Southern Baptists’ call for the US Supreme Court to overturn its same-sex marriage decision is part of a long history of opposing women’s and LGBTQ+ people’s rights

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Susan M. Shaw, Professor of Women, Gender, and Sexuality Studies, Oregon State University

A worship session at the 2025 Southern Baptist Convention annual meeting on June 10, 2025, in Dallas. AP Photo/Richard W. Rodriguez

The Southern Baptist Convention has lost 3.6 million members over the past two decades and faces an ongoing sexual abuse crisis. At its June 2025 annual meeting, however, neither of those issues took up as much time as controversial social issues, including the denomination’s stance on same-sex marriage.

The group called for the overturning of Obergefell v. Hodges – the Supreme Court decision that legalized same-sex marriage – and the creation of laws that “affirm marriage between one man and one woman.”

Messengers – Southern Baptists’ word for delegates from local churches – also asked for laws that would “reflect the moral order revealed in Scripture and nature.”

They also decried declining fertility rates, commercial surrogacy, Planned Parenthood, “willful childlessness,” the normalization of “transgender ideology,” and gender-affirming medical care.

This detailed list targeting women’s and LGBTQ+ rights was justified by an appeal to a God-ordained created order, as defined by Southern Baptists’ interpretation of the Bible.

In this created order, sex and gender are synonymous and are irrevocably defined by biology. The heterosexual nuclear family is the foundational institution of this order, with the father dominant over his wife and children – and children are a necessity if husbands and wives are to be faithful to God’s design for the family.

The resolution, On Restoring Moral Clarity through God’s Design for Gender, Marriage, and the Family, passed easily in a denomination that was taken over from more moderate Southern Baptists by fundamentalists in the early 1990s, largely in response to women’s progress in society and in the denomination.

Southern Baptists were always conservative on issues of gender and sexuality. As I was entering a Southern Baptist seminary in the early 1980s, the denomination seemed poised to embrace social progress. I watched the takeover firsthand as a student and then as a professor of women and gender studies who studies Southern Baptists. This new resolution is the latest in a long history of Southern Baptist opposition to the progress of women and LGBTQ+ people.

Opposing LGBTQ+ rights

Throughout the late 1960s and early 1970s, many Southern Baptists began to embrace the women’s movement. Women started to attend Southern Baptist seminaries in record numbers, many claiming a call to serve as pastors. While Southern Baptist acceptance of LGBTQ+ people lagged far behind its nascent embrace of women’s rights, progress did seem possible.

Then in 1979, a group of Southern Baptist fundamentalists organized to wrest control of the denomination from the moderates who had led it for decades.

Any hope for progress on changes regarding LGBTQ+ rights in the denomination quickly died. Across the next two decades, advances made by women, such as being ordained and serving as senior pastors, eroded and disappeared.

The SBC had passed anti-gay resolutions in the 1970s defining homosexuality as “deviant” and a “sin.” But under the new fundamentalist rule, the SBC became even more vehemently anti-gay and anti-trans.

In 1988, the SBC called homosexuality a “perversion of divine standards,” “a violation of nature and natural affections,” “not a normal lifestyle,” and “an abomination in the eyes of God.”

In 1991, they decried government funding for the National Lesbian and Gay Health Conference as a violation of “the proper role and responsibility of government” because of its encouragement of “sexual immorality.”

Predictably, across the years, the convention spoke out against every effort to advance LGBTQ+ rights. This included supporting the Boy Scouts’ ban of gay scouts, opposing military service by LGBTQ+ people, boycotting Disney for its support of LGBTQ+ people, calling on businesses to deny LGBTQ+ people domestic partner benefits and employment nondiscrimination to protect LGBTQ+ people, and supporting the Defense of Marriage Act that limited marriage to a woman and a man.

Targeting same-sex marriage

The gender and sexuality topic, however, that has received the most attention from the convention has been marriage equality. Since 1980, the SBC has passed 22 resolutions that touch on same-sex marriage.

The SBC passed its first resolution against same-sex marriage in 1996 after the Hawaii Supreme Court indicated the possibility it could rule in favor of same-sex marriage. The court never decided the issue because Hawaii’s Legislature passed a bill defining marriage as between a man and a woman.

In 1998, the convention amended its faith statement, the Baptist Faith and Message, to define marriage as “the uniting of one man and one woman in covenant commitment.”

The denomination passed its next resolution in 2003 in response to the Vermont General Assembly’s establishment of civil unions. The resolution opposed any efforts to validate same-sex marriages or partnerships, whether legislative, judicial or religious.

In 2004, after the Massachusetts Supreme Court allowed same-sex marriages in that state, the convention called for a constitutional amendment to define marriage as between a man and a woman. It reiterated this call in 2006.

When the California Supreme Court struck down the state’s ban on same-sex marriage, the SBC passed another resolution in 2008 warning of the dire consequences of allowing lesbians and gay men to marry, as people from other states would marry in California and return home to challenge their states’ marriage bans.

In 2011, the convention offered its support for the Defense of Marriage Act, followed in 2012 by a denunciation of the use of civil rights language to argue for marriage equality.

Close-up of several seated individuals looking ahead while listening to a speaker, with a few seen smiling.
Delegates at a Southern Baptist Convention meeting in 2012 in New Orleans.
AP Photo/Gerald Herbert

The resolution argues that homosexuality “does not qualify as a class meriting special protections, like race and gender.”

When Obergefell was before the Supreme Court, the SBC called on the court to deny marriage equality. After Obergefell was decided in favor of same-sex marriage, the convention asked for Congress to pass the First Amendment Defense Act, which would have prohibited the federal government from discriminating against people based on their opposition to same-sex marriage. That same resolution also offers its support to state attorneys general challenging transgender rights.

Opposing transgender people

A large audience is seated in a darkened hall, listening to a speaker who appears on two large screens at the front, alongside another screen displaying the words 'Dallas Annual Meeting.'
Messengers of the Southern Baptist Convention listen to remarks by its president, Clint Pressley, during the 2025 SBC annual meeting in Dallas.
AP Photo/Richard W. Rodriguez

This was not the first time the SBC had spoken about transgender issues. As early as 2007, the denomination expressed its opposition to allowing transgender people to constitute a protected class in hate crimes legislation.

In 2014, the convention stated its belief that gender is fixed and binary and subsequently that trans people should not be allowed gender-affirming care and that government officials should not validate transgender identity.

In 2016, the denomination opposed access for transgender people to bathrooms matching their gender identities. In 2021, the convention invoked women’s rights – in a denomination famous for its resistance to women’s equality – as a reason to undermine trans rights.

In its resolution opposing the proposed Equality Act, which would have added sexual orientation and gender identity as protected classifications, the SBC argued, “The Equality Act would undermine decades of hard-fought civil rights protections for women and girls by threatening competition in sports and disregarding the privacy concerns women rightly have about sharing sleeping quarters and intimate facilities with members of the opposite sex.”

This most recent resolution from June 2025 returns to the themes of fixed and binary gender, a divinely sanctioned hierarchical ordering of gender, and marriage as an institution limited to one woman and one man. While claiming these beliefs are “universal truths,” the resolution argues that Obergefell is a “legal fiction” because it denies the biological reality of male and female.

Going further, this resolution claims that U.S. law on gender and sexuality should be based on the Bible. The duty of lawmakers, it states, is to “pass laws that reflect the truth of creation and natural law – about marriage, sex, human life, and family – and to oppose any law that denies or undermines what God has made plain through nature and Scripture.”

By taking no action on sexual abuse while focusing its efforts on issues of gender and sexuality, the convention affirmed its decades-long conservative trajectory. It also underlined its willingness to encourage lawmakers to impose these standards on the rest of the nation.

