¿Debe supeditarse la transición energética al decrecimiento económico?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Pere Roura Grabulosa, Catedrático emérito de Física, Universitat de Girona

Aerogeneradores en la provincia de Zaragoza, España. Greens and Blues/Shutterstock

Con el carbón, empezó la Revolución Industrial. Facilitó la obtención del hierro y el acero para fabricar máquinas que se movían gracias al trabajo mecánico del motor de vapor que, a su vez, funcionaba con carbón. La capacidad de trabajo de un obrero se multiplicó. Fue el inicio del período de progreso más espectacular de la humanidad.

Actualmente, nos resulta evidente la relación entre la disponibilidad de fuentes abundantes de energía y el desarrollo económico y social. Sin embargo, el papel singular de la energía en el funcionamiento de las sociedades avanzadas no se reveló de forma indiscutible hasta que los países de la OPEP limitaron la extracción de petróleo. Fue el origen de las crisis de los años 1973-1975 y 1979-1981.

Sin relación de causalidad

Desde entonces, hemos interiorizado la convicción de que el progreso económico, medido según el producto interior bruto (PIB), solo es posible con un incremento sostenido del consumo de energía. Aceptando que así ha sido durante décadas, no podemos caer en el error de pensar que es la generación de energía la que impulsa el crecimiento económico.

De hecho, son muchos los países (Reino Unido, Alemania, Dinamarca, Francia…) en los que el PIB sigue subiendo sin que se consuma más energía y, de hecho, reduciendo sus emisiones de dióxido de carbono.

Se está produciendo, pues, el desacoplamiento deseado entre el consumo de energía y el crecimiento económico. En los países avanzados, es la actividad económica la que acaba determinando el consumo de petróleo, gas, carbón o electricidad; no es la oferta de energía la que determina el crecimiento económico.

Renovables y crecimiento

En el contexto actual de transición energética, esta reflexión es necesaria para evitar caer en la trampa de creer que limitando el despliegue de las energías renovables se obtendrá un decrecimiento de la economía, ya que la economía sigue su dinámica propia.

Si la producción de energía renovable no es suficiente, las empresas (y las familias) continuarán consumiendo combustibles fósiles, a pesar de las normativas que se dicten en su contra. Las prohibiciones o limitaciones serán insostenibles si, por ejemplo, conllevan un incremento del paro o una disminución del bienestar.

El crecimiento continuado del consumo de bienes y servicios pone en riesgo la sostenibilidad de la civilización global. Ahora bien, la solución no pasa por limitar el despliegue de las energías renovables. Los problemas derivados del crecimiento económico deben resolverse desde la economía, no desde la energía. Si lo hacemos al revés, o caeremos en el caos social o agravaremos aún más la crisis climática, ya de por sí crítica.

La oposición al despliegue de las energías renovables con el argumento de que la economía debe decrecer es un gran regalo a las compañías petroleras. No está de más recordar que, por suerte o por desgracia, tenemos combustibles fósiles para muchas décadas.

¿El problema no es el petróleo?

Prueba de lo que decimos es el cambio de estrategia reciente de la compañía British Petroleum. En febrero, acordó incrementar la producción de petróleo y reducir las inversiones en energías renovables. Según su CEO, el giro de la compañía viene dictado por una reducción de expectativas de negocio de la división de renovables.

Una decisión que, si marca tendencia, tendrá consecuencias dramáticas, puesto que los acuerdos internacionales no van a la raíz del problema. Por ejemplo, según afirmó el presidente de la COP de Dubái en el 2023, el problema no es el petróleo, sino el CO₂. Lamentablemente, no se vislumbra en el horizonte ningún acuerdo que limite la extracción de combustibles fósiles.

Transición energética y decrecimiento

Una de las condiciones de supervivencia de la civilización pasa por saber vivir mejor con menos. Sin embargo, no intentemos conseguir este objetivo estrangulando la economía con un despliegue insuficiente de energía renovable. Supeditando este despliegue a un decrecimiento de la economía no tomaríamos un atajo, sino que daríamos un rodeo.

