« Où avez-vous appris l’anglais ? » : la question de Trump au président du Liberia qui illustre les stéréotypes occidentaux sur les Afriques

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Sonia Le Gouriellec, Maîtresse de conférence en science politique à l’Université catholique de Lille, Institut catholique de Lille (ICL)

Donald Trump et le président du Liberia Joseph Boakai, dans le Bureau ovale, le 9 juillet 2025 (Washington, DC). Site de l’ambassade des États-Unis au Liberia

« Où avez-vous appris à parler un si bon anglais ? » La question de Donald Trump au président libérien Joseph Boakai, posée pendant une rencontre à Washington, en juillet 2025, a provoqué une onde de choc au Liberia – pays dont l’anglais est la langue officielle –, et dans le monde. Derrière cette remarque jugée condescendante, c’est tout un système de représentations biaisées relatives au continent africain qui refait surface.


Oublier que le Liberia est anglophone, et qu’il partage une histoire fondatrice avec les États-Unis, c’est révéler un aveuglement symptomatique d’un regard occidental figé sur l’Afrique. Un regard qui reste souvent prisonnier de stéréotypes anciens : l’Afrique comme continent sans histoire, replié sur lui-même, condamné à la pauvreté ou privé de rationalité politique.

« L’Afrique » : au-delà delà des représentations réifiantes, un continent à l’histoire millénaire

Cet épisode s’inscrit dans un imaginaire hérité de la colonisation. L’Afrique y est perçue comme un tout homogène, sans distinction entre ses 54 pays, ses centaines de langues, et son histoire riche et ancienne.

Or, le continent n’est pas « hors de l’histoire ». Des empires puissants comme ceux du Ghana ou du Mali ont rayonné bien avant l’arrivée des Européens. Durant la période précoloniale, le continent a connu de grandes civilisations, puissantes, organisées et connectées au reste du monde.

C’est le cas emblématique de l’Empire du Ghana (aussi appelé Wagadou), fondé dès le IIIe siècle de notre ère par le peuple soninké, et qui atteignit son apogée au XIe siècle. Bien qu’il n’ait aucun lien géographique avec le Ghana moderne, cet empire dominait une large partie de l’actuel Sahel (Sénégal, Mali, Mauritanie, Niger).

L’Empire tirait sa prospérité de ses richesses aurifères, de sa maîtrise du travail du fer, de son organisation politique structurée (avec ministres, gouverneurs, et armée hiérarchisée) et d’un système de succession matrilinéaire particulièrement avancé pour son époque. Il était aussi relié au reste du monde par les routes commerciales transsahariennes, qui permettaient des échanges avec le Maghreb, le monde arabe et même au-delà.

L’idée reçue selon laquelle les Africains seraient de simples récepteurs de la modernité continue pourtant de nourrir un regard paternaliste. Or, les sociétés africaines ont été actrices de l’histoire globale, connectées par le commerce, la religion et la diplomatie à l’Europe, au Moyen-Orient ou à l’Asie, bien avant la colonisation.

Après le déclin du Ghana au XIIe siècle, l’Empire du Mali prend le relais et marque profondément les mémoires. Il atteint son apogée sous le règne du légendaire Mansa Moussa (1312–1332 ou 1337). Ce souverain, souvent considéré comme l’un des hommes les plus riches de l’histoire mondiale, doit sa fortune à la production d’or du Mali, à une époque où la majeure partie de l’or circulant dans le monde méditerranéen venait d’Afrique de l’Ouest.

Le commentaire de Trump ne serait qu’un « faux-pas » si le contexte n’était pas aussi lourd de symboles. Il rappelle combien les voix africaines sont encore perçues à travers un prisme d’exotisme ou de surprise, comme si l’intelligence, la maîtrise linguistique ou la culture ne pouvaient s’exprimer depuis le continent africain, qu’à titre exceptionnel.

On a souvent présenté les sociétés africaines comme sans écriture, sans passé, sans rationalité politique. La colonisation s’est construite sur cette base, en prétendant « civiliser » des peuples jugés naturellement inférieurs. Le sociologue portugais Boaventura de Sousa Santos qualifie cette pratique d’« épistémicide », au sens d’une élimination des formes de connaissances et des pratiques sociales indigènes, pratique déjà à l’œuvre dans les colonies.

Des pays producteurs et acteurs de leur politique

Le continent regorge de dynamiques citoyennes, d’expressions démocratiques et de formes d’organisation politique qui témoignent d’une réelle vitalité. Les Africains ne sont pas « apolitiques », comme certains discours le laissent entendre, mais ils participent activement à la vie publique, souvent en dehors des cadres formels ou des institutions étatiques affaiblies.

Les sociétés civiles jouent un rôle crucial dans cette rationalité politique : syndicats, mouvements étudiants, ONG locales, journalistes, artistes engagés, activistes numériques, autant de forces qui questionnent le pouvoir, dénoncent la corruption ou défendent les droits humains. Ce sont souvent ces acteurs qui portent les aspirations démocratiques face à des élites perçues comme déconnectées des réalités sociales.

On observe également l’importance des mouvements citoyens panafricains, comme ont pu l’être « Y’en a marre » au Sénégal ou « Balai citoyen » au Burkina Faso, qui incarnent une nouvelle génération politique, plus horizontale, inventive, et en rupture avec les pratiques clientélistes héritées des États postcoloniaux.

Dans un contexte où la jeunesse africaine est de plus en plus éduquée, connectée et exigeante, la légitimité politique se redéfinit en dehors des seules élections : elle s’ancre désormais dans la capacité des pouvoirs à répondre aux besoins réels des populations, à incarner une vision partagée et à dialoguer avec une société civile de plus en plus structurée et influente.

Ainsi, les modèles occidentaux de démocratie représentative ne s’exportent pas mécaniquement, et leur transposition sans adaptation a souvent produit des systèmes hybrides, où les élections cohabitent avec des pratiques autoritaires, clientélistes ou militarisées. Pourtant, cela ne signifie pas l’absence de vie politique ou de recherche de légitimité. Bien au contraire : les sociétés africaines inventent d’autres formes de participation, de contestation et de redevabilité, ancrées dans leurs contextes sociaux et historiques.




À lire aussi :
Européens en Afrique : « migrants », « voyageurs » ou « clandestins » ?


Rompre avec l’idée d’une Afrique « naturellement en retard »

Enfin, les Afriques sont le théâtre de multiples innovations qui démentent l’idée reçue selon laquelle le continent serait condamné à n’être qu’un réceptacle de modernité importée.

Historiquement, des centres de savoir comme l’Université de Sankoré à Tombouctou, dès le Moyen Âge, rassemblaient des milliers d’ouvrages manuscrits en astronomie, mathématiques, droit, théologie. Cette institution accueillait des érudits venus de tout le monde islamique, rivalisant avec les grandes universités européennes de l’époque.

Dans l’Afrique contemporaine, cette dynamique créative et technologique se poursuit avec une intensité croissante. Le Kenya est devenu un symbole d’innovation grâce à M-Pesa, un service pionnier de transfert d’argent par mobile, lancé en 2007 par Safaricom et fondé sur une technologie développée localement. Il a permis à des millions de personnes non bancarisées d’accéder aux services financiers, transformant le quotidien économique de nombreux foyers.

Ce succès a été suivi par une vague de start-ups africaines, notamment au Nigeria, au Sénégal ou au Maroc, qui lèvent aujourd’hui des centaines de millions de dollars dans des domaines aussi variés que le numérique, l’agritech, la santé ou l’intelligence artificielle. Des pays comme l’Égypte, l’Afrique du Sud et le Kenya sont devenus de véritables pôles d’innovation, même si l’écosystème reste encore fragilisé par un manque d’infrastructures et d’accès au financement.

L’innovation est aussi culturelle. Le cinéma nigérian Nollywood, deuxième industrie cinématographique mondiale en volume, illustre la puissance d’une création populaire locales. Il en va de même pour l’essor de l’afrofuturisme : en mêlant science-fiction, héritage culturel africain et critique du colonialisme, il propose une réinvention des imaginaires africains, loin des stéréotypes misérabilistes. Le film Black Panther, avec son royaume fictif du Wakanda jamais colonisé et technologiquement avancé, a marqué une rupture dans les représentations populaires, en valorisant une Afrique puissante, moderne et autonome.