The Conversation

Susan M. Shaw does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Southern Baptists’ call for the US Supreme Court to overturn its same-sex marriage decision is part of a long history of opposing women’s and LGBTQ+ people’s rights – https://theconversation.com/southern-baptists-call-for-the-us-supreme-court-to-overturn-its-same-sex-marriage-decision-is-part-of-a-long-history-of-opposing-womens-and-lgbtq-peoples-rights-258883

Reflecting on 20 years of the Aceh tsunami: From ‘megathrust’ threat to disaster mitigation

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Zulfakriza Z., Associate Professor, Global Geophysics Research Group, Institut Teknologi Bandung

20 years have passed since the Aceh tsunami, which left deep scars on Indonesia, especially for those directly affected. Aceh was also recovering from a three-decade armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement and the national government

Throughout December 2024, The Conversation Indonesia, in collaboration with academics, is publishing a special edition honouring the 20 years of efforts to rebuild Aceh. We hope this series of articles preserves our collective memory while inspiring reflection on the journey of recovery and peace in the land of ‘Serambi Makkah.’


Sunday, December 26, 2004, 7:58:53 AM (WIB, GMT+7): A 9.1 moment magnitude (Mw) earthquake occurred off the west coast of Aceh. The quake, originating from a depth of 30 kilometers below the sea, triggered a tsunami that devastated the province.

Research in 2021 suggested the earthquake’s magnitude was actually greater than what was previously recorded — 9.2 Mw. Scientists came to this conclusion after recalculating tsunami data using Green’s Function, a mathematical method that analyses how tsunami waves are formed and spread. This gave them a more accurate estimate of how strong the earthquake was.

From December 26, 2004, to February 26, 2005, the United States Geological Survey (USGS) documented about 2,050 aftershocks, a series of aftershock caused by the mainshock.

The effects of the 2004 Aceh earthquake and tsunami extended beyond Indonesia, affecting coastlines in Southeast Asia, South Asia, and possibly Africa. More than 227,000 people were killed, with Aceh alone accounting for approximately 167,000.

The 2004 Aceh Earthquake and Tsunami is known as one of the most devastating natural disasters in history. While it left deep wounds, it also demonstrated the fundamental need for disaster preparedness.

Tectonic map, megathrust zones, and seismic gaps

Indonesia is prone to disasters due to its location in a tectonically active zone where four major plates — Indo-Australian, Eurasian, Pacific, and Philippine — with convergence movement.

Comprising Earth’s rigid outer layer or lithosphere, a tectonic plate is a large, irregularly shaped sheet of solid rock that moves and interacts with other plates to sculpt the surface of the planet over geological time. These plate clashes have the potential to trigger massive earthquakes, particularly in western Sumatra, southern Java, Bali, Nusa Tenggara, the Banda Sea, Maluku, Papua, and Sulawesi.

A shift between two tectonic plates in the Indian Ocean resulted in a thrust fault, causing the 2004 Aceh earthquake. The fault stretched 500 kilometers – roughly the distance between Jakarta and Yogyakarta – with a breadth of about 150 kilometers. Known as a “megathrust earthquake,” the plates shifted by more than 20 meters, releasing enormous energy and causing tsunami waves up to 35 meters high – the height of a 10-story building.

Aside from earthquakes and tsunamis, tectonic movements can also trigger volcanic activity. Indonesia, which is part of the Pacific Ring of Fire, has 127 active volcanoes, making it the world’s most seismically and volcanically active region.

Between 1900 and 2023, Indonesia recorded 14,820 earthquakes with magnitudes greater than 5 Mw. Among these, 15 were more than 8 Mw, including the 2004 Aceh earthquake. Other big earthquakes, like those in Sumba (1977), Biak (1996), Nias (2005), and Bengkulu (2007), also triggered tsunamis, causing substantial casualties and damage.

Indonesia also has several megathrust zones – areas along tectonic plate boundaries prone to generating large earthquakes like the 2004 Aceh event. There are 13 identified megathrust zones near the waters off western Sumatra, southern Java, Bali, Nusa Tenggara, northern Sulawesi, Halmahera, and Papua. These zones are prone to generate quakes of magnitudes ranging from 7.8 to 9.2 Mw, capable of delivering major destruction and tsunamis.

Over the last 30 years, some of Indonesia’s megathrust zones have been releasing seismic energy. These zones were the source of major earthquakes such as 1996 Biak, 1994 Banyuwangi, 2004 Aceh, 2005 Nias, 2006 Pangandaran, and 2007 Bengkulu.

However, data from the past 123 years show that some parts of the megathrust zones rarely experience large earthquakes. This could be because tectonic movements in these locations are stuck, causing stress to build up over time. These “seismic gaps” indicate high-risk zones for future big earthquakes.

A seismic gap, for example, exists between the megathrust zones off the western and eastern coasts of Java. For instance, in western Java’s subduction zone, the slip deficit — or plate movement locked in place — has reached 40-60 mm per year. If this energy is eventually released, it might result in a significant earthquake and possibly a tsunami.

Advances in disaster research

Indonesia’s high disaster risk has attracted scholars from all around the world, particularly following the 2004 Aceh Tsunami. From 2005 to 2024, Google Scholar recorded approximately 1,000 scientific works on Indonesian earthquakes and tsunamis.

These studies have improved our understanding of earthquake causes and trends. For example, research on the 2018 Palu and Sunda Strait tsunamis revealed that neither was directly caused by earthquakes. The Palu tsunami resulted from an undersea landslide triggered by a 7.5 Mw earthquake on September 28, 2018. Meanwhile, the Sunda Strait tsunami was caused by the fall of Mount Anak Krakatau’s volcanic side.

Indonesian academics have also investigated big earthquake origins and aftershocks. Teams from the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), the Meteorology, Climatology, and Geophysics Agency (BMKG), and the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) have looked at aftershock patterns to learn more about where earthquakes come from and how they work. Among those closely studied are 2018 Lombok and 2022 Cianjur. This has led to new ideas for reducing risk and damage.

The Indonesian Tsunami Early Warning System (InaTEWS), managed by BMKG, continues to encourage seismic research collaborations. By 2024, the system would have 521 seismic stations spread across Indonesia. This extensive network allows for faster broadcast of earthquake data to the public, notably timely tsunami warnings after major earthquakes.

Mitigation requires collaboration

While scientists continue to investigate tectonic motions, accurately predicting earthquakes and tsunamis remains impossible. Therefore, mitigation and risk reduction are crucial.

Disaster mitigation efforts include public education and the use of earthquake-resistant infrastructure. These require the support of a wide range of stakeholders.

In 2007, three years after the Aceh Tsunami, Indonesia passed a Disaster Management Law, detailing risk reduction activities, including mitigation. This law promotes collaboration among five major elements: government, communities, academics, corporations, and the media — a framework known as the “pentahelix.”

The government acts as a regulator, the media disseminates information, corporations provide financial and technological support, communities serve as field implementers, and academics act as innovators.

Collaboration is essential for successful catastrophe mitigation. However, problems such as sectoral ego frequently impede efforts. For example, a refusal to share data across authorities can jeopardise earthquake research and mitigation efforts.

Finally, disaster risk mitigation is a shared responsibility. Building a more robust and sustainable mitigation system requires improved institutional coordination and communication.

The Conversation

Zulfakriza Z. tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

ref. Reflecting on 20 years of the Aceh tsunami: From ‘megathrust’ threat to disaster mitigation – https://theconversation.com/reflecting-on-20-years-of-the-aceh-tsunami-from-megathrust-threat-to-disaster-mitigation-245142

Lessons from Aceh: How language unites and segregates in conflicts

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Saiful Akmal, Chair professor, Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry

20 years have passed since the Aceh tsunami, leaving deep scars on Indonesia, especially for those directly affected. Aceh was also recovering from a three-decade armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement and the national government

Throughout December 2024, The Conversation Indonesia, in collaboration with academics, is publishing a special edition honouring the 20 years of efforts to rebuild Aceh. We hope this series of articles preserves our collective memory while inspiring reflection on the journey of recovery and peace in the land of ‘Serambi Makkah.’


In December 2022, the Aceh People’s Representative Council (DPR) officially enacted the 2022 Qanun (regional regulation) on the Acehnese language. This regulation mandates that the use of Indonesian, in any form of communications, from scientific works to public services, must be accompanies by Acehnese translations. This move reflects Aceh’s autonomy in preserving local cultures, a key demand of the now-defunct Free Aceh Movement (GAM), which sought independence from Indonesia.