Vale la pena recordar, por otro lado, que la transición energética trae consigo un decrecimiento respecto al consumo de los combustibles fósiles en dos aspectos clave. Primero, una mejora substancial de la eficiencia energética asociada con la electrificación, es decir, un decrecimiento energético –por ejemplo, el caso del coche eléctrico–. Y, segundo, una reducción drástica de las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero –por ejemplo, los asociados a la generación de electricidad–.

The Conversation

Pere Roura Grabulosa es miembro del colectivo Renovem-nos

ref. ¿Debe supeditarse la transición energética al decrecimiento económico? – https://theconversation.com/debe-supeditarse-la-transicion-energetica-al-decrecimiento-economico-264291

Del Cholo a Apollo: ¿qué implica que un fondo de inversiones se convierta en accionista mayoritario del Atlético de Madrid?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Jose Torres-Pruñonosa, Profesor Titular de Universidad, UNIR – Universidad Internacional de La Rioja

13 de abril de 2024: Partido de Liga entre el Atlético de Madrid y el Girona f.c en el metropolitano. Marta Fernandez Jimenez/Shutterstock

En la Navidad de 2011, la llegada de Diego Pablo, el Cholo, Simeone al banquillo del Atlético de Madrid transformó al club. Desde el primer día, el técnico argentino, que en los noventa del siglo pasado había sido jugador y capitán del club, imprimió de inmediato una mentalidad nueva que ha sido el eje sobre el que ha girado la reconstrucción institucional y deportiva del Atlético de Madrid.

En noviembre de 2025, la evolución del Atlético de Madrid da un paso más –esta vez desde el punto de vista de su estructura de propiedad– con la entrada como accionista mayoritario de Apollo Sports Capital (ASC), una filial del grupo Apollo Global Management, especializada en inversiones en el ámbito deportivo y del entretenimiento.




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El verano del desencanto

El verano de 2011 marcó un punto de inflexión para el Atlético de Madrid. Concluida la temporada 2010-2011, el argentino Sergio Agüero anunció que su “etapa en el Atlético de Madrid había terminado”, lo que desencadenó una intensa oleada de salidas que se han recordado como “la desbandada”.

En cuestión de semanas se materializó la marcha de figuras como Diego Forlán o David de Gea, mientras el equipo apenas había reforzado su plantilla. Esto generó enormes dudas sobre la capacidad del técnico Gregorio Manzano para afrontar la pretemporada con garantías. Esa conmoción estructural reflejaba, más que un simple mercado de traspasos, una crisis de proyecto, de identidad deportiva y de continuidad en el club rojiblanco. La marcha de los referentes dejó al Atleti debilitado, con un calendario exigente y sin apenas margen de error.

Unos meses después de ese convulso verano, la realidad no era mucho mejor. El Atleti fue eliminado tempranamente de la Copa del Rey por el Albacete Balompié (un equipo de Segunda División) y, al llegar diciembre de 2011, ocupaba una posición cercana a los puestos de descenso.

En ese contexto de crisis deportiva (que amenazaba con volverse estructural) llegó, el 23 de diciembre de 2011, la decisión que marcaría un punto de inflexión para el club: la contratación de Diego Pablo Simeone como nuevo entrenador del equipo.

Primera entrevista del Cholo Simeone como entrenador del Atleti, 27 de diciembre de 2011. Fuente: YouTube, Atlético de Madrid.

La era Simeone: crecimiento y éxitos

La evolución del Atleti durante la era Simeone es un caso ejemplar de simbiosis entre éxito deportivo y crecimiento institucional. Desde su llegada a finales de 2011, el técnico argentino ha conquistado dos Ligas, dos Europa League, dos Supercopas de Europa, una Copa del Rey y una Supercopa de España. Además, ha disputado dos finales de la Liga de Campeones.

Este palmarés –sin precedentes en la historia moderna del club– ha coincidido con una expansión sostenida en sus dimensiones sociales y económicas: el número de socios superó los 140 000 (más del doble que en su primer año) y la facturación pasó de unos 100 millones de euros a rozar los 400 millones.




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El éxito sobre el césped impulsó una marca global que permitió financiar su mudanza del Manzanares al nuevo estadio, el Metropolitano, de la avenida de Arcentales, y situar al club entre las veinte entidades deportivas más valiosas del mundo. Un salto que parecía impensable en el verano de “la desbandada”.

