jacks, squats or anything else) is enough to keep your metabolism running and manage insulin and glucose levels. To remind yourself, set your phone alarm every 20-30 minutes and get up and move.

Other ways to decrease sitting time include taking phone calls while pacing in the office and holding walking meetings.

While most people are aware that being active has health benefits, it’s also important to know that being sedentary has health risks. Physical inactivity can adversely affect your health.

The Conversation

Scott Lear has received funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, the Heart and Stroke Foundation, Novo Nordisk, Hamilton Health Sciences and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.

ref. Not getting enough physical activity may be harming your health: Here’s what being sedentary does to your body – https://theconversation.com/not-getting-enough-physical-activity-may-be-harming-your-health-heres-what-being-sedentary-does-to-your-body-273675

Consent is a core principle in the Kamasutra – what we can learn from it today

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sharha, PhD Candidate in Kamasutra Feminism, Cardiff Metropolitan University

We often assume, when it comes to sex, that women’s voices have only been taken seriously in relatively recent history. However, female sexual power and liberation can be found in the Kamasutra, which dates back to the 3rd century.

You can be forgiven for thinking that the Kamasutra isn’t an empowering or forward-thinking text, based on what you likely know and assume about it. But this idea is based on a colonial era misunderstanding that has been carried on and projected through popular culture representations of the “sex guide”. The man responsible for this misunderstanding is Richard Francis Burton who translated the text into English in 1883. This “translation”, however, was not a faithful one but more of an interpretation crafted through a decidedly narrow, male-centred lens.

In my research, however, I have discovered a very different text — one which could be seen even been seen as feminist by modern standards. The original text from the third century attributed to the philosopher Vatsyayana, and more recent translations and interpretations, present women as active, articulate participants in desire.

Far from a simple sex manual, it treats consent as central to sexual freedom, emphasising mutuality, enthusiasm and the right to refuse. Indian scholar Kumkum Roy describes how Vatsyayana believed that desire promotes harmony, supports ethical care and encourages mutual love.

Relationships in Vatsyayana’s text, and its more faithful translations, are presented as negotiated exchanges grounded in desire, communication and emotional attentiveness. Women are not passive. They voice preferences, set boundaries, initiate intimacy and pursue pleasure.

The verses depict a playful, warm exchange among close individuals, sharing comfort through humour, teasing, and using hints rather than direct words, creating an inviting atmosphere that draws them into intimacy and enjoyment. Take this excerpt:

They talk together about things
That they have done together before,
Joking and titillating, touching upon
All sorts of things hidden and obscene.
– Book two, chapter ten

As shown here, consent is conveyed not only through words but through gestures, expressions and responsive signals that require attentiveness rather than assumption. Vatsyayana states that a man should interpret a woman’s gestures and signals of sexual desire to gain her trust before making contact:

When these various erotic moods are evoked
According to the particular nature of the woman
And of her region, they inspire
Women’s affection, passion, and respect.
– Book two, chapter six

Indologist Wendy Doniger argues that the Kamasutra teaches a “sexual language” that extends beyond the bedroom. It is about reading cues, respecting autonomy and recognising desire as something co-created, not imposed, skills that should extend into all social interactions.

A Kamasutra manuscript page in Sanskri
A Kamasutra manuscript page in Sanskrit preserved in the vaults of the Raghunath Temple in Jammu & Kashmir.
Wikimedia

According to the verses, showing sensitivity and understanding in romance can really help strengthen a woman’s feelings and respect. Crucially, the text is clear: without a woman’s permission, a man should not touch her.

This stands in stark contrast to many contemporary experiences. Research – including my own, drawing on over 1,000 women’s accounts of coercion – shows how consent is often blurred, unspoken or performed. As the feminist academic and activist, Fiona Vera-Gray has documented, women frequently feel pressure to comply, sometimes faking desire or orgasms to meet expectations.

Revisiting the Kamasutra through a feminist lens reveals something striking: an ancient framework that centres women’s agency, pleasure and choice. It imagines women as confident subjects of desire – capable of saying “yes”, “no” or leaving altogether. In this sense, consent is not merely a legal threshold but a practice shaped by timing, reciprocity and mutual recognition.

What emerges is less a “sex manual” and more a philosophy: one that insists good sex depends on attention, patience and genuine agreement.

Even at the end, love
Enhanced by thoughtful acts
And words and deeds exchanged in confidence
Give rise to the highest ecstasy.
Responding to their feeling about themselves,
Inspiring mutual love.
– Book two, chapter ten

The verses remind us that it’s really the thoughtfulness, trust and emotional honesty that make love truly meaningful and fulfilling. Vatsyayana advises men to listen to women’s voices and become gentle lovers.

The Kamasutra in its true form challenges the idea that women should accommodate male desire, instead positioning their voices as essential to any meaningful encounter. Recovering this perspective matters.

When women are supported to recognise and express their sexual agency, the balance of power shifts. Consent becomes clearer and more mutual, and intimacy, in turn, becomes something that is enjoyed rather than endured.

This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

The Conversation

Sharha does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Consent is a core principle in the Kamasutra – what we can learn from it today – https://theconversation.com/consent-is-a-core-principle-in-the-kamasutra-what-we-can-learn-from-it-today-280620

How US presidents shift controversial actions abroad to get around limits at home

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andrew Gawthorpe, Lecturer in History and International Studies, Leiden University

When Donald Trump deported a group of Venezuelan nationals to El Salvador in 2025, it was the fulfilment of a long-held wish. Across both of his administrations Trump has pushed officials to find ways to brutalise immigrants, particularly those who are undocumented, believing that doing so will deter others from making the trip.

The Venezuelan nationals were destined for El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center, known as Cecot. When they arrived, according to a Human Rights Watch report, they were subjected to systematic beatings, sexual abuse and psychological duress.