Ces exemples rappellent que la créativité n’est ni marginale ni récente, mais structurelle. Pourtant, elle continue d’être perçue à travers un filtre de surprise ou d’exception : comme si l’innovation sur le continent ne pouvait être que l’exception qui confirme la règle, et non la manifestation d’un dynamisme profond.

La « surprise » de Donald Trump, que nous avons narrée au début de cet article, devant un président africain anglophone, est l’écho de cette idée absurde selon laquelle « les Africains n’ont pas d’histoire », ou seraient « naturellement en retard ».

En réalité, comme nous le montrons dans Afriques : Idées reçues sur un continent composite, il s’agit moins d’un manque de connaissances que d’un refus d’écouter les récits africains dans leur pluralité. Il est urgent de déconstruire ces visions. Cela commence par un travail d’éducation, d’histoire et d’écoute. Car ce n’est pas l’Afrique qui est « en retard », mais bien certaines perceptions qui peinent à se mettre à jour. Le véritable enjeu n’est pas tant de corriger une bourde diplomatique que de reconsidérer en profondeur nos cadres de pensée.

The Conversation

Sonia Le Gouriellec ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. « Où avez-vous appris l’anglais ? » : la question de Trump au président du Liberia qui illustre les stéréotypes occidentaux sur les Afriques – https://theconversation.com/ou-avez-vous-appris-langlais-la-question-de-trump-au-president-du-liberia-qui-illustre-les-stereotypes-occidentaux-sur-les-afriques-261206

Supporting religious diversity on campus is a surprising consensus among faculty across the red-blue divide

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Matthew J. Mayhew, Professor of Higher Education, The Ohio State University

University faculty are the most important people influencing student learning, development, persistence and degree attainment. Maskot/Getty Images

Universities, often perceived as bastions of progressive thought, are increasingly reflecting the broader political polarization gripping the nation.

Faculty members represent a university’s core identity and mission. They express the values of the institution in numerous ways, including teaching, mentoring, advising and researching.

In my research into the impact of college on student development and learning, I – and others – have found that faculty are the most important people influencing student learning, development, persistence and degree attainment.

However, no systematic efforts have ever been undertaken to find out how faculty’s work is influenced by their understanding of university life and religion – until now.

The Templeton Religion Trust, a charity focused on improving societal well-being through understanding individual well-being, funded a recent national survey my team and I administered to 1,000 faculty members. The survey asked faculty about their perceptions of university life, including free speech and diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives, often shortened to simply DEI.

The survey results reveal a striking divergence in perspectives on the often divisive issues of free speech and DEI among faculty. Those differences showed up particularly along the red state and blue state divide.

Yet, amid these deep disagreements, a surprising point of bipartisan consensus emerges: faculty members’ belief in the importance of religious, spiritual and secular inclusion in diversity efforts.

A student wears a graduation cap with a verse from Koran written on it.
Faculty agreed on the importance of religious, spiritual and secular inclusion in diversity efforts. Here, a student graduating from Columbia University in New York on May 21, 2025, wears a graduation cap with a verse from the Quran written on it.
Jeenah Moon/POOL/AFP via Getty Images, CC BY

State political leaning is key

Survey responses represented national trends across various factors, including region, institutional control, institutional type and academic discipline.

In part of the analysis, we uncovered that the political leanings of a state – how a state voted in the presidential election of 2024 – play a significant role in what faculty perceive about free speech and DEI programming.

Even more compelling, significant differences reported by faculty from red versus blue states showed up consistently across gender, race, religion, academic discipline, faculty rank and whether the faculty member was employed at a private or public institution.

In other words, political leanings of a state were strongly associated with faculty perceptions regardless of these other factors.

Measuring the right to free speech

We asked faculty four questions related to their First Amendment rights, which we presented as: “The First Amendment protects freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, and freedom to petition.”

Working closely with experts in legal epidemiology, we asked faculty the extent to which they agreed with the following statements: a) the First Amendment is relevant to my job as a faculty member; b) the First Amendment is relevant to my research engagement; c) my institution provides me with my constitutionally mandated First Amendment rights; and d) I am aware of my rights and responsibilities as they relate to the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.

While awareness of First Amendment rights appears consistent across the board, a notable difference arises in faculty members’ perception of institutional protection of those rights.

Faculty in blue states are significantly more likely than those in red states to report that their institutions uphold their constitutionally mandated First Amendment rights. This implies a potential disconnect in how freedoms are experienced and protected, depending on the political leanings of the state where an institution is located.

Measuring attitudes about DEI

The divide deepens when it comes to DEI, defined in the survey as “campus diversity programs” in some instances and “diversity, equity, and inclusion” in others.

When compared with faculty in blue states, those in red states are far more inclined to view DEI efforts as “overreach,” agreeing with the statements that “diversity programs generally do more harm than good on college and university campuses” and “the promotion of diversity, equity, and inclusion on college and university campuses has gone too far.”

Conversely, blue state faculty largely disagree with these assertions. When compared with faculty in red states, those in blue states were more likely to agree that “campus diversity programs support student success,” demonstrating a stark ideological chasm on the value and impact of DEI.

This partisan disagreement extends to the very concept of banning DEI programs.

Red state faculty show moderate support for banning DEI, suggesting a belief that current efforts to curtail campus diversity initiatives are, according to survey response options, “well justified.”

Blue state faculty overwhelmingly support the continuation of these programs. They gave strong endorsement to the idea that “colleges and universities should continue to offer identity-specific organizations and programming.”

This schism reflects the ongoing national debate about the role and scope of DEI in higher education. Faculty perspectives mirror the political sentiments of their respective regions.

Amid this significant polarization, a crucial area of common ground emerges: what we call religious, spiritual and secular inclusion.

That’s the idea that DEI efforts should include programming and activities designed to help students from all religious, spiritual and secular backgrounds belong and succeed.

Religious, secular and spiritual diversity

Despite their sharp disagreements on other aspects of DEI, both red state and blue state faculty overwhelmingly agree that “colleges and universities should provide support for students of all religious, secular, and spiritual identities and backgrounds.”

And both groups similarly reject the notion that “campuses should not concern themselves with religious, secular and spiritual diversity.”

The findings from this survey highlight the complex landscape of faculty opinion in higher education. While significant difficulties remain in reconciling differing views on free speech and DEI, the shared commitment to religious, spiritual and secular inclusion offers a potential path to agreement.

By focusing on areas of consensus, institutions can begin to foster more inclusive environments to serve the needs of all students, regardless of their background or beliefs. Understanding these nuanced perspectives is the first step toward building more cohesive, pluralistic and intellectually vibrant academic communities across the nation’s varied political terrain.

The Conversation

Matthew J. Mayhew receives funding from the Templeton Religions Trust, the Arthur Vining Davis Foundations, the Pew Charitable Trusts, the Educational Credit Management Corporation (ECMC) Foundation, the National Science Foundation, the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Merrifield Family Trust, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Fetzer Institute, the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation, the Merrifield Family Trust, and the United States Department of Education.

ref. Supporting religious diversity on campus is a surprising consensus among faculty across the red-blue divide – https://theconversation.com/supporting-religious-diversity-on-campus-is-a-surprising-consensus-among-faculty-across-the-red-blue-divide-262589

We drilled deep under the sea to learn more about mega-earthquakes and tsunamis

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Morgane Brunet, Postdoctoral researcher, Marine geoscience, Université du Québec à Rimouski (UQAR)

The Japanese drilling vessel Chikyu (Japan Agency for Marine-Earth Science and Technology)

Far beneath the waves, down in the depths of the Japan Trench — seven kilometres below sea level — lie hidden clues about some of the most powerful earthquakes and tsunamis on Earth.

From September to December 2024, Expedition 405 of the International Ocean Discovery Program (IODP) embarked on a four-month long mission to offshore Japan. Aboard the Chikyu — the world’s largest scientific drilling ship — 60 scientists teamed up with experienced drillers to uncover deep-sea sediment cores from beneath the sea floor.

The scientists included sedimentologists like myself, alongside geochemists, micropaleontologists, structural geologists, geophysicists and paleomagnetists. We drilled into a fault zone where only one prior expedition had drilled directly before. IODP Expedition 405 — also called Tracking Tsunamigenic Slip Across the Japan Trench (JTRACK) — is only the second deep-drilling mission to access this area.

This time, we reached and sampled the décollement, or the basal detachment, of the fault that ruptured during the devastating 2011 Tōhoku mega-earthquake. We collected cores that will help scientists better understand how such powerful earthquakes are triggered.