Nueva estructura accionarial

Según el acuerdo anunciado el 10 de noviembre de 2025, ASC se convertirá en el principal propietario del club, aunque sus actuales máximos dirigentes, Miguel Ángel Gil y Enrique Cerezo, seguirán siendo accionistas (minoritarios) y conservarán sus cargos de consejero delegado y presidente, respectivamente.

El pacto contempla una inyección de capital destinada a respaldar los planes de largo plazo del club: reforzar la solidez financiera, la competitividad deportiva y el compromiso con la comunidad. También está el desarrollo de la Ciudad del Deporte, en las inmediaciones de su estadio, que por cuestiones de patrocinio y por lo menos hasta 2033 se llama Riyadh Air Metropolitano.

La nueva propietaria del Atleti es una empresa especializada en inversiones en deporte y entretenimiento. Se trata de un holding de capital permanente; esto es, que no opera con plazos fijos de salida (como los fondos de private equity tradicionales), sino que pretende mantenerse como socio a largo plazo en las entidades deportivas en las que invierte. En el contexto de la operación con el Atlético de Madrid, este perfil encaja con la estrategia anunciada de reforzar la solidez financiera, la competitividad deportiva y el desarrollo de infraestructuras asociadas al club.

Si el propósito último de un fondo como Apollo Sports Capital es crear valor, resulta inevitable preguntarse, ¿qué puede generar más valor para un club de fútbol que ganar la Liga de Campeones?

Éxitos deportivos y ganancias económicas

En la historia reciente, inversores individuales como Roman Abramóvich en el Chelsea o Silvio Berlusconi en el Milan demostraron que la conquista del gran título europeo puede multiplicar tanto el prestigio global como el valor económico de una entidad deportiva.




Leer más:
¿Por qué la compra del Newcastle por Arabia Saudí pone en peligro al fútbol europeo?


Sin embargo, mientras aquellos proyectos se sustentaron en el mecenazgo personal y una lógica de gasto ilimitado, los fondos institucionales como Apollo operan bajo parámetros distintos: buscan estabilidad financiera, sostenibilidad y retornos medibles en el tiempo.

Entonces, la pregunta es si el modelo de capital paciente –en los que la inversión es a largo plazo y no se espera un retorno rápido sino beneficios más sustanciales a futuro– puede compatibilizarse con la naturaleza imprevisible y emocional del fútbol de élite.

Win-win: aficionados y accionistas

El gran desafío del Atlético de Madrid en esta nueva etapa será armonizar los intereses de sus grupos de interés (stakeholders): los aficionados –la base emocional e histórica del club– aspiran a fichajes ambiciosos, victorias resonantes y, en última instancia, a títulos. Mientras, los nuevos accionistas persiguen la sostenibilidad económica y la creación de valor a largo plazo.

Conciliar ambas dimensiones no es tarea menor, implica redefinir la gobernanza del club para equilibrar pasión y prudencia financiera. El Atlético ya ha sido pionero en la exploración de nuevos modelos de relación con su comunidad: a comienzos de 2020 lanzó, a través de la plataforma socios.com, fan tokens con los que pretendía, mediante la tecnología blockchain, hacer sentir a sus seguidores más partícipes del día a día del club a sus seguidores. No obstante, hoy, esos activos cotizan en valores mínimos, reflejo del escaso papel real que han tenido los tokenistas en la toma de decisiones.

La entrada de Apollo reabre pues el debate sobre cuál debe ser el modelo de gestión más eficiente para un club como el Atleti.




Leer más:
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¿Y ahora qué?

El reto para el Atlético de Madrid es aún más complejo si se enmarca en el ecosistema particular del fútbol español, históricamente dominado por el FC Barcelona y el Real Madrid. Ambos clubes concentran la mayoría de los ingresos comerciales y televisivos, y, además, ejercen una influencia estructural sobre la narrativa mediática e institucional. Su capacidad para duopolizar la atención (y con ello la facturación derivada de patrocinadores, audiencias y derechos de imagen) deja a los demás competidores en una posición desigual y de desventaja.