The Trump administration amplified reports of conditions in the prison. Trump’s former homeland security secretary, Kristi Noem, for example, filmed a video inside Cecot in 2025 in which she thanked El Salvador for “bringing our terrorists here and incarcerating them”.

Trump’s deportations were a chilling sign of how easy it is for US presidents to sidestep the constitution. If Cecot were in the US, it would be recognised as a site of illegal abuses. The constitution’s protection against “cruel and unusual punishments” would cause judges to order it shut down – and it is likely that political outrage would not cease until that order was followed.

Yet by making an agreement with El Salvador’s president, Nayib Bukele, Trump managed to get around these legal and political obstacles. In a recent paper, I explored how Trump’s deportations are part of a broader pattern of what I call “presidential extra-territorialization” – American presidents acting in or through a foreign jurisdiction to circumvent the US constitution.

There is a long-term pattern of cooperation between presidents from both the Republican and Democratic parties and the leaders of foreign countries. It is a pattern that could have grave implications for the future of US democracy.

Outsourcing abuses

The ability of US presidents to engage in this outsourcing of abuses is rooted in two things. First, their control over the vast capabilities of the modern executive branch, with its array of spies, soldiers and law enforcement officials. And second, control over US diplomacy, which is enshrined in Supreme Court precedent.

In 1936, the court ruled that the president is “the sole organ of the federal government in the field of international relations”. This has commonly been interpreted as meaning US presidents cannot be constrained by the other branches of government when conducting diplomacy.

Combined, these factors mean presidents face fewer constraints in foreign affairs than in the domestic realm. They are able to avoid oversight from the courts and Congress by keeping agreements with other governments secret and by acting too fast to be stopped. If they can find just one foreign government willing to enable them, then what is not possible at home suddenly becomes possible overseas.

This lack of constraint was evident in Trump’s deportations. The US government sent the men to El Salvador despite a last-minute ruling by a federal court ordering their return.

And once they were in El Salvador, the Trump administation claimed it was no longer responsible for them and could not be expected to bring them back. The Supreme Court stepped in to pause further such deportations, but only weeks after the fact.

Kristi Noem receives a tour of Cecot with El Salvador's minister of justice and public security.
Kristi Noem receives a tour of Cecot with El Salvador’s minister of justice and public security, Gustavo Villatoro, in March 2025.
United States Department of Homeland Security

Other examples of the power and flexibility of extra-territorialization became apparent during the “war on terror”, when successive US presidents faced the issue of where to send detainees who were suspected terrorists.

If they were brought to the US, they would have had constitutional rights and could not have been tortured or indefinitely imprisoned. So presidents from Bill Clinton in the 1990s onward established a series of agreements with other countries to take and mistreat them instead.

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks in 2001, the Bush administration established a series of “black sites” in countries such as Poland, Thailand and Romania in which to hold detainees in secret. Abuses were committed directly by US agents, but still beyond the reach of US courts. The administration held prisoners at Guantanamo Bay in Cuba too, another place where the constitution’s reach was limited.

Presidents can also shift territory in response to attempts to constrain their actions. When the US Supreme Court ruled that detainees at Guantanamo Bay had to be afforded certain rights in 2008, the Obama administration transferred some detainees to Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan. Bagram was not covered by the Supreme Court ruling.

As a US court of appeals noted in 2010, the ability to shift territories so easily seemed to allow the administration to “switch the constitution on or off at will”.

Yet another example of extra-territorialization is the “Five Eyes” intelligence agreement between Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK and US. As part of this pact, members have been reported to spy on each other’s citizens – an outsourcing of surveillance that allows each to circumvent domestic privacy constraints.

The fact that Trump has engaged in extra-territorialization so openly, in contrast to previous administrations who tried to keep it hidden, is a stark warning.

Even when the president said he was exploring a proposal to send US citizens to Cecot in April 2025, he received little pushback from within his own party. This suggests they have accepted it as a legitimate strategy to achieve policy goals.

In the hyper-polarised atmosphere of contemporary US politics, extra-territorialization is threatening to become a regular tool of governance. To stop that from happening, it is vital to expose and confront it. But first we must understand it.

The Conversation

Andrew Gawthorpe is affiliated with the Foreign Policy Centre in London.

ref. How US presidents shift controversial actions abroad to get around limits at home – https://theconversation.com/how-us-presidents-shift-controversial-actions-abroad-to-get-around-limits-at-home-280769

Heritage is created, not inherited – as Korean pop culture shows

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anna Stein, PhD Student, University of Leicester

An exhibition at South Korea’s Yeosu Arte Museum. BtheJ/Shutterstock

The word “heritage” generally calls to mind the distant past. Ancient buildings, historic objects or traditions passed down over generations. “Heritage” feels old by definition, but it’s not simply something we inherit. It is something we actively make. What matters is not age but the decision to preserve, display and interpret particular parts of culture as meaningful.

Researchers have long argued that heritage is created through social and political processes rather than discovered fully formed. Professor of heritage and museum studies Laurajane Smith, for example, describes heritage as a cultural process rather than a set of old things.

South Korea offers a clear example of how this shift is playing out today. Forms of popular culture that still feel contemporary – including music, television and fashion – are increasingly entering museums and cultural institutions. Rather than waiting decades to be recognised as historically important, they are being treated as heritage in real time.

This challenges the idea that heritage naturally emerges from the past. Instead, it shows how heritage is shaped by present-day choices.


This article is part of our State of the Arts series. These articles tackle the challenges of the arts and heritage industry – and celebrate the wins, too.


For much of the 20th century, heritage institutions focused on age, tradition and permanence. Museums prioritised monuments, fine art and objects connected to political or national history. Everyday life and popular culture were often seen as too ordinary, too commercial or too temporary to preserve.