The Aceh conflict that ended with the signing of a peace agreement in August 2005, less than a year after the Aceh devastating tsunami, stemmed from locals’ dissatisfaction with the central government. The separatist movement was triggered by economic inequality and natural resource exploitation.

The Qanun reaffirms the Indonesian government and GAM’s commitment to peace following three-decade armed conflict, as outlined in the 2005 Helsinki Agreement. Language — as an important element in culture — can aid in resolving conflicts. It can reduce psychological barriers and foster trust. Local languages, in particular, can strenthen nationalism by promoting empathy and cultural appreciation.

Language for political mobilisation

The use of language can excarcebate conflicts. It can be used to agitate and mobilise people, create hostile narratives, and be used as a propaganda tool to assert group identity and define friends and foes.

During Soeharto’s dictatorship era, the government’s nationalism policy emphasised the exclusive use of Indonesian as national language, even in regions with strong local cultures and languages like Aceh. Local languages are considered less important than Indonesian. This has led to a decline in the use and teaching of local languages in schools, which in turn can threaten the survival and development of these languages.

During the conflict, using Acehnese could be risky, especially in areas sympathetic to GAM. Speaking local language could lead to accusation of supporting the movement, often resulting in intimidation and arrests by the Indonesian military.

GAM, on the other hand, used Acehnese to raise people’s spirit and gather support during the conflict. Cassettes with songs in local languages played in villages created a sense of solidarity while drawing a stark line between “us” and “them.” This demonstrates how language can be a powerful tool in social and political mobilisation.

Language for conflict resolution

In Aceh, the role of local language in promoting conflict resolution is significant for the following reasons:

1. Reduces psychological barriers

In 2005, Hamid Awaluddin, a Bugis descendant and former Minister of Justice and Human Rights who represented the government in the negotiation of conflict resolution in Aceh, read ‘pantun’, a traditional Malay poem, in Acehnese:

pat ujeun yang hana pirang, pat prang yang hana reuda,” (is there rain that will not stop? Is there a war that cannot be ended?).

Although his Acehnese was not fluent, Hamid’s efforts were warmly received by Wali Nanggroe, Aceh’s cultural leadership, and other people who represented the local communities. His decision to use the local language had created an intimate atmosphere, which then helped reduce tension and increased mutual trust between the two parties.

Language in such contexts becomes a powerful instrument in a peace negotiation process, serving not only as a technical communication tool, but also as a symbol of empathy and respect. It allows the conflicting parties to feel more valued and share emotions, which then can pave the way for a more constructive and inclusive dialogue.

2. Strengthening the sense of nationalism

Case studies show that the recognition of the Acehnese language, identity and culture by the central government can foster Indonesian nationalism among the local communities. According to a research, building something from within, and respecting local conditions contributes to a more permanent peace-building effort.

The government’s move to acknowledge local languages of Aceh and Gayo as intangible heritages has allowed the people to use them in public spaces. As a result, this strengthened the sense of belonging of Acehnese people to the state

By providing space to local languages, the state shows respect for existing cultural diversity–allowing local communities feel more integrated with the national framework.

An inclusive approach

The establishment of the Acehnese Language Qanun is not without risks. While it is true that the Acehnese Language Qanun can increase nationalism because it makes people feel appreciated and recognised, it may negatively impact other ethnic languages.

Aceh is home to 13 other local languages. Enacting Acehnese as an official regional language can make non-Acehnese groups feel isolated, as evidenced by past protests from the Gayo community and other minorities.

For example, protests arose when being fluent in Acehnese became one of the requirements to become a local leader such as a Wali Nanggroe. Additionally, replacing the Gayo hymn with the Acehnese hymn in ceremonial activities has angered the Gayo people as the majority ethnic group in the area.

Without proper mitigation, this policy risks alienating minority groups, potentially leading to feelings of forced assimilation for minority languages. This will harm the efforts to build sustainable peace in Aceh. Therefore, an inclusive approach to language policy is very important.

The efforts to promote the Acehnese language should be accompanied by similar steps to recognise and preserve the languages and cultural expressions of other ethnic groups in Aceh.

This inclusive approach is crucial to building long-term peace and social cohesion in the region. After all, Aceh’s experience teaches us that language has two sides in conflict resolution: as a tool that strengthens peace, or sharpens differences.

The Conversation

Saiful Akmal received funding from the Ministry of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia in 2024 for research entitled “Language, Identity, and Conflict Resolution: The Case of Aceh and Patani.”.

Melly Masni menerima dana dari Kementerian Agama Republik Indonesia tahun 2024 untuk riset berjudul “Language, Identity, and Conflict resolution: The Case of Aceh and Patani”.

ref. Lessons from Aceh: How language unites and segregates in conflicts – https://theconversation.com/lessons-from-aceh-how-language-unites-and-segregates-in-conflicts-245481

Paper mills: the ‘cartel-like’ companies behind fraudulent scientific journals

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Rizqy Amelia Zein, Lecturer in Social Psychology, Universitas Airlangga

Science and Nature, two leading science journals, have revealed a growing problem: an alarming rise in fraudulent research papers produced by shady paper mill companies. This wave of fake studies is creating a major headache for the academic world, putting the integrity of global academic research at risk.

Paper mill companies offer authorship services to researchers, academics, and students who want their names listed as an author of a scientific article published in reputable scientific journals.

By paying around €180 to €5000 (approximately US$197 – $5472), a person can have their name listed as the author of research paper, without having to painstakingly do research and write the results. No doubt, some experts refer to these paper mills as illegal and criminal organizations.

A 2023 research highlights a dramatic increase in fraudulent scientific articles traced back to paper mills. In just five years, the numbers of retractions soared jumped from 10 in 2019 to 2,099 in 2023.

Paper mills have also extremely overwhelmed major scientific journal publishers. Hindawi and Wiley, publishers of open access journals in the UK, for example, retracted around 1,200 paper mill articles in 2023. SAGE, a global publisher of books, journals and academic library resources and Elsevier, a scholarly publisher in the Netherlands also retracted hundreds of paper mill articles in 2022.

Paper mills are found operating in countries whose research policies incentivise researchers to produce as many scientific articles as possible, such as China, Russia, India and Iran.

However, their customer profile is quite diverse, from both developed and developing countries, including Indonesia, Malaysia, Germany, and the United States (US).

Based on research data and investigative journalist reports from the last five years, I summarise how these paper mills operate and how to detect them.

The paper mill playbook: tactics and oddities

1. Problematic articles

Paper mills generally manipulate the process of publishing scientific articles. These articles usually plagiarise other published articles, contain false and stolen data, or include engineered and duplicated images.

They also offer to rewrite scientific articles using generative artificial intelligence tools, such as ChatGPT and Quillbot, or to translate published articles from other languages into English.

2. A promised path to publication

In some cases, paper mills offer authorship slots before an article is accepted for publication.

In other cases, they offer authorship slots after the article is ready to be published by the journal.

Therefore, it is not uncommon for paper mills to sell authorship slots with a guarantee that the article will definitely be published. In fact, according to the conventions generally accepted in the academic community, no well-run journal can give such a guarantee.

Publishing decisions are normally made only after editors have considered the feedback from peer reviewers. This means, there is no possibility for a manuscript to secure acceptance before passing the peer review process.

3. Fake reviews and corrupt deals

Paper mills also offer a wide range of additional services. For example, they offer fake peer review services to convince potential buyers that the offered articles have passed rigorous review.

To smooth the way for their operations, some paper mills even operate like a cartel, bribing rogue journal editors to ensure publication. A 2024 investigation by a Science journalist revealed that some scientific journal editors were offered as much as $20,000 to cooperate with these schemes. This investigation resulted in more than 30 editors of reputable international journals identified as involved in paper mill activities.

4. Unusual collaboration patterns

One of the peculiarities of paper mill articles is its strange mix of authors. An article on the activity of ground beetles attacking crops in Kazakhstan, for example, is written by authors who are neither affiliated with institutions in Kazakhstan nor experts in insects or agriculture. The authors’ backgrounds are suspiciously heterogeneous, ranging from anaesthesia, dentistry, to biomedical engineering.