La trayectoria del Atlético de Madrid en los últimos quince años resume, en buena medida, la transformación del fútbol europeo en una industria global. De la crisis identitaria de 2011 pasando por la consolidación del cholismo hasta la actual entrada de Apollo Sports Capital, el club ha pasado de ser una institución con problemas estructurales a convertirse en un activo financiero de interés internacional.




Leer más:
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Pero esta evolución también plantea una paradoja: cuanto más sólido es el proyecto empresarial más difícil resulta preservar su alma popular. El desafío para el Atleti (y, por extensión, para el fútbol moderno) está en encontrar el punto de equilibrio entre capital y sentimiento, entre el beneficio económico y la pertenencia emocional.

Si lo logra, podrá demostrar que, en el siglo XXI, todavía es posible competir con los gigantes sin perder la esencia de club que, durante más de un siglo, ha hecho latir a varias generaciones de rojiblancos.

The Conversation

Jose Torres-Pruñonosa es socio del Futbol Club Barcelona.

Benito Pérez-González es socio-abonado del Atlético de Madrid

Raúl Gómez Martínez no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Del Cholo a Apollo: ¿qué implica que un fondo de inversiones se convierta en accionista mayoritario del Atlético de Madrid? – https://theconversation.com/del-cholo-a-apollo-que-implica-que-un-fondo-de-inversiones-se-convierta-en-accionista-mayoritario-del-atletico-de-madrid-269363

James Watson, el ‘Picasso’ del genoma

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Lluís Montoliu, Investigador científico del CSIC, Centro Nacional de Biotecnología (CNB – CSIC)

James D. Watson Cold Spring Harbor Laboratoryderivative work: Jan Arkesteijn, CC BY

Estamos de luto en Biología, y también en Química, y por supuesto en la combinación de las mismas (Bioquímica). El jueves 6 de noviembre falleció James Watson (1928-2025), a los 97 años. Y al despedirle se mezclan en nuestra memoria (y en los comentarios que se publican en las redes sociales) sus méritos, sus virtudes y también sus “maldades”, esas opiniones indefendibles que contaminaron el tramo final de su carrera.

Al fin y al cabo, Watson era una persona, un ser complejo, como cualquiera de nosotros: los humanos somos una amalgama de comportamientos y acciones que nos definen. En mi humilde opinión, al recordarle deberíamos diferenciar sus aportaciones a la ciencia de las acciones e ideas que manifestó como ser humano.

Nos encanta pensar que todos aquellos artistas o científicos que destacan por sus aportaciones fundamentales a la historia de la humanidad deben ser también un dechado de virtud humana, pero la realidad es siempre más complicada. Sin ir más lejos, a mi me sigue conmoviendo plantarme delante del Guernica de Picasso, en el Museo Reina Sofía. Es un cuadro que transmite todo el horror de la guerra civil, y sigo disfrutándolo incluso después de saber que Picasso fue un maltratador psicológico de sus mujeres. No por tener esos comportamientos altamente reprobables deja de ser uno de los mejores pintores de la historia.

Algo parecido me ocurre con uno de los libros que más disfruté en mi juventud, El tambor de hojalata, obra cumbre antibelicista de Günther Grass, publicada en 1959, que explica lo acontecido en la segunda guerra mundial a través de la mirada y las vivencias de un niño. La película fue llevada al cine en 1979 por Volker Schlöndorff y ganó un Óscar. Y sigo pensando que tanto el libro como la película son magistrales, aún después de conocer que Grass confesó haber colaborado con el régimen nazi en su juventud durante la segunda guerra mundial.

Watson y Crick, una pareja histórica

La estructura de doble hélice de una molécula de ADN descrita por James Watson y Francis Crick en Nature en 1953.

La estructura de la doble hélice del ADN. La única figura que ilustra el artículo de Watson y Crick en Nature de 1953. James Watson se puede considerar una figura irrepetible. Inteligente, valiente, sagaz, astuto, de verbo fácil, pero también misógino, soberbio, con facilidad para la humillación o para lanzar comentarios hirientes, sorpresivos, a diestro y siniestro.