This distinction has been questioned by museum and heritage researchers. Studies of museum collecting practices show that heritage is always selective and reflects contemporary values and power structures rather than neutral historical importance. Smith’s concept of “authorised heritage discourse” explains how institutions define what counts as heritage and what does not.

Even so, for many people “heritage” still carries an aura of distance. It is associated with what has survived time, rather than what is happening now.

What has changed is how quickly museums are responding to contemporary culture. Internationally, museums have increasingly collected popular music, film, fashion and everyday objects. The Victoria and Albert Museum’s work on contemporary fashion and popular music collections is one prominent example. In the US, the Smithsonian Institution has similarly expanded its collecting to include popular culture and everyday life.

Korean popular culture in heritage spaces

Korean popular culture makes this shift especially visible. The global success of K-pop, television dramas, film and fashion has drawn attention to contemporary Korean culture both within South Korea and internationally. This global circulation is often described as the “Korean Wave” or Hallyu.

In response, museums and cultural centres have begun collecting and exhibiting these cultural forms alongside more established historical material. K-pop costumes have been displayed in museum exhibitions as material evidence of changing aesthetics, performance labour and global cultural exchange, including at the National Museum of Korean Contemporary History. Television dramas are represented through sets, props and production materials that document how these programmes are made and consumed.

National Folk Museum of Korea
The National Folk Museum of Korea.
Richie Chan/Shutterstock

Food culture and domestic interiors are also increasingly framed as heritage. The National Folk Museum of Korea has expanded its exhibitions on modern and contemporary daily life, including housing, food-ways and consumer culture.

What is striking is how recent many of these objects and practices are. They are not relics from a distant past. They are things people still watch, wear, eat and listen to. By bringing them into museums, institutions are effectively declaring their cultural value in the present.

When popular culture enters a heritage space, it changes. Objects are removed from everyday circulation and placed within interpretive frameworks that encourage visitors to see them differently. Exhibition texts, display choices and narratives guide audiences towards particular meanings, such as creativity, national identity or global influence.

Research on museum interpretation shows that these framing decisions are central to how visitors understand cultural value. Korean museums show how quickly this process can happen. Popular culture does not need to age into heritage. It can be made heritage through institutional recognition.

This does not mean everything popular is preserved. Selection remains central. Certain artists, styles and narratives are chosen, while others are excluded. Research on museum collecting has highlighted how gaps and silences are produced alongside preservation.

Who decides what is remembered?

The move towards contemporary heritage raises important questions about authority. Museums, government bodies and cultural organisations all influence what is collected and displayed. In South Korea, heritage decisions are closely tied to cultural policy, tourism and international cultural promotion, as outlined in government cultural policy documents.

Audiences also play a role. Exhibitions focused on popular culture often attract visitors who might not usually engage with museums. Research on visitor engagement shows that popular culture exhibitions are often designed to be immersive and accessible, reshaping expectations of what heritage looks like and who it is for. At the same time, making heritage in the present carries risks. Not all voices are equally represented. Less visible or less marketable forms of culture may be overlooked, even as heritage appears to become more inclusive.

Looking at contemporary Korean culture helps make a broader point. Heritage is no longer confined to the distant past. It is increasingly shaped by the present and reflects what societies value now, not just what they inherit. Recognising this does not diminish the importance of preserving historical sites and objects. Instead, it offers a clearer understanding of heritage as an active process. What we choose to collect, display and remember says as much about today as it does about yesterday.

In a world saturated with popular culture, heritage is no longer something we wait for. It is something we are making all the time.

The Conversation

Anna Stein does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Heritage is created, not inherited – as Korean pop culture shows – https://theconversation.com/heritage-is-created-not-inherited-as-korean-pop-culture-shows-273613

Fining hospitals for medical misogyny won’t help women – it will hurt them

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Philip Broadbent, Wellcome Multimorbidity PhD Fellow & Public Health Registrar, University of Glasgow

At the back of the queue. toodtuphoto/Shutterstock.com

Hospitals that score poorly on feedback from female patients could soon see their budget cut under a plan unveiled in April by Wes Streeting, the UK’s health secretary. Branded “patient power payments”, the scheme would tie a slice of hospital income to women’s experiences of care, a measure designed to end what Streeting himself has called an “appalling culture of medical misogyny” in England’s National Health Service.

The instinct behind the policy is understandable. Women’s anger is real, well founded and widely overdue for a serious answer.

The current backlog experienced by women is the clearest summary of the problem. Nearly a quarter of a million women are on waiting lists for gynaecological care in England. This number has roughly doubled since 2018 and grown faster than any other clinical speciality’s waiting list.

In a survey of more than 100,000 women, half said their pain had been disregarded and overlooked. In the UK today, obtaining a diagnosis of endometriosis (a painful condition affecting roughly one in ten women) now takes an average of nearly nine years and roughly ten visits to a GP.

This is a cultural sickness. Whether the right response is to dock money from overburdened hospitals is a different question.

Pay-for-performance schemes for hospitals have a long and somewhat chequered history abroad. A US review found that American hospitals serving the poorest patients paid roughly 10% of all penalty dollars under Medicare’s quality programmes while taking home only 5% of the bonuses. Research has also found that such programmes risk widening inequality by diverting funds from hospitals that care for the sickest patients.

The surveys themselves are not without bias. Female, Asian and black doctors score lower on patient experience ratings than their white male peers, even when the care is identical. These scores often pick up charm, confidence and continuity rather than clinical quality.

Health secretary Wes Streeting carrying a red binder.
Streeting has a plan – not a great one, though.
repic/Shutterstock.com

The problem with importing this logic into England is that the hospitals most likely to score the worst are already in the worst shape.