Expedition 405 of the International Ocean Discovery Program embarked onboard the Chikyu for a four-month long mission offshore Japan.

An unexpected slip

On March 11, 2011, the Tōhoku mega-earthquake struck off the northeast coast of Japan, triggering a catastrophic tsunami. At magnitude 9.1, it was the most powerful earthquake ever recorded and the deadliest natural disaster in Japan’s modern history.

More than 18,000 people died. The earthquake severely damaged the Fukushima nuclear plant; there was an estimated US$235 billion in damages. Scientists were surprised not by the scale of the earthquake, but by the location of the largest plate slip that had triggered it: not deep underground, but just beneath the sea floor, at the shallowest part of the plate boundary.

The rupture took place along the Japan Trench, where the Pacific Plate dives beneath the Okhotsk Plate. Until then, this shallow section of subduction zones was thought to slip slowly and quietly.

But during the Tōhoku event, more than 50 metres of slip occurred on a fault that ruptured the sea floor, displacing huge amounts of water and generating the devastating tsunami.

Drilling into the fault

During the IODP 405 expedition, we set out to understand the conditions that make such tsunamis possible.

The Japan Trench provides a natural laboratory to investigate the fundamental processes of tsunamigenic earthquakes that trigger massive tsunamis.

For that reason, we drilled deep into the plate boundary fault, the exact zone that ruptured during the 2011 earthquake. This meant drilling more than 800 metres beneath the seafloor and into the fault itself to recover samples of rocks and sediments.

We also installed a long-term observatory to monitor temperature and fluid pressure at the earthquake’s source, hoping to detect subtle signals locked in the material that once unleashed one of the most powerful earthquakes in history.

Retrieving cores

On board the Chikyu, operations ran 24-7. Every three hours, a new core arrived on deck — a long, cylindrical archive of Earth’s memory. As sedimentologists, we got to work right away peering through the transparent liners with flashlights, scanning for traces of sand, volcanic ash or anything hinting at past geological events.

Each core told a chapter of a story written over millions of years. Layer by layer, they revealed a sequence of faulted, fractured or deformed sediments and rocks. Some contained smectite — a slippery clay mineral known to reduce friction along faults. These are precisely the kinds of materials that can allow tectonic plates to slip easily, even at shallow depths near the sea floor — exactly the kind of setting that could produce a tsunami-generating earthquake.

One of the most thrilling moments came when we hit layers of chert — a hard, glassy rock that marks the transition from deep-sea sediments to oceanic crust. We had reached the décollement zone, the very boundary where one tectonic plate dives beneath another.

a woman holding a tube filled with layers of different coloured sediment
A split core recovered from within the fault zone.
(M. Brunet), CC BY-NC-ND

In the lab, slicing open the cores revealed something else: beautifully banded colourful clays, tinted in rich shades of chocolate, vanilla and caramel — a natural palette created from geological processes deep within the Earth.

Each new core entered a tightly co-ordinated workflow: scanned by high-resolution, X-ray-computed tomography, tested for physical and chemical properties, then split in half. One half was carefully preserved in a permanent archive, while the other was examined and sampled thoroughly by scientists from various countries and disciplines.

My research focuses on the sedimentary signature of past earthquakes and tsunamis. On the Chikyu, I searched for deposits called homogenite-turbidite sequences. These form when a quake shakes the sea floor, triggering a submarine landslide (the turbidite), followed by a slow rain of fine particles stirred up by the tsunami (the homogenite). These sequences are geological time capsules, helping us estimate how often giant earthquakes have struck in the past.

Fault evolution

The Chikyu returned to the original site drilled soon after the 2011 earthquake. This gave us something rare in geoscience: an opportunity to observe how the fault has evolved over more than a decade. We installed a borehole observatory, deeper and more advanced than any before in this region.

Installing the observatory in the JTRACK research expedition.

Over the coming years, it will monitor temperature and fluid flow in real time, giving us a window into the living, breathing dynamics of a megathrust fault.

Using this data, scientists will simulate earthquake conditions using numerical models or experiments to test how these rocks respond under pressure. They will analyze the chemistry of the fluids trapped within the fault and use advanced logging tools to build a detailed picture of the fault’s internal architecture.

Others — like myself — will focus on the sedimentary record, deciphering past events to better understand the frequency of earthquakes and tsunamis.

From understanding to preparedness

The Japan Trench is not an isolated case. Subduction zones around the world, from Chile to Alaska to Indonesia, pose similar risks, often just offshore from densely populated regions. If shallow slip can happen there too, then our current models and preparedness strategies must evolve accordingly.

Our goal wasn’t just to understand why the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake happened, but to help prepare for the next one. By improving tsunami hazard assessments and deepening our understanding of mega-earthquake fault behaviour, we contribute to building global resilience.

IODP Expedition 405 marks a major milestone for earthquake and tsunami science. In the coming years, data from the new borehole observatory, along with lab experiments and sediment analyses, will offer unprecedented insights into how these faults evolve and how we can better anticipate and mitigate the impacts of future megathrust earthquakes.

The Conversation

Morgane Brunet receives funding from the European Commission through a Marie Curie Postdoctoral Global Fellowship.

ref. We drilled deep under the sea to learn more about mega-earthquakes and tsunamis – https://theconversation.com/we-drilled-deep-under-the-sea-to-learn-more-about-mega-earthquakes-and-tsunamis-252010

Canada is leading the U.K. and France in boycotting American goods due to Trump’s tariffs

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Shelley Boulianne, Professor in Communication Studies, Mount Royal University

Since taking office, United States President Donald Trump has used tariffs to address perceived trade deficits with other countries. He claims that other countries have cheated and pillaged the U.S. via trade deficits.

In response, many political leaders have implemented retaliatory tariffs on American products, although Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney recently lifted many of them in an apparent peace offering amid Canada-U.S. trade negotiations.

Citizens have also been engaged in these trade wars by avoiding the purchase of American products and services, as well as avoiding travel to the U.S.

From June 25 to July 8, 2025, Kantar, a global research and consulting company, conducted a survey through its online panels of 1,500 respondents in Canada, France and the United Kingdom, respectively.

Strict quotas were used to ensure the survey respondents would match the census profile of the adult population in each of the three countries.

Surveying consumers

As a social scientist who examines citizen engagement in civic and political life, I designed the survey questions. Respondents answered yes or no to:

Due to Trump’s recent tariffs, have you boycotted: a) American products, including grocery items; b) American services, such as Facebook, Amazon, or TV streaming services; and c) Travel to the United States.

The graph below outlines the results. Compared to the U.K. and France, Canadians were far more likely to report boycotting American products, services and travel.

Canadians, of course, have greater opportunities to boycott compared to other countries, given historically high levels of travel and international trade with the U.S. and Canada’s close proximity to the country. Statistics Canada reports that Canadian trips to the U.S. are down by 28.7 per cent from last year.

This case study of political consumerism reveals important distinctions compared to traditional boycotts.

Politically motivated boycotting is typically associated with those holding left-wing views.

In this case, both left-wing and right-wing people are participating in the boycott of American products. There are no ideological differences in participation in Canada and France. However, in the U.K., those on the right are more likely to boycott American products, services and travel than those on the left.

Existing research also shows well-educated people are more likely to boycott, particularly in Canada and France.

But in the Kantar survey, education did not impact participation in the boycott of American products, services and travel. All educational groups were motivated to participate.

Expressing discontent

Boycotting is a particularly attractive form of political behaviour in the case of international relations, because angry international citizens cannot simply contact Trump to express their discontent.

In fact, criticizing U.S. policies under Trump may result in being turned away at the American border by U.S. Customs and Border Protection.

Instead, consumers can express their discontent through the choices they make when grocery shopping, when making travel plans, and finally, in their choice to refrain from using American-owned social media like Facebook.

This situation is also unique because Trump actively encourages citizens to boycott companies with which he disagrees. Despite his own calls to boycott companies, Trump and American officials have called Canadians “nasty” for boycotting U.S. alcohol and travel in retaliation of American tariffs.

Follow the leader?

Now Canada has lifted most of the retaliatory tariffs, with Carney explaining that Canada has the “best deal with the United States right now.”

Canadians may choose to follow the direction of their prime minister or they may view this as an opportunity to take more responsibility and continue to use their purchasing choices to influence trade relations.

The responses may also differ across countries.

The U.K. says it has negotiated the lowest U.S. tariff rate so far and therefore, British citizens may choose to end their boycotting.