Junto a Francis Crick, forma parte de una de las parejas más famosas de la historia de la bioquímica. El motivo es obvio: en 1953 publicaron su obra cumbre en la revista Nature, un artículo de apenas dos páginas (en realidad una página y unas pocas líneas de la segunda página) y una sola figura que cambió para siempre la historia de la ciencia. En ese artículo describían la estructura del ADN como una doble hélice, antiparalela, complementaria, con una sucesión de surcos mayores y menores. Esto explicaba la perpetuación de la secuencia del ADN al replicarse, la transferencia de información, algo absolutamente genial que nos metió en una nueva etapa de la biología: la biología molecular. Watson tenía entonces solamente 25 años.

Al final del artículo de Watson & Crick, publicado el 23 de abril de 1953, aparece uno de los párrafos más famosos e influyentes de la ciencia moderna:

“No nos ha pasado desapercibido que el emparejamiento específico que hemos postulado sugiere inmediatamente un posible mecanismo de copia del material genético. Los detalles completos de la estructura, incluidas las condiciones asumidas para su construcción, junto con un conjunto de coordenadas para los átomos, se publicarán en algún otro lugar”.

Fue una verdadera bomba de conocimiento que explotó en 1953 y les llevó, junto a Maurice Wilkins, a recibir el Premio Nobel de Fisiología o Medicina en 1962.

Pero James Watson es también quien se aprovechó de los resultados no publicados de Rosalind Franklin (la famosa fotografía 51 de difracción de rayos X de un cristal de una molécula de ADN), que le mostró Maurice Wilkins (sin permiso de Rosalind) para interpretar, correctamente, que aquella foto sugería la estructura helicoidal de la molécula. Franklin falleció de un cáncer de ovarios en 1958, por lo que no pudo formar parte de la terna premiada con el Nobel. En su lugar se premió a Wilkins, su colega y jefe en el Kings College, aunque ni Franklin ni Wilkins fueron coautores del artículo de 1953, pero (y esto se olvida muchas veces) sí estaban en los agradecimientos del artículo:

“También nos ha estimulado el conocimiento de naturaleza general de los resultados experimentales no publicados y las ideas del Dr. M. H. F. Wilkins, Dr. R. E. Franklin y sus compañeros de trabajo en el King’s College, London”.

Watson fue cruel al describir a Rosalind (a quien se refiere como Rosy) como “altamente competente, pero también carente de sentido del humor, engreída e incluso agresiva”. También dijo de ella que “estaba claro que Rosy tenía que irse o ser puesta en su lugar”, además de describirla como “una científica estricta, con temperamentos beligerantes, que no compartía sus resultados y no le importaba mucho su apariencia ni la moda” (The double helix: A Personal Account of the Discovery of the Structure of DNA, 1968).

Hace un par de años, gracias a una investigación liderada por el historiador de la ciencia de la Universidad de Manchester, Matthew Cobb, se confirmó que la participación de Rosalind Franklin fue decisiva en el descubrimiento de la estructura del ADN. De hecho, los cuatro científicos (James Waton, Francis Crick, Rosalind Franklin y Maurice Wilkins) deben recibir el crédito por codescubrir la estructura del ADN. Hasta el propio James Watson (y, más tarde, también Crick) acabó admitiendo que sin las imágenes de difracción de rayos X tomadas por Rosalind Franklin no hubieran podido descifrar la estructura del ADN.

El impulsor del proyecto Genoma Humano

James Watson fue también el gran impulsor y primer director del proyecto Genoma Humano, lanzado en 1988. Lo hizo contra viento y marea, ya que, por entonces, muchos científicos discutían la oportunidad y necesidad de secuenciar el genoma humano, considerándolo en muchos casos “carente de interés”. En aquel momento eran muchos los que defendían ir gen a gen, estudiando en profundidad cada uno de los genes, y no acumular información sin un objetivo determinado, solo “para tener la secuencia completa del genoma humano”. Watson dimitió en 1992 cuando Craig Venter amagó con intentar patentar los genes del genoma humano, algo con lo que Watson no estaba de acuerdo.