Patients in deprived areas tend to be sicker and develop multiple long-term conditions up to seven years earlier than those in wealthier neighbourhoods – factors that drag satisfaction scores down without necessarily reflecting poor clinical care.

Hospitals serving patients in the most deprived areas recorded the steepest fall in finances last year, and the NHS as a whole is carrying a deficit above £1 billion, with more than 20,000 roles needing to be cut just to balance the books.

The inverse care law

Strip cash from hospitals with the longest waits, the hardest caseloads and the smallest budgets, and the women least well served to start with will find their care worse, not better. That is what the inverse care law, first set out in 1971, predicts: good healthcare is scarcest where it is needed most, and scarcer still where market pressures dominate.

The doom loop is easy to foresee: a struggling hospital loses funding because its ratings are poor; it cannot adequately recruit or retain gynaecologists; waiting times lengthen; ratings drop further; more money disappears.

The question, then, is what would actually work.

Do other policies show more promise? Between 2023 and 2025, England funded women’s health hubs – one-stop community clinics offering contraception, menopause care and help with period problems and pelvic pain under one roof. Evaluations led by Rand Europe reported shorter waits, fewer hospital referrals and better patient experience. Dedicated funding for the hubs has not been renewed and many face being scaled back or closed in 2026.

A deeper fix might be found within medicine itself. Much of modern practice was built around male bodies, and women were largely excluded from clinical trials until the 1990s, leaving drug doses, pain research and disease criteria mostly calibrated around men.

The textbook heart attack symptom of crushing chest pain is one more likely to be experienced by men. This is one reason why women are around 50% more likely than men to be given the wrong diagnosis when having a heart attack.




Read more:
Are heart attack symptoms sexist?


Women reporting abdominal pain are routinely sent through slow general clinics rather than dedicated gynaecology services. Resetting those defaults costs relatively little and tackles the bias at its source.

The reality is that this problem is bigger than any one solution can deliver. Women are dismissed in consultations, wait years for routine gynaecology and are misdiagnosed for conditions from endometriosis to heart attacks – issues that need clinical time, training and steady staffing, not budget cuts.

Obstetrics and gynaecology has among the worst vacancy rates in the English health service. One in five obstetricians and gynaecologists plans to leave the NHS within five years and nurses are quitting the profession at record rates. A scheme that cuts the budgets of struggling hospitals threatens to speed the exodus driving the problem in the first place.

“Patient power payments” has the appeal of borrowing the language of consumer choice. It reframes our cultural failure as a marketplace one. But a marketplace will always reward customers with the most power to walk away. And punish the hospitals left to look after the women with the least.

The Conversation

Philip Broadbent receives funding from the Wellcome Trust 223499/Z/21/Z

ref. Fining hospitals for medical misogyny won’t help women – it will hurt them – https://theconversation.com/fining-hospitals-for-medical-misogyny-wont-help-women-it-will-hurt-them-281079

From floppy discs to Claude Mythos, how ransomware grew into a multibillion-dollar industry

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anja Shortland, Professor in Political Economy, King’s College London

jijomathaidesigners/Shutterstock

When evolutionary biologist Joseph Popp coded the first documented piece of ransomware in 1989, he had little idea it would become a major criminal business model capable of bringing economies to their knees.

Popp, who worked for the World Health Organization at the time, wanted to warn people about the dangers of ignoring health warnings, poor sexual hygiene and (human) virus transmission.

He sent out 20,0000 floppy discs that, when loaded, flashed up a demand for money to regain files that had supposedly been encrypted (in fact, it was just their file names). He was later arrested and charged with 11 counts of blackmail, but declared mentally unfit to stand trial.

In 1996, two Columbia University computer scientists published a paper explaining how criminals could use more sophisticated versions of Popp’s scheme to mount large-scale extortion operations. At the heart of this was malicious software that could be used to encrypt, block access to or steal a person or organisation’s files and data.

However, two preconditions still had to be met for ransomware to become a feasible criminal business: communication channels that were difficult to monitor, and a payments process outside financial regulation.

The Tor protocol, released by US intelligence services to protect their covert communications, solved the first problem in 2004. Cryptocurrencies solved the second – in particular, when bitcoin cash machines started appearing in North American cities from 2013.

Today, artifical intelligence makes malware coding and crafting convincing phishing-emails in any language simple. And the latest model in Anthropic’s AI system, Claude Mythos, recently proved more effective at hacking into computer systems than humans.

As an expert in extortive crime, I am increasingly concerned about public and political apathy to the threats posed by ransomware. To better understand these, it’s worth tracing its evolution over the past two decades – and how improvements in computer security and law enforcement, plus changes in data regulation, have led to new criminal strategies each time.

Cut out the middlemen

The first generation, which came to global attention in the mid-2010s, was known as “commodity ransomware”. A pioneering example, Cryptolocker, was developed by Russia-based hackers who infiltrated hundreds of thousands of computers, seeking to cut out the middlemen previously needed to commit financial fraud. They proved that a large majority of their victims would happily pay a small ransom to restore data that had been locked by their malware.

As both competent and incompetent hackers piled into this new market, victims shared information about rogue operators and put them out of business. This led to the second generation of ransomware such as Ryuk, which emerged in 2018.

In this phase, criminals abandoned the indiscriminate “spray-and-pray” approach in favour of targeting individual cash-rich businesses. They would set an individual ransom, negotiate with the company, and even offer to help with decryption if paid. Fast-rising ransoms more than compensated for this increased administrative effort.

In response, many companies began investing in multi-factor authentication, better threat monitoring, advance warning systems and software patches for known vulnerabilities.

However, these security benefits were soon offset by the impact of COVID on work practices across the world. The pandemic led to widespread remote working, with many people using unsecured devices and connections that were vulnerable to cyber-attack.