In contrast, political leaders in France continue to criticize the European Union’s recent trade agreement with the U.S. In this case, French citizens may follow suit and continue to use their purchasing power to influence trade relations.

The Conversation

Shelley Boulianne does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Canada is leading the U.K. and France in boycotting American goods due to Trump’s tariffs – https://theconversation.com/canada-is-leading-the-u-k-and-france-in-boycotting-american-goods-due-to-trumps-tariffs-263395

South Africa’s service delivery crisis: why protesters are using more militant tactics

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Kenny Chiwarawara, Senior Lecturer, University of Johannesburg

Post-apartheid South Africa is characterised by frequent public protests. On average, between 2007 and 2013, there were over 11 protests daily. Research shows that protests almost doubled in the 20 years after 1997.

Service delivery protests – over basic services such as housing, electricity, refuse removal, water and sanitation – feature most prominently in these protests.

These protesters employ diverse tactics at different times: marching to government offices, barricading roads, destroying property and attacking unpopular individuals.

Often people ask why protesters resort to destroying public and private property and attacking people.

I have researched poor people’s struggles for housing and basic services in South Africa since 2012.

This article draws from a study involving 20 in-depth interviews and two focus group discussions in Gugulethu and the same number in Khayelitsha. These are low-income black townships in Cape Town.

The study investigated three inter-related questions: the reasons for protests, the tactics used by protesters, and the character and organisation of the protests. This article focuses on when, how and why different tactics are used in these protests.

It may be easy to blame protesters for barricading roads, vandalising property and attacking people. However, as my study shows, protesters often initially engage in peaceful and orderly marches. They resort to more radical tactics only when peaceful tactics fail to yield results.

Rather than placing the blame squarely on protesters, there is a need to consider the seriousness of their grievances (such as lack of water), and the failure by the authorities to respond speedily and adequately. Genuinely acknowledging and addressing the grievances discourages more militant protest tactics.

Findings

There is often a perception that communities have an appetite to engage in violent protests. But my research shows that this is not the case.

Aggrieved communities often engage in protests to push for the delivery of basic services.

Usually, poor communities first engage in rounds of orderly and peaceful means of engagement with government officials to alert them to their grievances.

These means of engagement – which are less reported by the media – include holding meetings with the officials responsible for addressing their challenges, and handing them written demands.

When all these means of engagement fail to yield fruit, communities resort to more dramatic means of engagement. These include barricading roads to pressure the government to meet their demands. Even when they turn to dramatic tactics, they first exhaust less dramatic ones.

As the scholar-activist Trevor Ngwane has rightly remarked,

When people start hitting the streets, they should have a banner saying: ‘All protocols observed’, because they’ve gone through all the channels … People feel that the only way to be heard, to get attention, is to burn tyres and engage in some of protest.

My research in Gugulethu and Khayelitsha found that a lack of response, or a poor or unsatisfactory response, led to more radical tactics.

For example, a pastor I interviewed explained the rationale for more radical protest tactics with a compelling metaphor. He explained that pain was necessary in order for someone to take action. He gave an example of a person with a sore arm, but who did nothing to address the source of the pain. He reasoned that if someone else pinched the sore arm, this would compel the patient to take necessary steps to ensure that the arm was healed.

In the same way, he explained that the government knew about the “sore arms”, or poor conditions that impoverished communities endured, but chose to ignore them.

To pressure the government to address their grievances, communities sometimes employ radical protest tactics (pinching). For communities enduring appalling service delivery, the momentary inconveniences ensuing from the “pinching” pale in comparison to the ignored service delivery challenges (sore arms).

My research, for example, highlights the precariousness of living in shacks, lacking a bathroom, toilet, running water and electricity.

It is these challenges that residents episodically protest against using primarily orderly means of engagement and sometimes more radical protest tactics to pressure (or pinch) the government to address the challenges.

What should be done?

Tactics such as the destruction of property and attacks on people that sometimes accompany protests should be discouraged. At the same time, it is important to condemn the circumstances that necessitate such radical tactics.

A more responsive government would try to make it unnecessary for people to turn to militant protests to air their grievances. The government should proactively address service delivery challenges and swiftly respond to the complaints raised by communities.

The Conversation

Kenny Chiwarawara does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. South Africa’s service delivery crisis: why protesters are using more militant tactics – https://theconversation.com/south-africas-service-delivery-crisis-why-protesters-are-using-more-militant-tactics-241045

Escaped slaves on St. Croix hid their settlements so well, they still haven’t been found – archaeologists using new mapping technology are on the hunt

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Justin Dunnavant, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles

The red square on this 1767 map of St. Croix marks where Danes believed the Maroon settlement was. Paul Kuffner/Royal Danish Library

“For a long time now, a large number of [escaped slaves] have established themselves on lofty Maroon Hill in the mountains toward the west end of the island [of St. Croix]. … They are there protected by the impenetrable bush and by their own wariness.”

Those are the words of Christian Oldendorp, a Danish missionary who visited the Caribbean island of St. Croix in 1767. His account is one of the few Danish historical records of Maronberg, a community of escaped slaves, known as Maroons, in the northwest mountain ranges of the island.

In 1733, the Danish West India-Guinea Company purchased St. Croix from France and quickly expanded the island’s sugar and cotton production. This also meant expanding the slave population to harvest lucrative plantations. But the Danes were never able to fully control the island – or the enslaved. By the end of the 1700s, nearly 1,400 people – more than 10% of the enslaved population – successfully escaped captivity. But where did they escape to? Only recently have researchers started to shed more light on this centuries-old mystery.

As an archaeologist specializing in slavery and resistance, I’ve excavated plantations in the Americas and used geographic information systems to model Maroon escape routes by sea. Recently, I turned my attention to Maroon settlements on land, working with a team of archaeologists to locate Maronberg.

Maroon Ridge on St. Croix is believed to have been home to hundreds of escaped enslaved people from 1733-1848.
Justin Dunnavant, CC BY

Honoring a legacy

I first learned about Maronberg on a nature tour of St. Croix given by local activist and University of the Virgin Islands professor Olasee Davis in 2016. At that time, I was on the island to excavate a sugar plantation, a project that gave my colleagues and me a unique perspective on the enslaved experience in the Danish-controlled Caribbean.

In August 2025, Davis’ decades-long campaign to create an official heritage sanctuary to protect Maronberg finally came to fruition. The local government purchased 2,386 acres of land to serve as the U.S. Virgin Islands Maroon Territorial Park.

But one problem remains: We have yet to find the physical remains of the settlement. Locating and preserving Maronberg’s historical artifacts and buildings could provide new insight into residents’ way of life and give greater meaning to the sanctuary.

Fortunately, advanced computer modeling and high-resolution maps are helping us get closer to pinpointing the settlement.

Finding what was meant to remain hidden

Many Maroon settlements in the Americas have proved difficult to locate. This makes sense when you consider that their inhabitants were trying to hide from colonial settlers. If the Danes had found Maronberg, they would have either killed its inhabitants or forced them back into slavery.

Runaways tended to settle in areas that were intentionally difficult to access, like remote swampy or mountainous terrain. Houses and other shelters often consisted of semipermanent structures so that Maroons could relocate as needed to avoid detection.

The boundaries of Maronberg and the size of the settlement along the northwestern mountain range remain unknown. Colonial militias attempted periodic raids, but historical records report that they were met with rugged terrain, booby traps and counterattacks.

The missionary Oldendorp wrote: “[The Maroons] keep every approach safe by attempting carefully to conceal small, pointed stakes of poisoned wood so that the unwary pursuer might wound his foot on them and therefore be prevented from continuing the chase as a result of the unbearable pain.”

All those precautions paid off: The Danes were never able to penetrate the Maroons’ encampment.

Using new tech to see 300 years into the past

Recent attempts by researchers to locate Maronberg began in 2007, with more extensive geographic information systems mapping conducted in 2008. These digital, computer-based geographic programs allow researchers to store a range of geological data and model spatial patterns across vast terrains.

Pairing a historical map with a low-resolution elevation map from the U.S. Geological Survey, archaeologist Bo Ejstrud created a predictive model to assess the probable location of the Maroon settlement. He considered elevation, slope and colonial infrastructure to identify the most remote areas of St. Croix with the least visibility from colonial lines of sight.

Back in the 1700s, urban centers accounted for only a small percentage of the overall landmass of the 83-square-mile (215-square-kilometer) island. Much of the land was either plantations or uninhabited forests and mountains. Ejstrud’s model reaffirmed the likelihood of a Maroon settlement in the northwest region. But it left us with a massive survey area. The map also didn’t account for the possibility that the settlement moved over time.