5. Anonymous co-authors

Prospective customers of paper mill services usually have to agree to the rules of confidentiality. By agreeing to this rule, buyers have no idea which journal their article will target or who their co-authors will be. Often, the authors listed on the same paper don’t even know each other.

Spotting the red flags: how to detect paper mills articles

Detecting scientific articles produced by paper mills often begins with analyzing retraction patterns carried out by journals.

This can be done in two ways: by tracking post-publication peer reviews on platforms like PubPeer, or by checking the Retraction Watch database, a website that documents retractions of problematic scientific articles.

However, journals rarely state outright that a retraction is due to paper mill fraud. Instead, articles are typically pulled for reasons like improper inclusion of the name and order of authors, inclusion of many irrelevant citations or references, plagiarism, or inclusion of manipulated or duplicated images.

The proportion of scientific articles retracted for being associated with paper mills is much smaller than the estimated total number of paper mill articles currently in circulation.

Retraction Watch data, as of May 2024, only recorded 7,275 retractions of articles related to the paper mill out of a total of 44,000 retractions recorded. In fact, it is estimated that up to 400,000 paper mill articles have infiltrated scientific literature over the past two decades.

Despite significant efforts from publishers and the academic community through organizations such as United2Act, a global alliance initiated by Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE) and STM, these attempts are barely enough.

How paper mills hurt the public

The UK Research Integrity Office—an independent UK charity that offers support to the public, researchers and organisations to promote good academic research practice—estimates that the paper mill industry has gained around $10 million globally.

For example, a Russian paper mill could earn $6.5 million if they sold all the authorship of scientific articles it produced from 2019 to 2021.

In Indonesia, this financial loss directly impacts the public. Public universities rely on the state budget, funded largely by taxpayers, and tuition fees from students to cover operational expenses, including research grants and publication incentives.

Though the exact financial toll of these paper mills is hard to pin down, it is clear that the public are footing the bill for fraudulent research practices, siphoning resources away from enuin academic advancements.

The Conversation

Rizqy Amelia Zein tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

ref. Paper mills: the ‘cartel-like’ companies behind fraudulent scientific journals – https://theconversation.com/paper-mills-the-cartel-like-companies-behind-fraudulent-scientific-journals-230124

Indonesian social forestry often excludes women from decisions, risking greater inequality

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Tessa Toumbourou, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Environmental Social Science, The University of Melbourne

Our analysis of Indonesia’s social forestry permits shows that women remain underrepresented in forest management bodies despite efforts to boost their presence, leaving them out of decisions about their forests.

Social forestry redistributes forest management rights to local communities to advance sustainability and local livelihoods. In 2021, the country revised its social forestry regulations to allow one family representative to participate in social forestry management bodies, ‘giving equal opportunity to both men and women.’

However, our analysis of 400 most recent social forestry permit documents, combined with extended, multi-method field research at four sites, shows that women are often excluded from management bodies but are more involved in social forestry business groups (Kelompok Usaha Perhutanan Sosial or KUPS). These groups focus on the processing and sale of forest products.

This low level of participation in management excludes women from decisions about who receives benefits such as land for cultivation, seedlings, equipment, extension training, and technical information provided by the government and NGOs. The absence of women’s presence may deepen local inequalities and hamper effective forest management.

Gender gaps in social forestry

We reviewed the 400 most recent decree letters issued in 2024 that granted forestry management rights. These included 100 permits each for the managements of Village Forests (Hutan Desa) and Community Forests (Hutan Kemasyarakatan) and their respective KUPS (Table 1). Village Forests are rights collectively held and managed by village administrations, while Community Forests are issued to specific farmer or community groups.

Our analysis found that across Indonesia women are often underrepresented in management groups. On average, only 19.54% of members in Village Forest’s management bodies were women, with participation ranging from none to 80%. This number was even lower in Community Forests, averaging 13.95% women, with some groups having no female members and others up to 56.52%.

However, the available data often lacked details about gender in KUPS-related decrees. Only 19 of 100 Village Forests’ KUPS decrees and 23 of 100 Community Forests’ KUPS decrees included this information.

When gender data was included, women were more involved in KUPS of Village Forests, with an average of 46.32% participation. In contrast, their participation in Community Forests’ KUPS was just 13.06%.

These numbers show that progress in gender representation in Indonesia’s social forestry is mixed. While women are more active in economic activities linked to KUPS, they are still sidelined in formal management roles and decision-making.

Understanding uneven participation

Our field research also highlighted how women and men are participating in, and deriving benefits from, social forestry in Indonesia, while exploring factors influencing women’s (and men’s) involvement.

We focused on four social forestry sites — two Village Forests (Sintang; West Kalimantan province, and Muara Enim; South Sumatra province) and two Community Forests (Gunungkidul; Special Region of Yogyakarta, and Enrekang; South Sulawesi province). We selected sites that reflect different levels of women’s participation.

Table 2 highlights a disparity: while women actively engage in forest land use — such as collecting and processing non-timber forest products and cultivating social forestry land — in two sites (Enrekang and Muara Enim) they are not involved in management bodies where decisions about land use, forest resources and benefit distribution are made.

For example, Masna (pseudonym), a farmer and forest user from Enrekang, shared that her involvement in her village’s forest management body (Kelompok Tani Hutan) was limited to preparing snacks while men made decisions.

Why does this happen?

Deeply rooted gender norms significantly limit women’s involvement in social forestry in some sites. These norms often designate unpaid household and care-giving duties to women, positioning men as the primary decision-makers. This affects women’s confidence and participation in village meetings, where forest management decisions are made reduce women’s participation.

Our findings align with earlier studies showing how gender roles, influenced by discourse promoted by the New Order regime, continue to shape these practices of recognising men as breadwinners and landowners, reinforcing their dominance in formal discussions and decision-making bodies.

Although there are no educational requirements for joining social forestry, research shows that those with more education tend to have more influence. In our study, women in social forestry households averaged fewer years of education (6.6 years) compared to men (8.1 years). Lower education levels, socio-economic challenges, and low confidence in public forums, where education often boosts credibility, can further exclude women.

Geographic barriers such as remote forest locations, rough terrain, and poor roads also hinder women’s participation, making travel difficult and limiting their ability to be involved.

Assistance helps, as do local women leaders

In the Sintang and Gunungkidul sites, women have taken on greater roles in forest management bodies.

In Sintang, support from the Indonesian NGO PUPUK (Association for the Improvement of Small Business) significantly boosted women’s participation in the village forest management body. PUPUK facilitated discussions, provided training at convenient times for women, and encouraged male leaders to back greater female involvement. The number of female members increased from just one in 2018 to 12 women and nine men in a newly formed management body in 2022.

The social forestry group in Gunungkidul – initially a male-dominated, government-led reforestation project – evolved into a community-driven initiative with strong female leadership. Support from both government and NGOs enabled women to take more active roles in forestry and agriculture, especially as many men (and some women) left to seek work elsewhere.

A university-educated woman now leads this group and has inspired younger women to join forest management and KUPS activities. These include producing traditional herbal drinks (wedang uwuh) and making snacks from taro, cassava, and arrowroot grown on forest land.

Across the study sites, women involved in KUPS have developed skills in forest management, financial planning, product processing, and marketing, earning modest incomes. These activities have also shifted gender roles. For example, in Sintang, when Mirna (pseudonym) became head of the KUPS, her husband started taking on domestic chores like cooking and childcare to support her work.

What’s next?

Tackling gender disparities in social forestry requires targeted policies to ensure women’s voices, especially from marginalised groups, are heard in decision-making processes that affect their livelihoods and access to resources.

Introducing quotas or affirmative measures for forest management bodies can help close the gender gap and ensure more equitable benefit distribution. Evidence from other Global South regions suggests that at least 30% female representation in forest management bodies is necessary for meaningful participation, enabling women to influence decisions more effectively.

Inclusive governance also depends on fair representation of different ethnic and socio-economic groups, particularly poorer households. When disadvantaged groups are poorly represented, the distribution of benefits suffers, limiting the equitable flow of resources and opportunities.

Partnerships with NGOs and civil society groups skilled in addressing gender differences can empower women and marginalized men with the skills and confidence needed to engage in decision-making bodies.