A multibillion-dollar industry

The next ransomware innovation was driven by the emergence of back-up systems that enabled companies to restore encrypted files without the criminals’ help. This was coupled with the emergence of tighter data privacy regulation such as GDPR in Europe and the UK.

Invented in 2019, third-generation ransomware weaponised these regulations, which threatened firms with massive fines if confidential data about clients or staff was revealed. The criminal gangs now sought out and exfiltrated an organisation’s most sensitive files, then threatened to publicise them through dedicated dark web leak sites.

This so-called double-extortion model – encrypting an organisation’s data while threatening to make it public – brought many businesses back to the negotiation table.

Ransomware had become a multibillion-dollar industry – with the Conti gang, sheltered by Russia and employing hundreds of people, among the key players setting new records for ransomware demands. Its attacks on critical infrastructure and hospitals saw it sanctioned by the UK government in 2023.

Video: BBC News.

This new approach forced many governments to row back on imposing hefty fines for data breaches, since many were the result of criminal attacks. Meanwhile, new initiatives by law enforcement – supported by the private sector – targeted and broke up the largest and most egregious ransomware gangs.

Today’s fourth generation of ransomware, building on the latest AI technology, looks nimbler and slimmed-down in comparison. Anyone who gains access to a network can lease weapons-grade malware on the dark web without forming long-term ties with a particular gang.

Advanced AI-based hacking tools make ransomware accessible to many more criminals and politically motivated hacktivists. And around one-quarter of breaches still result in ransom payments. For criminals sheltered by their governments, only the digital infrastructure is at risk of being taken down by western law enforcement.

Lessons not learned

While coverage of Claude Mythos suggests even the most sophisticated cyber defences could now be vulnerable, the troubling reality is that many individuals and organisations are still using out-of date, unpatched or only partially upgraded software. This means even early-generation ransomware techniques are still lucrative.

While Popp sent out his floppy discs to promote better sexual hygiene, today’s poor cyberhygiene is leaving many public and private networks open to malware attacks. The intended lesson of his original ransomware caper – be vigilant and properly heed health warnings – has still only been partially learnt in the digital world.

Many western societies appear to have grown accepting of criminals leaching on business conducted on the internet. Not even a steady stream of human fatalities, caused by attacks on hospitals and medical providers, has generated the level of response required to stamp out this dangerous threat.

The hope that governments sheltering cybercriminals can be encouraged (or forced) to stop them targeting critical national infrastructure appears increasingly fragile amid current geopolitical tensions. At all levels of society, we need to get smarter about cyber defence.

The Conversation

Anja Shortland does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment. Anja’s latest book, We Know You Can Pay a Million: Inside the Dark Economy of Hacking and Ransomware, is published by Profile Books.

ref. From floppy discs to Claude Mythos, how ransomware grew into a multibillion-dollar industry – https://theconversation.com/from-floppy-discs-to-claude-mythos-how-ransomware-grew-into-a-multibillion-dollar-industry-281000

Los materiales más avanzados se abren paso en Europa

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By José Manuel Torralba, Catedrático de la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, IMDEA MATERIALES

shutterstock Pardion/Shutterstock

¿Ionogeles para pieles electrónicas? ¿Sólidos que podrán utilizarse como sensores para interfaces cerebro-máquina? Estos son solo dos ejemplos de la versatilidad de una potente colección de supermateriales que se están desarrollando en laboratorios y que ya están en la línea de salida. Constituyen la base de innovaciones que abarcan desde la energía y la electrónica hasta la salud, la robótica o la sostenibilidad ambiental. Y no son ciencia ficción.

El informe SAPEA les abre paso

El grupo de Asesores Científicos Principales de la Comisión Europea publicó hace semanas un documento fundamental sobre materiales avanzados, un área que promete transformar sectores como la energía, la construcción, la movilidad, la electrónica e incluso la salud. El scoping paper analizaba las fortalezas y debilidades de la Unión Europea en este ámbito y planteaba preguntas cruciales sobre cómo mantener el liderazgo frente a Estados Unidos y China.

Para contestar esas preguntas, ahora ve la luz el documento titulado SAPEA Evidence Review Report on Advanced Materials, que está llamado a ser una referencia en los futuros planes de investigación, tanto europeos como nacionales, en el ámbito de los materiales avanzados.

Y no todo vale. Aquí no se trata de hacer una buena película. En el siglo XXI, y ante problemas vinculados con el cambio climático y la necesidad de usar materias primas no críticas y energías limpias que no generen gases de efecto invernadero, los nuevos materiales tienen que ser seguros y sostenibles desde el diseño. No solo deben ser buenos y permitir saltos disruptivos en todas las tecnologías: además, tienen que resultar eficientes en su diseño, sostenibles y reciclables.

A continuación exponemos sucintamente algunos ejemplos de qué materiales estamos hablando.

Terapia fototérmica contra el cáncer

Casi todos hemos oído hablar del grafeno, pero hay otras familias de materiales formados con nanocapas menos conocidos y con un potencial enorme: los Mxenos.

Mientras que el grafeno está constituido por carbono, los MXenos se llaman así porque están formados por un metal de transición (como el titanio o el molibdeno, la M del nombre) y carbono o nitrógeno para formar carburos o nitruros (la X del nombre).

Tal complejidad da a estos materiales una gran versatilidad de posibles aplicaciones: almacenamiento de energía (baterías de carga ultrarrápida y supercondensadores más eficientes), medio ambiente y energía limpia (catalizadores para producir hidrógeno verde y procesos de descarbonización).

También abundan las aplicaciones para la salud –por ejemplo, para combatir bacterias resistentes– y en la industria –para fabricar recubrimientos anticorrosivos, aditivos en grasas lubricantes avanzadas, etcétera–.