In 2020, I teamed up with archaeologists Steven Wernke, from Vanderbilt University’s Spatial Analysis Research Laboratory, and Lauren Kohut, from Winthrop University’s Geospatial Environmental Modeling Lab. Together, we developed and visualized a more dynamic model using advances in mapping since 2008.

We began by digitizing two of the most detailed colonial maps of St. Croix – one from 1750 and another from 1799. These maps, created by Danish military engineers and surveyors, detail the spread of plantations, roads and settlements over time.

Next, in order to build a digital elevation model of the island’s terrain, we incorporated high-resolution light detection and ranging, or lidar, data collected by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. Whereas traditional digital elevation models can be skewed by dense vegetation and trees, lidar uses laser pulses that penetrate through the forest canopy to map the Earth’s surface. This technology allows us to analyze some of the most secluded, inaccessible areas on the island. Prior to 2013, lidar was too costly for archaeological research purposes. But these days, it’s built into many cellphones.

By layering these datasets in geographic information systems software, we created a suitability model that estimated where Maroon settlements were most likely to have existed. In addition to isolation and visibility, we also incorporated accessibility to water sources and terrain ruggedness to model the degree of mobility through the landscape.

This approach allowed us to simulate how the opportunities and constraints the landscape offered to people seeking refuge shifted as colonial society grew over time.

side-by-side maps of where Maroon settlements were believed to be on St. Croix in 1750 and 1799
The red areas indicate where on St. Croix that Maroons may have settled. The area shrank between 1750 and 1799, as the Danish settlers spread out.
Lauren Kohut, Steven A. Wernke and Justin Dunnavant, CC BY

Mapping changes

In addition to providing more nuance to the picture of the areas where Maroons potentially settled, our research suggests that the Maroon settlement wasn’t static, but likely waned as colonial infrastructure increased on the island. Our model implies that the area of suitable land for clandestine Maroon communities shrank by more than 90% in just 50 years.

It’s possible that over time there were fewer runaways. More likely, more Maroons left the island by boat for destinations such as Puerto Rico and Tortola.

Where we go from here

Though our findings still don’t provide an exact location for Maronberg, they get us one step closer to locating the physical remains of this centuries-old Maroon community. The next step will be to visit these sites and survey them for evidence of historical settlement. Archaeological research at these sites would help us understand more about the Maroons who turned a rugged landscape into a sanctuary for freedom.

Ultimately, identifying artifacts and historical sites within the newly established U.S. Virgin Islands Maroon Territorial Park would help us develop educational tours and honor the Maroon legacy.

The Conversation

Justin Dunnavant does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Escaped slaves on St. Croix hid their settlements so well, they still haven’t been found – archaeologists using new mapping technology are on the hunt – https://theconversation.com/escaped-slaves-on-st-croix-hid-their-settlements-so-well-they-still-havent-been-found-archaeologists-using-new-mapping-technology-are-on-the-hunt-237291

Tchad : l’emprisonnement de Succès Masra, symbole d’un espace politique verrouillé

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Bourdjolbo Tchoudiba, Doctorant en Sciences Politiques-Université Paris-Est Créteil, Laboratoire Interdisciplinaire d’Études du Politique Hannah Arendt (LIPHA), Université Paris-Est Créteil Val de Marne (UPEC)

L’ancien Premier ministre tchadien et chef du parti d’opposition Les Transformateurs, Succès Masra, a été condamné à 20 ans de prison et à une lourde amende d’un milliard de FCFA (1, 666 million de dollars US). Masra a été reconnu coupable de « diffusion de messages à caractère haineux et xénophobe » et de « complicité de meurtre » dans les violences communautaires qui ont fait une quarantaine de morts en mai dernier.

Le Tchad semble ainsi se refermer sur son opposition. Après la mort violente de Yaya Dillo en 2024, c’est autour de Succès Masra, qui incarnait l’espoir d’un pluralisme politique, d’être neutralisé. En tant que chercheur ayant étudié la vie politique du pays, Bourdjolbo Tchoudiba décrypte les effets politiques de ce verdict, y voyant un stratagème visant à rétrécir l’espace démocratique, au risque d’installer une crise politique et sociale durable.


Comment analysez-vous ce verdict par rapport à la carrière politique de Succès Masra ?

L’affaire Masra, depuis son arrestation le 16 mai 2025 — survenue deux jours seulement après le conflit communautaire de Mandakaou, au sud du Tchad — a été entachée d’irrégularités à toutes les étapes de la procédure. Le verdict du 9 août 2025 de la Chambre criminelle, le condamnant à 20 ans de prison ferme, confirme la thèse d’un procès politique avancée dès le début de cette affaire.

Plusieurs médias, organisations de la société civile et ONG considèrent qu’il s’agit d’un procès à motivation politique .

À première vue, ce verdict constitue une victoire pour le régime militaire tchadien qui a visiblement opté pour le rétrécissement de l’espace politique depuis le début de la transition politique en 2021 en neutralisant les principaux leaders de l’opposition. L’assassinat physique et politique de Yaya Dillo, l’un des principaux opposants du régime en 2023, et la condamnation de Masra en sont les exemples les plus palpables.

Mais ce verdict fragilise aussi le lent processus démocratique enclenché depuis 1990 et cristallise des tensions qui ne se résorberont pas aussi facilement.

La peine infligée à Masra témoigne de l’instrumentalisation de l’appareil judiciaire. Elle s’inscrit dans une longue séquence de répressions visant opposants, société civile, leaders d’opinion. La justice apparaît ainsi comme arme politique. À ce rythme, le climat politique déjà tendu risque de replonger le Tchad dans l’instabilité.




Read more:
Succès Masra, le destin contrarié d’un réformateur tchadien


Est-ce la fin de la carrière politique de Succès Masra ?

Le parcours atypique du président du parti Les Transformateurs, sa capacité de résilience et à incarner une véritable alternative semblent avoir pesé dans l’issue du verdict. Opposant majeur du régime, il a été contraint à un court exil après la répression de la manifestation du 20 octobre 2022. Cette mobilisation réprimée dans le sang avait fait plus de 300 morts. Elle avait été organisée pour protester contre la prolongation unilatérale de la transition.

Il est revenu en novembre 2023 à la faveur d’un accord de «réconciliation». Quelques semaines plus tard, il a été nommé Premier ministre le 1ᵉʳ janvier 2024, puis a démissionné pour se présenter à l’élection présidentielle du 6 mai 2024.

Lors de ce scrutin, Masra a été officiellement crédité de 18,53 % des voix face à Mahamat Idriss Déby (61,03 %), des résultats qu’il a contestés.

Sa condamnation après ce procès expéditif laisse penser à la fin de sa carrière politique. Par ailleurs, le départ de certains cadres influents fragilise davantage son parti, confronté à un véritable défi de survie.

Ce verdict fige son image. Il renforce en même temps sa popularité auprès de sa base et des sympathisants qui le perçoivent comme une victime d’une justice instrumentalisée par le régime au pouvoir.

Cette condamnation rétrécit ainsi son espace d’action (emprisonnement, inéligibilité de facto) tout en augmentant son capital symbolique de martyr dans une trajectoire politique déjà marquée par la répression du 20 octobre 2022 (« Jeudi noir »).

Beaucoup de Tchadiens évoquent la possibilité d’une grâce présidentielle suivie d’une amnistie pour donner une seconde vie politique à Succès Masra. Il peut également bénéficier de la réduction ou de l’annulation de peine après le recours en appel introduit par ses avocats.




Read more:
Tchad : Mahamat Idriss Déby et Succès Masra, les deux ennemis d’hier devenus des partenaires


Comment cette condamnation pourrait-elle reconfigurer le rapport de force entre pouvoir et opposition au Tchad ?

À court terme, cette condamnation renforce l’emprise du parti au pouvoir sur l’échiquier politique tchadien. Depuis le verdict, Les Transformateurs traverse déjà des fractures internes. Cela réduit le risque pour le régime d’une figure unique capable de cristalliser la contestation dans la rue et de s’imposer dans les urnes. Cet emprisonnement affaiblira forcément la capacité de mobilisation du parti Les Transformateurs et occasionnera le départ de certains de ses membres influents, à l’image du vice-président Dr Sitack Yombatina Béni, qui, quelques jours après le verdict, a démissionné.