Desgraciadamente para Watson, todos estos éxitos han quedado eclipsado por unas muy desafortunadas declaraciones que realizó en sendas entrevistas que le hicieron en 2000 y 2007. En el año 2000 proclamó que en la melanina de los afroamericanos y personas de piel oscura había elementos que explicaban su mayor libido, “por eso tienes amantes latinos”. No contento con eso, soltó una ristra de comentarios asociando la genética con diferentes etnias: “los judíos son inteligentes, los chinos son inteligentes pero no creativos debido a la selección para la conformidad, y los indios son serviles debido a la selección bajo la endogamia de castas”.

En 2007 lo empeoró aún más al afirmar:

“Todas nuestras políticas sociales se basan en el hecho de que su inteligencia (la de los negros) es la misma que la nuestra (la de los blancos), mientras que todas las pruebas dicen que no es así… las personas que tienen que tratar con empleados negros saben que esto no es cierto”.

Sus declaraciones sexistas y racistas le han perseguido hasta su muerte. Tuvo ocasión de desdecirse en varias ocasiones que le preguntaron por ello, pero se mantuvo firme en sus indefendibles ideas. Genio y figura hasta la sepultura.

James Watson fue tan complejo que incluso llegó a vender su medalla del premio Nobel en 2014 por 4,1 millones de dólares (aunque luego quien la compró, un oligarca ruso llamado Alisher Usmanov, se la devolvió) tras ser denostado públicamente por sus ideas. El dinero que obtuvo lo dedicó a la investigación y a dar apoyo a algunas ONGs.

También inspiró a He Jiankui, con quien coincidió en una conferencia, para que el investigador chino abordara de forma injustificada e imprudente la edición genética de embriones humanos y produjera las primeras personas con su genoma editado. He Jiankui le pidió a Watson que le diera un consejo y James Watson le dijo “make people better” (que puede traducirse por “haz mejor a la gente, mejora a las personas o haz que la gente sea mejor”, dependiendo del matiz. La frase en inglés es también el título del documental sobre el periodista Antonio Regalado, que fue el primero en publicar la noticia del desgraciado experimento de He.

James Watson fue un personaje único y complejo, con aportaciones admirables al conocimiento y con comportamientos nada edificantes. Son dos caras de la misma moneda que viajan juntas. No deberíamos condenar su ciencia por sus acciones personales, pero tampoco blanquear sus despropósitos por su ciencia. Son muchos los científicos, artistas e intelectuales que no compaginan grandes aportaciones a la humanidad con vidas intachables. Aceptemos la complejidad del ser humano y separemos la vida científica de la vida personal de este gran investigador.

Hay personas que leemos la historia y personas que la escriben. Watson netamente pertenecía al segundo grupo. Descanse en paz.

The Conversation

Los contenidos de esta publicación y las opiniones expresadas son exclusivamente las del autor y este documento no debe considerar que representa una posición oficial del CSIC ni compromete al CSIC en ninguna responsabilidad de cualquier tipo.

ref. James Watson, el ‘Picasso’ del genoma – https://theconversation.com/james-watson-el-picasso-del-genoma-269380

Los hispanos que votaron a Trump: anatomía de un cambio electoral que nadie vio venir hace ahora un año

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Pablo Biderbost, Associate Professor – Departamento de Sociología, Universidad de Salamanca

YES Market Media/Shutterstock

Un año después de las elecciones presidenciales de 2024 en EE. UU. –en las que el electorado hispano tuvo un papel clave–, el balance confirma que el voto hispano se decantó mayoritariamente por la candidata demócrata, Kamala Harris –alrededor del 56 %–, pero con un dato relevante: Donald Trump habría alcanzado cerca del 42 % de este electorado, una cota inédita para un republicano desde que hay registros comparables.

Hoy, la población hispana representa cerca del 15 % del censo electoral –unos 36,2 millones de personas– y aportó la mitad del crecimiento del electorado desde 2020, según Pew Research Center.

Estas cifras, que deben leerse con la cautela propia de las estimaciones postelectorales, confirman un desplazamiento sostenido que ha vuelto más competitiva la disputa por el voto hispano. Aún estamos entendiendo las razones de este cambio y las cifras que damos a continuación podrán ayudarnos a ello.