Una de las aplicaciones médicas más prometedoras de los MXenos son las terapias fototérmicas en el tratamiento del cáncer. Gracias a su excelente capacidad para absorber luz en el espectro infrarrojo cercano (NIR) y convertirla eficientemente en calor, permiten realizar tratamientos oncológicos de muy alta precisión.

Ionogeles para pieles electrónicas

Los ionogeles son una clase de materiales híbridos compuestos por una matriz sólida (generalmente un polímero o una red inorgánica) que permite almacenar en su interior un líquido iónico. Tienen una altísima conductividad iónica, son muy estables incluso a elevadas temperaturas, resultan difícilmente inflamables (lo que los hace adecuados para dispositivos electrónicos) y permiten una gran versatilidad de diseño.

Dependiendo del polímero utilizado, pueden ser biocompatibles. Hoy ya se emplean como electrolitos sólidos en baterías, en biomedicina (para la liberación controlada de fármacos y la inmovilización de enzimas) y en electrónica en dispositivos portátiles, que también se pueden imprimir en 3D.

Además, en un futuro próximo podremos ver aplicaciones muy disruptivas. Una de ellas es el desarrollo de pieles electrónicas para robots o para prótesis. Estas coberturas podrían sentir presión, temperatura o textura, como la piel humana. Las prótesis que las incorporen serán capaces de enviar señales sensoriales directamente al sistema nervioso del usuario, devolviendo el sentido del tacto.

Un último ejemplo de uso sería el desarrollo de biosensores lavables. Podríamos pensar en una camiseta que monitorice el ritmo cardíaco, la respiración o el sudor sin necesidad de parches o adhesivos. Los ionogeles permitirán crear sensores textiles resistentes al agua, antibacterianos y lavables en una lavadora sin perder sus funciones.

Sólidos con centros de color

Los centros de color son defectos puntuales en la estructura de un sólido cristalino que absorben y emiten luz, otorgando color a materiales que normalmente serían incoloros. Son la base de muchas tecnologías disruptivas: microchips sensibles a los campos magnéticos que permitirían la navegación sin depender de satélites (leyendo variaciones del magnetismo de la Tierra) o sensores para interfaces cerebro-máquina, capaces de detectar pequeñísimas señales magnéticas de las neuronas.

Estos materiales podrían sustituir a los cúbits superconductores, es decir, a los circuitos electrónicos minúsculos –enfriados a temperaturas cercanas al cero absoluto– que son la base de procesadores cuánticos comerciales. También pueden utilizarse en nanomedicina y diagnóstico celular, porque pueden introducirse en células vivas sin dañarlas. Así, los sólidos con centro de color serían capaces de medir variaciones de temperatura de milésimas de grado dentro de una célula, lo que ayudaría a detectar procesos metabólicos anómalos o etapas tempranas de enfermedades como el cáncer.

La alta entropía

En los últimos años se han desarrollado las aleaciones llamadas multielemento o de alta entropía, con propiedades excepcionales en diversos ámbitos, como el comportamiento a alta temperatura, la corrosión o la tenacidad. Eso las valida para industrias donde se requieren muy altas prestaciones para llegar más lejos y, además, con menos peso.

Estas aleaciones pueden diseñarse con todo el abanico de elementos de la tabla periódica. Su desarrollo coincide con un momento en el que la preocupación por el uso de metales críticos obliga a replantear su utilización.

Su aparición también ocurre en paralelo a la eclosión del diseño mediante herramientas de modelización y selección, acopladas con herramientas de inteligencia artificial. Esto abre la posibilidad de utilizar composiciones complejas provenientes del reciclado de residuos electrónicos o el uso integral de chatarras.

Las fortalezas de Europa

El documento que acaba de publicarse complementa otro informe publicado el 18 de diciembre de 2025 publicado por el Joint Research Centre de la Comisión Europea. Éste incluye 27 fichas por país con una visión general del rendimiento y el potencial de cada Estado miembro.

Aunque actualmente la UE va a la zaga de Estados Unidos y China en lo que respecta al número total de patentes de materiales avanzados, el informe concluye que la Unión Europea cuenta con capacidades tecnológicas suficientes en campos de tecnología media, como los textiles y la construcción, para cerrar la brecha de innovación en determinados ámbitos, como los biomateriales, los cementos y los materiales de vidrio y cerámica.

Sin embargo, a la Comisión Europea le preocupa la posibilidad de que la UE se quede atrás en tecnologías clave que pueden fortalecer el crecimiento económico, la competitividad, la autonomía estratégica y la transformación digital y ecológica. Los materiales avanzados tienen el potencial de transformar la industria y permitir innovaciones revolucionarias que eviten que Europa pierda el paso. El documento que se acaba de publicar nos da las claves.

The Conversation

José Manuel Torralba no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Los materiales más avanzados se abren paso en Europa – https://theconversation.com/los-materiales-mas-avanzados-se-abren-paso-en-europa-271644

Venice is sinking – we analysed every plan to save it, and none would preserve the city as we know it

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Robert James Nicholls, Professor of Climate Adaptation, University of East Anglia

Venice has co-existed with the sea throughout its 1,500-year history, perhaps better than any other city on earth. Yet over the past century it has flooded increasingly often, as the sea rises and the city itself sinks under its own weight.

We recently published an academic analysis of the various options Venice has to ensure its long-term survival.

Our study compares a range of possible strategies against different degrees of sea-level rise. These include maintaining the current system of mobile barriers, building ring dykes to separate the city from the lagoon in which it sits, enclosing the whole lagoon within a much larger defence system, or – in the most extreme case – relocating much of the city and its population inland.