C’est d’ailleurs l’un des objectifs qui se cache derrière cette condamnation. Celui de décapiter le parti et de coopter ses membres influents. Mais cette stratégie de déstabilisation, déjà tentée par le passé, peut-elle aboutir cette fois-ci ?

La direction collégiale mise en place sous l’ordre de Succès Masra, dans la foulée de sa condamnation, pourrait se réorganiser autour de certains leaders clés qui incarnent l’idéologie de ce parti. La désignation de la vice-présidente chargée de la condition féminine, Claudia Hoinathy pour assurer l’intérim à la tête du parti, sonne comme un choix stratégique caractéristique de la résilience des transformateurs.

À moyen terme, l’avenir ce parti demeure incertain. Le pouvoir multiplie les manœuvres dans un jeu politique déséquilibré, visant la déstabilisation totale de l’opposition. La condamnation de Masra s’inscrit dans une dynamique où l’opposition, décapitée et fragmentée, peine à construire un front uni. Le scénario le plus préoccupant reste celui d’une dissolution du parti, comme ce fut le cas pour le Parti socialiste sans frontières (PSF) de Yaya Dillo en 2023, après son assassinat.

Enfin, le Tchad n’est pas aussi stable que certains pourraient le penser. L’appareil sécuritaire et de défense est déjà éprouvé par des répressions sanglantes des évènements de 2021–2022 (usage récurrent de la force contre les rassemblements) et marqué par de dérives diverses (défection, règlement de compte, incompétence, impunité, conflit d’intérêt, etc.). Ce qui pourrait fragiliser et provoquer la déstabilisation du pouvoir si la contestation se déporte vers des formes de guérilla urbaine ou de manifestation violente.

La dissuasion à court terme imposée par la condamnation de Masra pourrait se traduire, à long terme, par un durcissement du conflit politique, qui risque de rompre l’équilibre déjà précaire du pays.




Read more:
Tchad : les législatives renforcent le pouvoir absolu de Mahamat Idriss Déby


Quel impact ce verdict pourrait-il avoir sur la démocratie et les libertés au Tchad ?

Cette condamnation suscite déjà de vives critiques. Par exemple, Human Rights Watch dénonce un procès à caractère politique et estime que la peine « envoie un message effrayant aux détracteurs du gouvernement ». Le risque d’une crise socio-politique se dessine à travers ce verrouillage de l’appareil judiciaire qui pourrait provoquer des tensions violentes.

Plusieurs signaux convergent vers un recul démocratique et la violation des libertés au Tchad. Depuis le début de la transition politique tchadienne en 2021 jusqu’à aujourd’hui, les libertés publiques (réunion, expression, association, presse, etc.) se sont considérablement restreintes. Les organisations de la société civile, de défense des droits humains et de la presse ont été suspendues.

L’interdiction des manifestations, les arrestations de dissidents et la suspension d’organisations civiles et médiatiques confirment cette dérive autoritaire.

Le précédent d’octobre 2022 illustre cette dynamique. Il criminalise la parole publique à travers des accusations d’incitation, de xénophobie ou de violences intercommunautaires. Ce qui a installé un climat d’autocensure. En neutralisant le pluralisme politique, il favorise de fait une dérive monopartiste qui rappelle les années sombres ayant suivi l’indépendance en 1960.

Des affaires visant des opposants de premier plan – de Yaya Dillo en 2024 à Succès Masra après une élection contestée – renforcent l’inquiétude sur l’indépendance de la justice. Elles alimentent aussi la perception d’une crise de légitimité du pouvoir.

Si le verdict est confirmé, il risque de compromettre les promesses de réconciliation nationale et d’aggraver la défiance envers des institutions judiciaires déjà discréditées.

Quelles conditions seraient nécessaires pour apaiser les tensions politiques liées à cette affaire ?

Après la répression du 20 octobre 2022, Masra était rentré d’exil grâce à l’« accord de Kinshasa », signé sous l’égide de la Communauté économique des États de l’Afrique centrale (CEEAC). Cet accord, suivi par une amnistie, lui garantissait ses droits politiques et juridiques.

Mais ce verdict lui ôte toutes ces garanties auxquelles les autorités tchadiennes s’étaient engagées devant la communauté internationale.

À ce stade, il est urgent que la communauté internationale, et en particulier la CEEAC ainsi que le facilitateur désigné, le président de la RDC Félix Tshisekedi, interviennent pour assurer la médiation et faire respecter l’accord de Kinshasa. Elle doit rappeler à l’État sa responsabilité d’assurer une justice équitable et exiger le respect des libertés politiques et civiques, condition indispensable à une véritable réconciliation.

The Conversation

Bourdjolbo Tchoudiba does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Tchad : l’emprisonnement de Succès Masra, symbole d’un espace politique verrouillé – https://theconversation.com/tchad-lemprisonnement-de-succes-masra-symbole-dun-espace-politique-verrouille-263399

Latin American literature contains warnings for American universities that yield to Trump

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Charlotte Rogers, Associate Professor of Spanish, University of Virginia

Nobel Prize winner Gabriel García Márquez, who fled Colombia after learning that the government planned to arrest him, returns to his hometown, Aracataca, in 2007 for the first time in 20 years. Alejandra Vega/AFP via Getty Images

As university leaders work to make deals with the Trump administration, many college presidents are at an ethical crossroads. On the one hand, they must do all they can to restore funding for vital research. On the other, they risk ceding to the demands of a president with views that don’t align with their missions.

As the fall semester begins, academic administrators could look to literature for guidance. Latin America’s rich archive of fiction over the past century features this dilemma in numerous stories about living under dictatorships.

Among many others, Peruvian novelist Mario Vargas Llosa, Colombian writer and journalist Gabriel García Márquez and Argentine author Luisa Valenzuela have mined the region’s turbulent political history to explore how authoritarian rulers bend institutional leaders to their will by cultivating fear.

Lessons from the bookshelves

In these works, some threats are more overtly coercive than others.

Vargas Llosa’s “The Feast of the Goat” details how Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo reportedly fed insubordinate underlings to voracious crocodiles, an image that, for me, has echoes in Florida’s Alligator Alcatraz. In García Márquez’s “The Autumn of the Patriarch,” an illiterate strongman takes over all institutions to such an extreme that “él solo era el gobierno” – he alone was the government.

Yet to me, the greatest danger that Latin American literature foretells for higher education is the insidious way capitulation to authoritarians changes both individuals and institutions.

This is the subject of “The Censors,” a 1976 short story by Valenzuela. Back then, all but four Latin American countries were dominated by authoritarian regimes.

The main character in Valenzuela’s story is an average Joe – aptly named Juan – who writes a letter to his beloved Mariana, now living in Paris. Soon after he mails the letter, Juan is beset by fear that despite its innocuous sentiments, his message will be construed by authorities as subversive. He worries that secret military forces will fly to Paris and kidnap Mariana from her apartment. (Masked men forcing people into unmarked vehicles is a common sight in dictatorships, then and now.)

Juan decides he must “sabotage the machinery, throw sand in its gears.” So he becomes a censor for the regime in hopes of intercepting his own letter as it works its way through the painfully slow Post Office Censorship Division.

University leaders, much like Juan, begin with the best of intentions. They initially collaborate with the government’s demands because they want to protect the university’s mission.

A woman with blonde hair presents a medal on a stage to an older woman with short, black, curly hair.
Journalist Silvia Lemus, left, presents an award to Argentine writer Luisa Valenzuela at the Guadalajara International Book Fair on Dec. 1, 2019.
Leonardo Alvarez Hernandez/Getty Images

But once the concessions are made, things begin to change.

In “The Censors,” Juan discovers he has a knack for redacting questionable letters. Assigned to a division that checks correspondence for explosives, he watches as a co-worker’s right hand gets blown off. Yet when a colleague tries to organize a demonstration advocating for safer working conditions, Juan reports him to the authorities and is rewarded with a swift promotion.

Juan justifies his opportunism as a one-off rather than a personal transformation: “Una vez no crea hábito” – “One time doesn’t create a habit” – he reassures himself as he leaves his boss’s office.

As he reaches the highest echelons of the censorship authority, Juan’s sense of purpose blurs beyond recognition. He now considers flagging subversive letters and condemning their authors to be “a truly patriotic task, both self-sacrificing and uplifting.”

At this exact moment, Juan encounters his own letter to Mariana. “Naturally,” the narrator declares acidly, “he censored it without regret.” In the last lines of the story, the narrator reveals that Juan was executed the following day.