Creating safe spaces is also vital. This includes holding gender-specific discussions in local languages at times that fit with both women’s and men’s schedules.

The government must also commit to regularly monitoring women’s participation by collecting and publishing accurate gender-disaggregated data, specific to each site and region.

A decree issued by Ministry of Environment and Forestry in August introduces a policy shift that allows individuals — not just groups — to apply for social forestry. This could boost women’s participation, provided targeted support helps them step into leadership roles. Without this backing, the risk remains that social forestry will continue to be dominated by elite men.


Rahpriyanto Alam Surya Putra, the director of The Asia Foundation’s Environmental Governance program in Indonesia, and Ike Sulistiowati, Director of PUPUK Indonesia, contributed to this study.

The Conversation

Tessa Toumbourou received funding from the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade through KONEKSI (Knowledge Partnership Platform Australia-Indonesia). The views expressed in this publication do not represent the views of the Australian Government.

Andrea received funding from the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade through KONEKSI (Knowledge Partnership Platform Australia-Indonesia). The views expressed in this publication do not represent the views of the Australian Government.

Gutomo received funding from the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade through KONEKSI (Knowledge Partnership Platform Australia-Indonesia). The views expressed in this publication do not represent the views of the Australian Government.

Ilmiawan received funding from the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade through KONEKSI (Knowledge Partnership Platform Australia-Indonesia). The views expressed in this publication do not represent the views of the Australian Government.

Lilis received funding from the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade through KONEKSI (Knowledge Partnership Platform Australia-Indonesia). The views expressed in this publication do not represent the views of the Australian Government.

Rumayya received funding from the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade through KONEKSI (Knowledge Partnership Platform Australia-Indonesia). The views expressed in this publication do not represent the views of the Australian Government.

Yulia received funding from the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade through KONEKSI (Knowledge Partnership Platform Australia-Indonesia). The views expressed in this publication do not represent the views of the Australian Government.

ref. Indonesian social forestry often excludes women from decisions, risking greater inequality – https://theconversation.com/indonesian-social-forestry-often-excludes-women-from-decisions-risking-greater-inequality-238904

High skills, low protection: the legal hurdles for foreign workers in Indonesia

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Wayne Palmer, Senior Research Fellow, Bielefeld University

ilikeyellow/Shutterstock

Developing countries like Indonesia use foreign high-skilled and high-wage workers to drive economic growth and innovation. However, protection of their legal rights is often neglected, affecting these workers’ productivity and well-being and Indonesia’s reputation as a destination country for employment.

My research delves into the flaws of Indonesia’s labour market institutions, such as the national labour dispute settlement system, revealing that current mechanisms are inadequate in protecting the rights of high-skilled foreign workers.

The study

My findings show the national dispute settlement system exhibits significant systemic shortcomings, such as processing cases slowly and siding with employers, which limit its capacity to protect all workers effectively. But disputes involving foreign workers are further complicated by the fact that immigration law allows employers to cancel residence permits, meaning that the government requires the workers to leave the country even though the workers may have been unfairly dismissed.

Foreign workers are mainly from Northeast Asia (China, Japan and Korea), and their use on investment-tied projects coupled with Indonesia’s downstreaming programme will ensure their numbers continue to grow. In 2023, the Indonesian government issued 168,048 permits for foreigners to work in Indonesia with the top three destinations being Central Sulawesi (18,678), Jakarta (13,862) and West Java (10,807). By July 2024, the government had already issued more than 14% more permits than by the same time the previous year.

My study examined 92 labour disputes involving foreign workers between 2006 (when the new national dispute settlement system was implemented) and 2022, which were settled by the Industrial Relations Court. One additional dispute was filed in 2023, but the Industrial Relations Court has not yet published the settlement despite a legal requirement to do so.

I complemented these court settlements with 98 qualitative interviews with other stakeholders, including policymakers, labour rights activists, legal professionals, and other foreign workers, such as foreign spouses, remote workers and digital nomads.

As in other countries too, the number of registered labour disputes is only the tip of the iceberg, as workers tend to cut their losses and move on rather than invest time, energy and limited financial resources in challenging their better-resourced employers.

Employers were all Indonesian companies, so no foreign workers who filed a lawsuit worked for a multinational company, and those who did so had at least 20 nationalities.


CC BY

In terms of geographical distribution, the studied disputes were settled in 13 local jurisdictions, and were mostly lodged by workers rather than employers.

The nature of the disputes mostly involved claims that an employment contract had been terminated prematurely (87 cases), while a much smaller number involved resignation (4 cases) or were unknown (1 case). Of the 92 claims, 83 were initiated by workers, and eight by an employer. In one case, the lodging party was not recorded in the final decision.

Hiring a private lawyer

Employers used the Immigration Law to undermine the protective role of the Manpower Law – as it stands foreign workers are only entitled to employment protection if they hold a valid residence permit, which employers can and do shorten. Doing so shows that the Indonesian government prioritizes the flexibility of employers at the expense of employment protection for foreign workers.

In at least 92% cases, foreign workers used paid assistance of a private lawyer to represent themselves at formal meetings and hearings required by the Disputes Settlement Law, the cost of which could be hefty.

As one foreign worker explained:

It’s always in the back of your mind, to do whatever to make employers happy if you want to stay. No matter what the work permit and contract say, they can ask immigration to kick us out within a week!“

A retired government official responsible for designing policy regarding foreign workers was surprised when he heard this, explaining that:

I thought they could look after themselves because they earn such high wages. Well, higher than the average Indonesian worker, that is.

Hiring a private lawyer is the only way to represent themselves throughout the dispute resolution process because they need to leave Indonesia once they are fired. Not having the legal right to remain in Indonesia makes it very difficult – even impossible – to do it without them.

Addressing institutional failures

Engaging a private lawyer served as an ‘institutional fix’ that enabled most foreign workers to engage with Indonesia’s labour dispute settlement system by attending formal meetings and hearings, as well as filling out required paperwork and sending essential letters and replies.

Addressing this institutional failure requires a shift in law and policy. Firstly, legal reforms are essential to ensure that immigration and employment laws are integrated to enable foreign workers to have access to legal processes intended to help protect labour rights. At a minimum, this would involve amending policy to prevent employers from cancelling residence permits so that foreign workers need to leave the country prematurely.

Alternatively, the Directorate-General of Immigration could still permit employers to do so, but then provide the affected foreign workers with a limited-stay visa so that they can remain in Indonesia to engage with the legal process. The Hong Kong Immigration Department does this for Indonesian migrant workers.

Secondly, there is a need for enhanced support systems that provide immediate and effective assistance to foreign workers. Government agencies tasked with settling labour disputes, such as local manpower offices and the Industrial Relations Court, should be equipped with adequate resources and trained personnel to handle migrant labour issues. Doing so would decrease the reliance of foreign workers on private lawyers.

Failure to protect the employment rights of foreign workers has the potential to damage Indonesia’s reputation as a destination country for employment. Such damage could undermine Indonesia’s ambitious plans to build a new capital city (Ibu Kota Nusantara) with the assistance of foreign workers, and undermine the government’s downstreaming programme, which helps Indonesia earn more from the export of raw minerals.

The Conversation

Wayne Palmer has received research funding from the International Labour Organization, the Freedom Fund, and the Australian Research Council.

ref. High skills, low protection: the legal hurdles for foreign workers in Indonesia – https://theconversation.com/high-skills-low-protection-the-legal-hurdles-for-foreign-workers-in-indonesia-230795

Qu’est-ce que le paiement pour service environnemental ?

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Alain Karsenty, Économiste de l’environnement, chercheur et consultant international, Cirad

Ils rémunèrent des personnes ou des entreprises pour un certain usage des terres que l’on associe, à tort ou à raison, à une amélioration des services écosystémiques. IZE-5tyle/Shutterstock

Le paiement pour services environnementaux ou PSE est, selon sa définition officielle, un instrument économique pour l’environnement consistant en la rémunération d’une personne ou d’une organisation qui rend un service environnemental. Un dispositif de ce type a été créé par le gouvernement français, notamment à destination des agriculteurs. L’objectif : rémunérer les pratiques vertueuses contribuant à maintenir et à restaurer les services écosystémiques dont bénéficie toute la société.