Each option becomes relevant at different points as sea levels rise. The city’s flood defences have already been upgraded substantially, at a cost of €6 billion (£5.2 billion). This involves a series of huge steel gates attached to the seafloor, known as the Mose barriers. When raised, these barriers effectively seal off the Venetian Lagoon from the wider Mediterranean Sea.

Steel barriers rising from the water
Mose barriers sealing Venice off from the sea.
Zaltrona / shutterstock

The Mose barriers mean the flood risks are currently manageable, but the frequency of their use is rising. In the first five years of use (between 2020 and 2025) the system was closed for 108 high waters, while in the first two months of 2026 it was activated 30 times. And as sea levels continue to climb, it would need to be closed more and more often – potentially for weeks at a time each year.

This creates a series of problems. Frequent closures would disrupt shipping and tourism, alter the lagoon’s ecology, and would require major new systems for sewage treatment and huge pumps to maintain lagoon water levels. A system designed for occasional protection risks becoming a semi-permanent barrier – something it was never intended to be.

With additional measures, such as raising the city by injecting sea water into the rocks deep underground, reversing the subsidence to some degree, these barriers could remain effective for some time – perhaps even after a metre of sea-level rise.

But even under relatively low levels of warming, the sea is projected to keep rising for centuries, eventually pushing beyond what the barriers can handle.

At that point, more radical measures may be necessary. Building a ring of dykes around the city would physically separate Venice from the lagoon, but may be necessary by the end of this century.

Aerial shot of Venice surrounded by dykes
Venice in the 2100s? An AI-generated impression of the city surrounded by dykes.
The Conversation / Gemini, CC BY-SA

A fully enclosed lagoon – protected by a much larger “super levee” and supported by continuous pumping – could protect the city from up to 10m of sea level rise, but at severe cost to the living lagoon.

The only other option is to relocate the city to safer ground. This may be necessary beyond about 5m of sea-level rise, which is projected to occur after 2300.

Difficult choices ahead

The financial costs of these choices are substantial. We used the costs of Mose and other previous engineering projects (adjusted for inflation to 2024 prices) to estimate the cost of each adaptation strategy.

Diagrams of Venice's flood protection options
The strategies described in this article, with an additional line showing superlevees (part of the closed lagoon strategy).
Lionello et al (2026) / Scientific Reports, CC BY-SA

The dykes could cost between €500 million and €4.5 billion. Closing the lagoon with a super levee could initially cost more than €30 billion, and relocating the city could cost up to €100 billion.

But costs aren’t the only issue. How do you even put a price on the cultural value of Venice? Especially as none of these measures will be able to sustain the Venice we see today in the long-term. Adaptation can manage change up to a certain point – beyond that, we are no longer preserving the present. Rather, we are designing a fundamentally different future.

Our analysis shows there is no optimal adaptation strategy. Any approach involves trade-offs between the wellbeing and safety of Venice’s residents, economic prosperity, the future of the lagoon’s ecosystems, heritage preservation, and the region’s traditions and culture. In addition, many of these measures can take decades to fully implement, so early planning is essential.

At least Venice is thinking about these things in a long-term way. Most vulnerable coastal areas are not. In fact, many continue to attract businesses and people, even as rising seas gradually narrow the range of viable long-term options.

With its long and unique history, Venice has particular challenges, but all low-lying coastal areas should recognise the danger of long-term sea-level rise and start preparing now.

The Conversation

Robert James Nicholls received funding from the Horizon 2020 program of the European Commission through the CoCliCo project (#101003598).

Piero Lionello has received funding from Italian Ministry for Education and Research (PNRR-HPC Center).
Piero LIonello is a member of the Scientific Committee of the International Centre for Climate Change Research and Studies
Co-coordinator of the MedECC network (Mediterranean Experts on Environmental and Climate Change)

Marjolijn Haasnoot does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Venice is sinking – we analysed every plan to save it, and none would preserve the city as we know it – https://theconversation.com/venice-is-sinking-we-analysed-every-plan-to-save-it-and-none-would-preserve-the-city-as-we-know-it-280891

Research at Chernobyl and Fukushima shows how radioactive materials move in the environment

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Eduardo B. Farfán, Professor of Nuclear Engineering, Director of the Center for Nuclear Studies, Kennesaw State University

Even decades after the Chernobyl disaster, damage to the containment structures risks radioactivity escaping into the environment. AP Photo/Efrem Lukatsky

When nuclear accidents happen, many people imagine radiation spreading everywhere and lasting forever. The reality is more complex. Radioactive materials move, change and sometimes disappear faster than people expect.

The Chernobyl accident in 1986 and the Fukushima Daiichi accident in 2011 released radioactive materials into the air, soil and water around those two nuclear power plants. The general term for the materials that got released is “radionuclides.”

Some decayed quickly, effectively disappearing without having done much harm. But others, mostly isotopes of iodine, cesium, strontium and plutonium, remained in the environment for many years, damaging human health and the environment. The mechanisms by which they do that damage depends on the material itself, the weather and the local environment. For example, cesium chemically behaves like sodium and potassium, which are accumulated in human tissues. Strontium chemically behaves like calcium, which is accumulated in bones.

As a nuclear engineer and researcher who has worked on tracking radiation levels and exposure in projects related to Chernobyl, Fukushima Daiichi, and U.S. Department of Energy national laboratories and nuclear sites, I have seen how science and engineering help measure, map and manage radiation to keep people safe. I study how radionuclides migrate because this helps predict where radioactive contamination goes, how fast it moves, and who or what might be exposed over time.

The most important lesson is that radiation risk can be understood and controlled. Human senses can’t detect radiation, but scientific instruments can accurately measure the amounts and types of radiation in an area. Once it is measured, scientists and engineers can make informed decisions about how to use well-established methods and modern technology to reduce risk.