Juan, Valenzuela concludes with devastating irony, is “one more victim of devotion to his work.”

Universities in the crosshairs

In his zeal to capitulate, Juan deals himself a death blow, and I can’t help but wonder if universities are heading down the same perilous path.

In an official statement, Brown University noted on July 30, 2025, that it will “comply with the Trump administration’s vision” on admissions practices. Likewise, Columbia University has agreed to direct governmental oversight of its Middle East studies department, while the University of Pennsylvania will no longer allow trans women on female sports teams.

At the University of Virginia, where I’m an associate professor of Spanish, President James E. Ryan resigned under intense pressure from the Department of Justice in June 2025.

For most of his seven years in leadership, Ryan set out to make the university more diverse and open doors for first-generation and low- to middle-income students.

Middle-aged man with short, brown hair, wearing a suit and tie.
University of Virginia President James E. Ryan resigned in June 2025.
Win McNamee/Getty Images

By the time of his resignation, however, the university had already yielded to demands from a conservative alumni group to de-emphasize the history of enslavement during campus tours. And it had adopted “institutional neutrality,” meaning it would no longer take a position on, say, mass starvation in Gaza.

In March 2025, the university’s governing board voted to dismantle the university’s diversity, equity and inclusion office at the behest of Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin.

Three months later, Ryan was gone.

More to come?

As the White House continues its pressure campaign, academic administrators may face more funding threats in the future. I worry that if humanities programs are cut – the University of Chicago just paused admissions to doctoral programs in literature, philosophy, the arts and languages, citing “this moment of uncertainty” – students will lose the opportunity to be introduced to works like “The Censors.”

Columbia maintains it has safeguarded academic freedom by making a deal. But as Wesleyan University President Michael Roth told PBS, the academic community remains skeptical about the durability of these agreements.

Perhaps some administrators believe, as Juan did, that “one time doesn’t create a habit.”

But higher education, I fear, is being swallowed by its leaders’ “devotion to their work.”

The Conversation

The perspectives in this article do not reflect the official position of the University of Virginia.

ref. Latin American literature contains warnings for American universities that yield to Trump – https://theconversation.com/latin-american-literature-contains-warnings-for-american-universities-that-yield-to-trump-262679

How stripping diversity, equity and inclusion from health care may make Americans sicker

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Abigail Folberg, Assistant Professor of Psychology, University of Nebraska Omaha

The Trump administration has rescinded more than $1 billion in medical research funding, with one major target being research relating to diversity, equity and inclusion. Alina Kotliar/iStock via Getty Images Plus

President Donald Trump’s administration has dramatically reshaped health and medical research by rolling back federal funding from institutions that have diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives and by cutting federal funding for research projects that the administration considers related to DEI.

As of Aug. 20, 2025, the National Institutes of Health has terminated over 5,100 grants totaling over US$4.4 billion in research funding. Likewise, the National Science Foundation, which seeks among other things to advance the nation’s health, has rescinded over 1,700 research grants totaling over $1 billion in funding.

These terminations have disproportionately affected projects that study the experiences of marginalized groups and funding to scientists from social groups that are underrepresented in academia. The federal judge overseeing a case challenging cuts to NIH grants said that he had “never seen government racial discrimination like this.”

Many Americans may view these cuts to health-related research as disconnected from the health care they receive. However, as a psychologist and a chemical engineer who study how gender and racial inequality affect well-being and the incidence and progression of disease, we believe that these changes will make all Americans less healthy.

Health repercussions for minority groups

The Trump administration’s funding cuts will most directly affect the health of members of marginalized groups, including, but not limited to, people of color, women and people who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, intersex and transgender. The website grant.witness.us includes a list of the project descriptions of canceled grants. The NIH grants that were terminated include ones that funded research investigating the effects of food insecurity and stress on prenatal and birth outcomes among women of color, sex differences in major depression, and risk factors for suicidal behavior among gender minority adolescents.

The White House has also indicated that it intends to ax the National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities, which funds research on groups that tend to have poorer health outcomes, in its planned reorganization of the NIH.

Doctor measures a young child's height at a medical checkup.
Understanding why people from marginalized groups experience poorer health outcomes requires research.
Kiwis/iStock via Getty Images Plus

These cuts will likely make these groups’ health outcomes worse. One of the reasons for these health disparities is that the health experiences and outcomes of members of marginalized social groups, such as women of color, have historically received less attention. Health disparities cannot be closed without high-quality research.

The case of endometrial cancer

One example of a disease where differences in health outcomes vary depending on race is endometrial cancer. The endometrium is an inner layer of the uterus, and endometrial cancer therefore primarily affects women. As we discussed in a 2023 review article, Black women are more likely than white women to have worse disease outcomes and to die from endometrial cancer. Some of the reasons for these disparities are unclear. For example, researchers do not know why Black women are more likely to get the more aggressive of two subtypes of endometrial cancer. This knowledge gap underscores the need to study these disparities.

But many causes of these disparities are known – and they are social in nature. For example, researchers discovered that Black women were less likely than white women to know about the early warning signs of endometrial cancer, such as postmenopausal vaginal bleeding. Black women were, therefore, more likely to be diagnosed later and die from endometrial cancer. Additionally, many Black women use chemical hair straightening kits, or perm kits, which have recently been linked to endometrial cancer incidence.

Also, Black patients and members of other groups, such as LGBTQ people and women, also routinely experience discrimination from health care providers. For example, studies suggest that some providers may fail to provide the best possible medical care and express discriminatory attitudes toward Black and sexual minority patients, which may prompt patients to avoid seeking future medical care. More generally, the stress from experiencing discrimination can also lead to physiological changes in the body that contribute to poorer physical and mental health.

Silhouette of doctor in white coat with stethoscope and LGBTQ+ pin on pocket
Patients who experience discriminatory attitudes from clinicians may avoid seeking medical care in the future.
Nadzeya Haroshka/iStock via Getty Images Plus*

Addressing social factors that influence health

DEI initiatives may address some of these social factors. For example, efforts to promote diversity among medical professionals may be beneficial because patients of color may experience better outcomes when they are treated by doctors who share their racial or ethnic identity, and more diversity among primary care physicians may reduce racial health disparities. Black patients are also more likely to trust their providers when their providers signal awareness of systemic inequality – and trust, in turn, may encourage people to make use of preventive health services such as routine checkups.

Medical care is also supported by scientists from many disciplines who research the progression and treatment of disease. These researchers’ identities may influence what they choose to study and how they choose to study it. DEI initiatives, such as peer-mentoring programs and intentional efforts to recruit diverse faculty, help institutions to recruit and retain people whose backgrounds and experiences are traditionally underrepresented in academia. Better representation across many scientific fields may also contribute to the research and training of physicians and other scientists who contribute to the health of the nation.

Diversity in health care benefits everyone

Slashing support for DEI initiatives in health care as well as funding for minority health is likely to reshape the health of all Americans, not just people of color and others from underrepresented groups.

For example, the government has scrubbed the mention of words that are associated with DEI, such as “women,” “Black” and “bias” from federal agencies and has increased scrutiny of grants submitted to the NIH and the National Science Foundation. Among the canceled grants was research examining women’s reproductive health, which affects both women and anyone who wishes to become a parent, regardless of whether they carry or birth that child.

Other canceled research grants examined ways to reduce the incidence of new HIV/AIDS infections among transgender women and men of color. Although this research specifically examined transgender people, research on reducing the transmission of HIV is a key strategy for eradicating HIV/AIDS, which affects about 1.2 million people in the U.S. and about 40.8 million people worldwide.

Moreover, because trainees from many different research areas were supported by grants that support biomedical researchers from underrepresented groups, canceling those grants has curtailed the study of diseases that affect many people. For example, these cuts have hit research on Parkinson’s disease, which is rising in prevalence and affects more men than women.

Health disparities also have profound economic costs – and poorer care for people from marginalized social groups result in costs that are borne by everyone. A 2018 study, for example, estimated that in 2018 alone, racial health disparities cost society $421 billion to $451 billion in excess medical care expenses, lower labor force productivity and premature death. The same study estimated that health disparities among those who did and did not have a college education cost between $940 billion and $978 billion.

Abundant evidence shows that improving the nation’s health requires medical research and education that broadens participation in science and attends to the health and well-being of all Americans, including those whose experiences were historically overlooked in the biomedical and psychological sciences. In our view, a more inclusive and pluralistic vision of science and health care is the best way to promote better health care for all.