D’ici le 1er septembre 2026, tous les États membres de l’Union européenne doivent élaborer leur plan de restauration de la nature. Il vise à enrayer l’érosion de la biodiversité et à revitaliser les écosystèmes sur l’ensemble du territoire. Une action politique qui met en lumière la notion de paiement pour service environnemental.

Les services environnementaux sont rendus à d’autres humains – où qu’ils soient dans le temps et l’espace – à travers une action intentionnelle visant à préserver, restaurer ou augmenter un service écosystémique. Un agriculteur qui stoppe l’usage de pesticides ou créé des îlots de plantes mellifères fournit un service environnemental qui va favoriser le service écosystémique de pollinisation rendu par les abeilles.

Quant aux services écosystémiques, ils sont définis par le Millenium Ecosystem Assessment comme « les bénéfices directs et indirects que les hommes retirent de la nature ». Certains insectes apportent un service de pollinisation, une formation végétale apporte des bénéfices en termes de régulation du ruissellement et de fixation du carbone.

Alors faut-il parler de paiements pour services écosystémiques ou pour services environnementaux ?

Service écosystémique et environnemental

Si l’on se réfère aux travaux de l’évaluation française des écosystèmes et services écosystémiques (EFESE), il est plus logique de parler de paiements pour services environnementaux. L’EFESE distingue clairement deux notions :

  • Service écosystémique : fonction d’un écosystème dont l’utilisation permet de retirer un avantage – pour l’agriculteur, ou de manière plus générale pour la société.

  • Service environnemental : action ou mode de gestion d’un acteur, comme un agriculteur, qui améliore l’état de l’environnement en permettant l’augmentation d’un service écosystémique.

Fonctionnement type d’un paiement pour service environnemental.
Banque des territoires

Muradian et ses collègues envisagent les paiements pour service environnemental comme « des transferts de ressources entre des acteurs sociaux, dans le but de créer des incitations pour aligner les décisions individuelles et/ou collectives quant à l’usage des sols avec l’intérêt social concernant la gestion des ressources naturelles ». Ils rémunèrent des personnes ou des entreprises pour un certain usage des terres que l’on associe, à tort ou à raison, à une amélioration des services écosystémiques.

Sept points clés

Nous pouvons caractériser les paiements pour service environnemental à travers sept points clés :

  • Paiements directs : les paiements sont effectués directement aux prestataires de services environnementaux, souvent par le biais d’un intermédiaire comme un programme. Les bénéficiaires sont les usagers du foncier et des ressources dont les pratiques ont un impact direct sur les services écosystémiques. Les paiements peuvent être en argent, sous forme d’investissements ou de services, comme la sécurisation foncière. Le montant des paiements peut être négocié ou, le plus souvent, faire l’objet d’un barème fixé par le programme.

  • « Bénéficiaire-payeur » : les bénéficiaires directs ou indirects des services environnementaux – individus, communautés, entreprises, ou institutions agissant au nom de l’intérêt général – paient pour ces services.

  • Caractère volontaire et contractuel : les bénéficiaires des paiements adhèrent librement au programme à travers des accords contractuels qui les engagent pour une certaine durée. Mais le financement des PSE n’est pas forcément volontaire et peut être contraint (renchérissement des factures d’eau, redevances sur différents produits ou services, impôt).

  • Conditionnalité : les paiements dépendent de la fourniture continue des services environnementaux, au sens du respect des obligations contractuelles. Les paiements sont généralement basés sur la mise en œuvre de pratiques de gestion dont les parties conviennent contractuellement qu’ils sont susceptibles de donner lieu à ces avantages.

  • Ciblage : En général, les PSE sont concentrés sur certaines zones d’importance écologique et/ou menacée (ciblage géographique). Le ciblage social, c’est-à-dire le fait de réserver l’offre de PSE aux producteurs à faibles revenus ou à des populations autochtones, est moins pratiqué. Toutefois, quand les paiements se font sur une base surfacique, les montants versés sont souvent plafonnés ou dégressifs à partir d’un seuil de surface.

  • Additionnalité : les paiements sont effectués pour des actions qui vont au-delà de celles que les gestionnaires des terres accompliraient même en l’absence de paiements. Cette condition est controversée, car elle risque d’exclure des bénéfices des PSE des populations ou des producteurs aux pratiques déjà écologiquement vertueuses. En pratique, elle est rarement appliquée du fait des coûts de vérification, par rapport à un scénario business-as-usual. Il en va de même pour l’additionnalité légale. On ne devrait pas, en principe, rémunérer pour empêcher des pratiques déjà prohibées par les règlements, mais beaucoup de programmes de PSE le font néanmoins pour faciliter l’application des lois.

  • Sécurité foncière : un titre de propriété n’est pas une condition sine qua non. Les bénéficiaires des paiements doivent disposer au minimum d’un « droit d’exclusion » et de droits de gestion sur la terre dont ils sont les usagers.


La série « L’envers des mots » est réalisée avec le soutien de la Délégation générale à la langue française et aux langues de France du ministère de la Culture

À découvrir aussi dans cette série :

The Conversation

Alain Karsenty ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Qu’est-ce que le paiement pour service environnemental ? – https://theconversation.com/quest-ce-que-le-paiement-pour-service-environnemental-256607

BD : L’Héritage du dodo (épisode 8)

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Mathieu Ughetti, Illustrateur, vulgarisateur scientifique, Université Paris-Saclay

Qu’est-ce qui nous empêche d’agir pour préserver l’environnement ? Fourni par l’auteur

La crise climatique n’avance pas seule : elle est indissociable de la crise de la biodiversité. Découvrez en exclusivité, chaque mercredi, les 10 épisodes de la BD concoctée par Mathieu Ughetti et Franck Courchamp. Dans l’épisode 8, on s’interroge sur les raisons qui nous empêchent d’agir en faveur de l’environnement. Du mouvement climatosceptique, aux freins psychologiques, en passant par les barrières structurelles de nos sociétés.


L’Héritage du dodo, c’est une bande dessinée pour tout comprendre à la crise du climat et de la biodiversité. Chaque semaine, on explore la santé des écosystèmes, on parle du réchauffement climatique mais aussi de déforestation, de pollution, de surexploitation… On y découvre à quel point nous autres humains sommes dépendants de la biodiversité, et pourquoi il est important de la préserver. On s’émerveille devant la résilience de la nature et les bonnes nouvelles que nous offrent les baleines, les bisons, les loutres…

On décortique les raisons profondes qui empêchent les sociétés humaines d’agir en faveur de l’environnement. On décrypte les stratégies de désinformation et de manipulation mises au point par les industriels et les climatosceptiques. Le tout avec humour et légèreté, mais sans culpabilisation, ni naïveté. En n’oubliant pas de citer les motifs d’espoir et les succès de l’écologie, car il y en a !

Retrouvez ici le huitième épisode de la série !

Ou rattrapez les épisodes précédents :

Épisode 1
Épisode 2
Épisode 3
Épisode 4
Épisode 5
Épisode 6
Épisode 7


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Rendez-vous la semaine prochaine pour l’épisode 9 !
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Ou abonnez-vous à L’Héritage du dodo sur :

Une BD de Franck Courchamp & Mathieu Ughetti
Qui sommes-nous ?

Republication des planches sur support papier interdite sans l’accord des auteurs


Créé en 2007 pour accélérer et partager les connaissances scientifiques sur les grands enjeux sociétaux, le Fonds Axa pour la Recherche a soutenu près de 700 projets dans le monde entier, menés par des chercheurs originaires de 38 pays. Pour en savoir plus, consultez le site Axa Research Fund ou suivez-nous sur X @AXAResearchFund.

The Conversation

Cette BD a pu voir le jour grâce au soutien de l’Université Paris Saclay, La Diagonale Paris-Saclay et la Fondation Ginkgo.