How radioactivity travels

Cows graze in a grassy field marked with a bright yellow sign with the international symbol for radiation danger.
After the Chernobyl disaster, farmers in Germany were warned to keep livestock out of contaminated fields. Not all did so.
AP Photo/Frank Rumpenhorst

The major nuclear accidents at Chernobyl and Fukushima Daiichi released radioactive materials into the atmosphere as tiny particles. Winds carried these particles across countries and even between continents. Rain and snow brought them out of the air and down to the ground.

Soil plays a very important role in what happens next. Some radionuclides stick strongly to soil and do not move very much. Others move more easily and travel slowly downward through the soil toward groundwater or get washed into rivers, lakes and oceans.

Radioactivity also moves through water. After the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, radionuclides entered the ocean through direct releases and runoff. Scientists monitored seawater, fish and seaweed to track how radioactive materials moved and changed over time. Monitoring showed that radionuclides such as cesium spread through coastal waters but became diluted and dispersed over time, with levels in most areas farther out in the ocean decreasing and remaining low and relatively stable after the initial release. Continuous sampling of water and marine life also showed that radioactivity in seafood generally declined over time and distance from Fukushima, remaining within safe limits.

From soil and water, radioactive materials also moved into plants and animals, which posed risks to human health. For instance, grass absorbed radionuclides from soil, cows ate the grass, and radionuclides then appeared in the cows’ milk. The International Atomic Energy Agency, World Health Organization, and Food and Agriculture Organization all have programs that look for radioactivity in foods to keep unsafe food off the market.

An aerial view of a large building damaged by an explosion.
An aerial photo shows the Chernobyl nuclear plant just days after the 1986 disaster.
AP Photo

Measuring and mapping radiation

Though radiation cannot be detected by human senses, there are many proven ways to measure and monitor it in the environment. Scientists use handheld detectors such as Geiger counters, laboratory instruments and fixed environmental monitoring stations. These tools measure radiation in soil, water, air and food, helping assess exposure and guide safety decisions.

Modern technologies go further by combining detector data with imaging and mapping systems. These systems can create three-dimensional maps that show where radiation is located and how it spreads. Such maps have been used, for example, after the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster to visualize contamination patterns and guide cleanup.

Researchers don’t monitor radiation only after accidents. Many countries, such as the U.S. and European countries, also constantly monitor radiation as part of their environmental protection programs. These monitoring systems measure natural background radiation and look for unusual increases. This helps detect problems early and ensures that radiation levels remain safe for the public.

A 3D digital model from the Japan Atomic Energy Agency shows where radiation was highest and lowest at the Fukushima Daiichi reactor site.

Cleaning up radiation

When and where radiation is detected, managing it can take several forms, depending on the type of contamination and how much there is.

One common method is removing contaminated soil and transporting it in sealed, labeled containers to licensed storage or disposal facilities, where it is stored in special buildings that isolate the material from the environment and prevent leaks into soil or groundwater.

Another method involves covering contaminated areas with clean soil, clay or concrete. This approach does not remove the radioactivity but rather acts as a barrier that reduces radiation exposure and helps prevent contaminated particles from being spread by wind, water or human activity.

In some cases, chemicals are added to the soil to reduce the mobility of radionuclides and limit their uptake by plants. After the Chernobyl disaster, for example, national governments and international agencies applied potassium fertilizers to soils to reduce the uptake of radioactive cesium by crops. Following the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, large areas of farmland were treated similarly, and contaminated topsoil was removed and stored in temporary as well as long-term facilities.

Scientists also use computer models to predict how radiation moves in air, soil and water. These models help estimate radiation risks and help decision-makers choose the best cleanup strategy. The goal is to reduce radiation exposure as much as reasonably achievable.

Workers in protective suits and hard hats stand together.
People working on the cleanup of the Fukushima Daiichi disaster wear protective clothing to reduce their risk of exposure and contamination.
AP Photo/Issei Kato

Lessons learned over time

Long-term studies in the Chernobyl exclusion zone have helped scientists understand how radionuclides behave over decades. Researchers have examined how radionuclides such as cesium and strontium isotopes migrate through forests, lakes, soils and built-up areas, providing critical data for predicting long-term environmental and health effects.

These studies have shown that radionuclide movement is influenced by environmental factors, such as soil composition, moisture and biological activity, and that contamination can remain mobile and biologically relevant for decades.

Some of this work includes my own research and collaborations. For example, I have contributed to studies evaluating radionuclide migration in soils and ecosystems within and around the 18-mile (30-kilometer) exclusion zone, including how these materials move vertically through soil layers and accumulate in vegetation and wildlife. My work has also examined how radionuclides penetrate and persist in concrete structures in contaminated areas such as Pripyat, as well as how radiation doses affect small animals and ecological systems over time.

Overall, this body of research has improved understanding of how radiation moves and how best to monitor it, informing emergency response and long-term remediation strategies around the world.

Research has also found that straightforward communication is also very important after a nuclear accident. The public needs clear, honest and simple explanations about what is happening and what is being done to protect them.

In practice, however, this level of communication is often difficult to achieve during a crisis. In the aftermath of both disasters, investigations later showed that information provided to the public was sometimes delayed, incomplete or inconsistent. These communication gaps contributed to confusion, mistrust and increased anxiety among affected populations.

As a result, one of the key lessons learned from these events is the importance of timely, transparent and accurate communication. Emergency response plans today emphasize clear messaging, regular updates and the use of multiple communication channels to ensure that the public understands both the risks and the protective actions being taken.

The Conversation

Eduardo B. Farfán does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Research at Chernobyl and Fukushima shows how radioactive materials move in the environment – https://theconversation.com/research-at-chernobyl-and-fukushima-shows-how-radioactive-materials-move-in-the-environment-280007