The Conversation

Abigail Folberg receives funding from the National Science Foundation. This article reflects her views and does not necessarily represent the views of the University of Nebraska at Omaha.

Brittany Givens Rassoolkhani receives funding from The Alfred P. Sloan Foundation and the National Institutes of Health. This article reflects her views and does not necessarily represent the views of the University of Kentucky.

ref. How stripping diversity, equity and inclusion from health care may make Americans sicker – https://theconversation.com/how-stripping-diversity-equity-and-inclusion-from-health-care-may-make-americans-sicker-249674

Pregnancy brings unique challenges for people with autoimmune diseases – but with early planning, pregnancy outcomes can be greatly improved

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Kristen Demoruelle, Associate Professor of Rheumatology, University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus

Early discussions and proactive planning for pregnancy are critically important for those with autoimmune diseases. d3sign/Moment via Getty Images

Only a few decades ago, a diagnosis of lupus could mean giving up the dream of having children. Women with systemic autoimmune diseases like lupus were warned that pregnancy was too risky – both for them and their unborn babies. Fast forward to today, and the story is remarkably different.

Thanks to scientific research and medical advances, pregnancy outcomes have greatly improved over the past several decades, and the outlook for pregnancy in people with autoimmune disease is more hopeful than ever.

However, pregnant women with autoimmune diseases still face a far higher likelihood of having serious complications, including preterm birth or even fetal loss. So while the outlook has improved, navigating pregnancy with these conditions still comes with a unique set of challenges and considerations. This is due to the medicines used to treat the disease, the effects of inflammation on the body and imbalances of the immune system, including some that researchers like me don’t yet fully understand.

I’m a rheumatologist and biomedical researcher with medical training and expertise in rheumatology and reproductive health. Rheumatology is a medical specialty that treats people with systemic autoimmune and inflammatory diseases, like the ones discussed in this article. We’re sometimes thought of as arthritis doctors, but systemic autoimmune diseases can involve the whole body, and we care for all of those effects.

I think it is essential that women with autoimmune diseases are equipped with a realistic understanding of their potential pregnancy journey – both the advances that have made motherhood more possible for them and the risks that still remain.

Autoimmune diseases disproportionately affect women

Systemic autoimmune diseases are chronic medical conditions in which the immune system, which normally protects the body from infections, mistakenly attacks the body’s own tissues. These conditions can include lupus, rheumatoid arthritis and antiphospholipid syndrome, to name a few.

Some autoimmune diseases attack only one part of the body. For instance, the thyroid is the only part of the body targeted in a disease called Hashimoto’s thyroiditis. But in systemic autoimmune diseases, the immune system can attack multiple parts of the body, like the skin, lungs and kidneys in those with lupus.

Autoimmune diseases disproportionately affect women. Lupus, for instance, occurs nine times more often in women than in men, and rheumatoid arthritis is three times more common in women. Since many women are diagnosed with these conditions in their 20s and 30s, when women are in their prime childbearing years, pregnancy can introduce new and unexpected challenges to their health care.

Increased pregnancy complications

Preeclampsia – a high blood pressure complication of pregnancy – preterm birth and stillbirth all occur at higher rates in women with autoimmune diseases. This is especially true for women with lupus and a condition called antiphospholipid syndrome. Women with these autoimmune disorders are five times more likely to experience these complications.

Autoimmune diseases are also linked to higher rates of miscarriage and postpartum depression.

Some women with lupus and a condition called Sjogren’s syndrome have an antibody in their blood that can cross the placenta and cause a rare but serious congenital heart condition. Studies have also found higher rates of autism spectrum disorders in women with autoimmune diseases.

Smiling pregnant woman talking with a female doctor, with an ultrasound screen behind them.
Pregnancy during periods when the autoimmune disease is quiet, called remission, can lead to better outcomes.
Nastasic/E+ via Getty Images

Testing and early planning can improve outcomes

Fortunately, thanks to advances in research and medicine, doctors and researchers like me now have helpful tools to assess a woman’s individual risk. This allows people with autoimmune diseases to better understand and manage their health before getting pregnant.

Pregnancy and the postpartum period can sometimes lead to remission, which is a time when inflammation and the disease are quiet, and sometimes lead to flares, or flare-ups, when inflammation increases and the disease is very active. Importantly, women who conceive while their autoimmune disease is quiet, rather than during a flare, have healthier pregnancies. By waiting for a time when one’s autoimmune disease is in remission, a woman can improve her chances of a healthy pregnancy.

Certain blood tests can also give clues about a person’s risk for pregnancy complications. For example, a positive test for lupus anticoagulant, a blood test that looks for certain proteins that can increase the risk of blood clots, can identify women at the highest risk for preeclampsia, preterm birth and fetal loss.

Some women also have antibodies that target proteins inside their cells, called Ro, which are often found in people with Sjogren’s syndrome. If a pregnant person has high levels of anti-Ro antibodies, they are at risk for a serious pregnancy complication called fetal heart block. The good news is that certain medications can lower these risks in women who have these antibodies.

Medications and pregnancy

Researchers and rheumatologists like me also better understand how medications affect pregnancy, in both harmful and helpful ways.

Several medications that are commonly used to treat autoimmune diseases can harm a developing baby or reduce fertility. If a pregnancy is being planned, these medications must be stopped ahead of time and replaced with pregnancy-safe medications.

In cases of unplanned pregnancy, stopping potentially harmful medications quickly can be critical. For those not planning pregnancy, using effective birth control is an important safeguard. Notably, contraception choices can also be influenced by a woman’s underlying autoimmune disease and should be discussed with the person’s rheumatologist or other specialists.

On the other hand, some medications can improve pregnancy outcomes in people with autoimmune diseases. For example, a medication called hydroxychloroquine can reduce the risk of anti-Ro antibody-mediated fetal heart block. Low-dose aspirin taken during pregnancy can lower the risk of preeclampsia.

And recently, a study found that a drug named certolizumab improved pregnancy outcomes in women with antiphospholipid syndrome, which is an autoimmune condition with high rates of pregnancy complications.

Historically, pregnant women were excluded from research studies, but this is starting to change, which could lead to safer pregnancies for those with autoimmune disease.

Gloved hand holding a vial of blood used for a blood test, with a collection of vials in the background.
Certain blood tests can provide important clues about a person’s risk for pregnancy complications.
SyhinStas/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Looking ahead

With all this in mind, it’s important for people with systemic autoimmune disease to talk with their rheumatologist or other specialists when thinking about pregnancy and throughout the process. Planning ahead gives the best chance for a healthy pregnancy.

Still, even with careful planning, autoimmune disease flare-ups can happen during pregnancy, and treating them promptly is important for both the mom and the baby.

Ongoing care after delivery matters, too, as postpartum flares can interfere with a mother’s ability to care for her newborn. Fortunately, there are safe options available to treat flare-ups during pregnancy or breastfeeding.

Talking to your doctor

With better treatments and growing knowledge, most women with autoimmune disease are now having healthy pregnancies and thriving babies. Fertility options like in vitro fertilization are also safe for many with autoimmune diseases.

Some helpful questions to consider asking your rheumatologist include:

  • What should I expect if I want to get pregnant?
  • Is my disease under control enough to try for pregnancy now?
  • Are my current medications safe if I become pregnant?
  • Do I need to stop or start any medications before trying to conceive?
  • What are my chances of having a healthy pregnancy?
  • What are the possible complications I could face during pregnancy?
  • What treatment options would I have if my disease flared up during pregnancy or after delivery?
  • If I need to wait to get pregnant due to active disease, how long should I wait, and what contraception is best in the meantime?

The American College of Rheumatology and the European Alliance of Associations for Rheumatology offer clear, evidence-based recommendations for pregnancy.

There are also clinical tools available to rheumatologists and resources available to patients to help guide safe, personalized reproductive health care.

I believe it’s essential to have a care team that’s comfortable guiding you through these decisions, and it’s always OK to ask questions or explore additional resources.

The Conversation

Kristen Demoruelle receives research funding from the National Institutes of Health, Boehringer Ingelheim, and Bristol-Myers Squib for research projects that are unrelated to the topics in this article.

ref. Pregnancy brings unique challenges for people with autoimmune diseases – but with early planning, pregnancy outcomes can be greatly improved – https://theconversation.com/pregnancy-brings-unique-challenges-for-people-with-autoimmune-diseases-but-with-early-planning-pregnancy-outcomes-can-be-greatly-improved-254359