Mathieu Ughetti ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. BD : L’Héritage du dodo (épisode 8) – https://theconversation.com/bd-lheritage-du-dodo-episode-8-259162

Quel avenir pour les forêts ? Un nécessaire pas de côté pour la recherche forestière

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Jacques Tassin, Chercheur en écologie forestière (HDR), spécialiste des rapports Homme / Nature, Cirad

La forêt est un lieu où abondent des problèmes pernicieux marqués par l’absence de solutions claires et définitives et, notamment, par la présence d’acteurs aux valeurs conflictuelles. Un conflit permanent y opère entre la conservation de la biodiversité et le développement économique. La recherche forestière conventionnelle est mise en défaut par une telle complexité lorsqu’elle implique une approche réductrice ou monodisciplinaire. Elle a désormais pour mission d’appréhender l’incertitude, la diversité et l’hétérogénéité qui président au devenir des forêts.

Le livre Vivre la forêt, coordonné par Jacques Tassin, auteur de plusieurs livres sur les arbres et les forêts, dont Penser comme un arbre, également publié chez Odile Jacob, explore les enjeux d’une recherche forestière rénovée à l’aide d’une démarche critique et réflexive. En sont présentés ici quelques extraits tirés de l’introduction.


Ce livre propose d’entreprendre un pas de côté pour réenvisager, dans toute son étendue et sa complexité, cette fameuse « communauté de destins » prêtée aux avenirs respectifs des forêts et des sociétés. Parler de la forêt, c’est en effet aussi parler des humains, de leurs regards, de leurs rapports et leurs relations aux espaces forestiers, de leurs imaginaires ou des inflexions que leurs ancêtres ou contemporains leur confèrent. En déroulant le fil des forêts, aussi « étrangères » soient-elles, on en arrive toujours aux hommes et aux femmes.

Qu’est-ce même que la forêt sinon le regard que l’on pose sur elle ? Et comment pourrions-nous considérer que ce regard est immuable ou, pire encore, que la forêt est elle-même un objet, sinon inerte, du moins voué à demeurer dans une présumée permanence ? La litanie invariable des chiffres de la déforestation mondiale, engouffrant avec eux une multitude de situations amalgamées sans même en rechercher les causes, intervient en effet tel un barrage de fumée nous empêchant, un peu plus en amont, de nous saisir d’une question clé que nous posons en ouverture de ce livre, « l’humanité et les forêts sont-elles compatibles ? ». […]

La forêt, bien plus que la déforestation

Toute vision réductrice est fâcheuse. Certes, les suivis satellitaires révèlent de manière indéniable un recul global des surfaces forestières. Pour autant, la forêt ne saurait se réduire de manière absurde à la déforestation, comme s’il était raisonnablement justifié de caractériser un objet par son absence. D’évidence, une telle proposition ne saurait être considérée comme neutre et l’un des paris de ce livre est de décrypter l’illusion d’une présumée neutralité.

Les suivis satellitaires, comme toute autre démarche consistant à moyenner le monde, ont leurs limites et ne nous révèlent pas grand-chose de plus que des cohortes de données chiffrées qu’il s’agit ensuite de réduire à des bilans ou à des inventaires simplifiés. Le bon sens inviterait pourtant à réinscrire les forêts dans des dynamiques situées, contingentes et localisées, selon des processus écologiques et humains qui conservent eux-mêmes souvent une dimension insaisissable. Toute forêt s’ancre dans une configuration, un environnement, une histoire, et nulle ne s’enracine dans des généralités planétaires.

Tout territoire forestier est parcouru de stratégies d’adaptation, certes souvent assorties d’un recul forestier ou d’une dégradation forestière de caractère effectif. Mais s’adjoignent aussi des dynamiques de reforestation, selon des situations contrastées qui instaurent de la nuance dans le mantra de la lutte contre la déforestation répétée ad nauseam dans toutes les conférences internationales.

Re-territorialiser les forêts, ici et ailleurs

Dans le même ordre d’esprit, l’idéalisation de la forêt primaire tropicale se construit en Occident moyennant l’oubli du rapport que les humains entretiennent ailleurs avec cet « écoumène », en tant que lieu de vie et de pratiques. Elle renvoie implicitement à un idéal colonial qui fait porter aux populations du Sud la charge mentale de la préservation des forêts tropicales sans partage avec les responsabilités du Nord ni perspectives de cocréer un avenir commun. […] En outre, il s’agit de considérer la tendance selon laquelle la mise en protection d’un espace donné agit en compensation d’un blanc-seing concédé pour permettre de détruire ailleurs.[…]


Du lundi au vendredi + le dimanche, recevez gratuitement les analyses et décryptages de nos experts pour un autre regard sur l’actualité. Abonnez-vous dès aujourd’hui !


Déterritorialiser les espaces forestiers n’a rien de satisfaisant. Cela revient non seulement, le lorgnon posé sur le nez, à promouvoir une approche disciplinaire et segmentée d’une réalité formidablement complexe, mais aussi, une fois encore,
à refuser de considérer les interdépendances locales opérant entre les forêts et les personnes qui y vivent ou en vivent, à commencer sans doute par les agriculteurs qui tentent de composer dans les limites de leurs propres contingences, mais sans toutefois s’y cantonner, dans un monde où les causalités les plus déterminantes sont aussi parfois les plus lointaines.

De la même manière qu’il s’agit aujourd’hui de considérer l’arbre comme un élément d’infrastructure de la ville, dès lors capable de concourir à l’infiltration des eaux dans le sol plutôt que les évacuer dans des réseaux d’évacuation coûteux, et de participer à la résorption des îlots de chaleur, il semble judicieux de réinscrire la forêt comme une composante clé du territoire qui l’englobe. De fait, dans chaque espace doté d’une composante forestière, un réapprentissage mutuel permanent s’établit, de sorte que la société environnante redéfinit cette part forestière, de la même manière que la forêt requalifie en retour cette société.

Couverture de l’ouvrage Vivre la forêt
Editions Odile Jacob

Rétablir la dimension territoriale de la forêt suppose non seulement de concéder à l’apprentissage de la complexité, mais aussi d’accepter que les problèmes que l’on identifie au premier abord ne soient pas toujours conformes à notre représentation, ni même au mode de pensée que l’on déploie pour parvenir à cette représentation.

Cela revient parfois à concéder à l’incertitude et à l’inconnu, sans toutefois s’en dessaisir, et à considérer que les alternatives ou solutions à des problèmes ne peuvent émerger que dans un cadre collectif de pensée et de dialogue.

The Conversation

Jacques Tassin ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Quel avenir pour les forêts ? Un nécessaire pas de côté pour la recherche forestière – https://theconversation.com/quel-avenir-pour-les-forets-un-necessaire-pas-de-cote-pour-la-recherche-forestiere-257075

Comment l’un des pesticides les plus répandus en France menace les moineaux

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Pauline Bellot, Chercheuse postdoctorale à l’Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM, laboratoire AVITOX), Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM)

Moins connus que les insecticides, les fongicides triazolés sont pourtant très présents dans les milieux agricoles. L’un d’eux, le tébuconazole, est suspecté d’affecter la santé des oiseaux. Notre étude expérimentale met en effet en évidence des altérations du métabolisme, de la reproduction et de la survie chez les jeunes moineaux.


Depuis 1900, la population mondiale a quintuplé, ce qui a posé un défi de taille : nourrir toujours plus d’humains. Dans les années 1950-1960, la « révolution verte » a permis d’augmenter considérablement les rendements agricoles grâce à la modernisation et à l’intensification des pratiques agricoles. Cette mutation s’est appuyée en partie sur l’usage massif d’engrais et de pesticides, dont l’utilisation n’a cessé de croître au fil des décennies.

Les triazoles, des fongicides omniprésents

Parmi les pesticides, on trouve trois grandes catégories : les herbicides qui tuent les végétaux considérés comme indésirables, les insecticides qui s’attaquent aux insectes considérés comme nuisibles, et les fongicides. Ces derniers, destinés à lutter contre les champignons pathogènes des plantes, représentent en France près de 42 % des ventes totales de pesticides, soit une part bien supérieure à la moyenne mondiale.

Cette proportion élevée s’explique notamment par le poids de la viticulture dans l’agriculture française, les vignes étant particulièrement vulnérables aux maladies fongiques comme le mildiou.

Photo représentant un paysage viticole homogène, typique des zones de monoculture intensive Huney.
Un paysage viticole homogène, typique des zones de monoculture intensive.
Fourni par l’auteur

Parmi les fongicides, une famille se distingue : celle des triazoles. Très prisés pour leur efficacité contre un éventail de maladies fongiques, ces composés sont utilisés sur des cultures aussi variées que les céréales, les fruits ou la vigne. Aujourd’hui, les triazoles représenteraient à eux seuls environ un quart des ventes mondiales de fongicides.

Aux États-Unis, leur utilisation a augmenté de 400 % en seulement dix ans, entre 2006 et 2016.

Les oiseaux, sentinelles des milieux agricoles

Mais cet usage massif soulève des inquiétudes. Les triazoles sont suspectés d’être des perturbateurs endocriniens, c’est-à-dire d’interférer avec le système hormonal des êtres vivants, et d’impacter des espèces non ciblées. En la matière, les oiseaux sont dangereusement vulnérables. En effet, nombre d’entre eux, l’alouette des champs, le busard cendré ou le merle noir par exemple, accomplissent tout ou une partie de leur cycle de vie dans les milieux cultivés, c’est-à-dire des territoires où les fongicides triazolés peuvent se retrouver dans les sols, l’eau ou l’air, et contaminer la faune par l’intermédiaire des graines ou des insectes consommés par de nombreux oiseaux.

Une étude récente a ainsi révélé des concentrations particulièrement élevées de triazoles dans le sang de merles noirs vivant dans des zones viticoles intensives.

Cette exposition, qu’elle soit directe ou indirecte, pourrait nuire à leur santé, à leur reproduction ou au bon fonctionnement de leur organisme. Les oiseaux sont depuis longtemps considérés comme de bons indicateurs biologiques : leur présence, leur comportement ou leur état de santé donnent des indices de la qualité de l’environnement. En particulier dans les zones agricoles, leur déclin peut révéler des problèmes comme la pollution ou la dégradation des habitats. Et les tendances sont alarmantes : depuis 1980, 60 % des oiseaux des terres agricoles ont disparu en Europe.

Comprendre les causes pour mieux agir : l’enjeu d’une approche ciblée

Si les pesticides, triazoles inclus, participent potentiellement à ce déclin, ils ne sont pas les seuls en cause. La perte d’habitats naturels, l’intensification des pratiques agricoles, la mécanisation et le changement climatique exercent également une pression croissante sur la biodiversité.

Face à cette dégradation multifactorielle, les oiseaux nous envoient un signal d’alarme. Il est plus que jamais nécessaire de comprendre quelle pression exerce quels effets, et dans quelle mesure. Cela suppose de pouvoir isoler l’impact propre de chaque facteur, en particulier celui des contaminants chimiques, afin d’identifier précisément leur rôle dans les déclins observés et ainsi mieux orienter les mesures de conservation et de réglementation.

Pour cela, il est nécessaire de les étudier isolément, dans des conditions contrôlées. C’est pourquoi nous avons choisi de nous pencher sur un fongicide triazolé en particulier : le tébuconazole.

Il s’agit du fongicide que nous avons le plus fréquemment détecté chez les oiseaux vivant en zone viticole, et également de l’un des plus utilisés dans le monde.

Pour en évaluer les effets, nous avons mené une étude en conditions contrôlées sur des moineaux domestiques, une espèce typique des milieux agricoles, aujourd’hui en déclin. Faciles à maintenir en captivité, y compris pour la reproduction, les moineaux domestiques constituent un modèle biologique pertinent pour explorer les effets du tébuconazole en conditions expérimentales.

Les individus ont été répartis aléatoirement dans six volières expérimentales : trois recevaient une eau non contaminée et les trois autres une eau contenant du tébuconazole à des concentrations réalistes, comparables à celles mesurées chez des oiseaux vivant en milieu viticole intensif.


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Des effets sur le métabolisme et la survie des juvéniles

Après plusieurs mois d’exposition, nous avons analysé divers paramètres de santé chez les adultes, notamment le métabolisme, les hormones thyroïdiennes et l’immunité. Nous avons aussi suivi la reproduction, la croissance des poussins, leur survie, ainsi que plusieurs indicateurs de succès reproducteur.

À gauche, photo fournie par l’autrice, présentant un moineau domestique quelques jours après la naissance. À droite : photo représentant un jeune moineau d’environ 14 jours.
Fourni par l’auteur

Pour la première fois, nos recherches ont montré que le tébuconazole, un fongicide largement utilisé en agriculture, peut perturber de manière significative la physiologie et la reproduction des oiseaux.

Chez les moineaux adultes exposés pendant plusieurs mois, nous avons observé une dérégulation des hormones thyroïdiennes, essentielles à la croissance, au métabolisme et à la mue. Bien que nous n’ayons pas trouvé d’effet sur l’immunité, le métabolisme des oiseaux était réduit.

Une diminution du métabolisme signifie que les oiseaux dépensent moins d’énergie pour assurer leurs fonctions vitales, ce qui peut réduire leur niveau d’activité, limiter leur capacité à maintenir leur température corporelle et ralentir des processus essentiels comme le fonctionnement cérébral ou la réparation des tissus.

De plus, la qualité de leur plumage était diminuée avec des plumes moins denses, ce qui pourrait altérer leur isolation thermique et leur efficacité en vol par exemple. Nous avons également obtenu des résultats notables du côté de la reproduction. Le tébuconazole a été transféré de la mère à ses œufs, exposant ainsi les poussins dès les premiers stades de leur développement. Ce transfert maternel s’est accompagné d’effets marqués : les poussins issus de parents exposés au tébuconazole présentaient une anomalie de croissance, environ 10 % plus petits en fin de développement, ainsi qu’une mortalité accrue.

Ces effets étaient particulièrement prononcés chez les femelles : leur taux de mortalité atteignait 65 % dans le groupe exposé, contre seulement 7 % dans le groupe témoin. Ces résultats suggèrent une sensibilité accrue au fongicide selon le sexe, et soulèvent des questions quant à la survie des jeunes dans les milieux contaminés.

Vers une meilleure régulation des usages ?

Ainsi, le tébuconazole pourrait représenter l’un des facteurs contribuant au déclin des oiseaux, en particulier dans les paysages agricoles intensifs.

Fait notable : ces effets sont survenus à une concentration environ 36 fois inférieure au seuil actuellement utilisé pour évaluer la toxicité reproductive chez les oiseaux. Bien que notre étude porte sur une seule molécule, elle met en lumière un angle mort persistant : la toxicité des fongicides reste encore largement sous-estimée, au profit d’une attention historique portée aux insecticides.

Or, dans les milieux cultivés, les espèces sont exposées à des mélanges complexes de pesticides, aux effets potentiellement cumulatifs ou synergiques. Mieux comprendre ces interactions ouvre de nouvelles pistes de recherche pour affiner l’évaluation des risques et repenser les pratiques agricoles dans une perspective plus durable et respectueuse de la biodiversité.

The Conversation

Cette recherche a été financée par l’Agence Nationale de la Recherche (projet ANR VITIBIRD attribué à F.A.), par la Région Nouvelle-Aquitaine (projet MULTISTRESS), par l’Agence nationale de sécurité sanitaire de l’alimentation, de l’environnement et du travail (projet ANSES BiodiTox attribué à F.B.), par le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique ainsi que par MITI-PEPSAN (mission pour les initiatives transversales et interdisciplinaires, attribuée à C.F.).

Ce travail a également été soutenu par le partenariat PARC (WP4), financé par l’Union européenne dans le cadre de la subvention 101057014. Les points de vue et opinions exprimés n’engagent toutefois que leurs auteurs et ne reflètent pas nécessairement ceux de l’Union européenne ou de l’Agence exécutive européenne pour la recherche ; ni l’Union européenne ni l’autorité de financement ne peuvent en être tenues responsables.

Frédéric Angelier ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Comment l’un des pesticides les plus répandus en France menace les moineaux – https://theconversation.com/comment-lun-des-pesticides-les-plus-repandus-en-france-menace-les-moineaux-257032