Del 71 % demócrata de 2012 al estrechamiento de 2024

En 2012, Barack Obama obtuvo el 71 % del voto hispano frente al 27 % de Mitt Romney. A partir de 2016, el margen comenzó a erosionarse: Trump subió del 28 % (2016) al 32 % (2020) y dio un salto adicional en 2024, mientras la candidata demócrata retuvo la mayoría.

En la recta final de 2024, los datos de intención de voto entre hispanos registrados ya apuntaban al 57 % de Harris vs. el 39 % de Trump. Y, ya con “votantes validados”, Trump ganó terreno en varios grupos clave, consolidando un avance que explica parte del resultado de 2024.

Su interés por los asuntos económicos

La “gran cifra” oculta heterogeneidad. Un informe de American Society destaca avances republicanos entre hombres hispanos (Trump habría rozado el 47 % en ese subgrupo) y estrechamientos notables en condados mayoritariamente hispanos de la frontera de Texas y en el sur de Florida.

Además, 2024 trajo una sensibilidad particular a la economía: para los hispanos, economía e inflación fueron temas centrales, y alrededor de la mitad expresó más confianza en Trump que en su rival para tomar decisiones en este ámbito. La prensa ya recogía esa pauta meses antes.

Por qué se mueven: identidad y programa electoral

La evidencia académica ayuda a ordenar el fenómeno. Un reciente estudio realizado en Arizona (Senado 2024) pone de manifiesto que la fuerza de la autoidentificación se asocia con evaluaciones más favorables del candidato hispano; sin embargo, la congruencia del programa electoral y las políticas públicas (inmigración, vivienda, educación) emerge como predictor más potente de la valoración que la etnicidad per se.

En otras palabras: la identidad importa, pero la alineación en ciertos temas cuenta más a la hora de juzgar candidaturas. La identificación partidaria no es el factor decisivo en la toma de decisiones de su voto.

Un voto menos “monolítico”

La realidad estatal invita a matices. En Arizona, el demócrata Rubén Gallego se impuso por 50,1 % vs. 47,7 % en un estado con aproximadamente 1,3 millones de votantes hispanos, un resultado estrecho en el que la “fluidez” del voto hispano pudo inclinar la balanza.

Esa fluidez se ve reforzada por la estructura demográfica del electorado hispano: en 2024, eran el 14,7 % de los votantes habilitados y su perfil es, en promedio, más joven que el conjunto del electorado (solo un 33 % tiene más de 50 años). Esto sugiere márgenes para nuevas recomposiciones según contexto y temas.

Indicios y cautelas

Tras 2024, diversos reportes periodísticos han descrito casos de voto dividido –apoyar a un partido para la presidencia y a otro en instancias estatales/locales– en segmentos hispanos. El medio de comunicación Politico documentó el fenómeno a inicios de 2025, con señales en áreas competitivas y entre votantes menos anclados partidariamente. Conviene, no obstante, tratar estos hallazgos con prudencia metodológica.

Qué implica para 2026 y 2028

Para las futuras elecciones de medio mandato (2026) y presidenciales (2028), hay tres claves:

  • Segmentación fina. Hombres hispanos jóvenes y regiones fronterizas muestran receptividad a propuestas económicas y de seguridad, pero sin garantías de fidelización estable.

  • Política de temas, no de etiquetas. La mayoría hispana sigue votando demócrata, pero evalúa ofertas concretas (inflación, empleo, vivienda, servicios). En contextos de incertidumbre, el “voto de gestión” puede pesar más que la identidad.

  • Comunicación culturalmente competente. Los mensajes genéricos a “la comunidad hispana” rinden peor que las propuestas verificables y específicas por subsegmento.

El electorado hispano en EE. UU. evoluciona hacia posiciones más competitivas entre partidos y prioriza temas económicos y políticas concretas sobre identidades étnicas. Estos aspectos redefinirán, sin duda, las estrategias electorales en los próximos comicios.

The Conversation

Las personas firmantes no son asalariadas, ni consultoras, ni poseen acciones, ni reciben financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y han declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado anteriormente.

ref. Los hispanos que votaron a Trump: anatomía de un cambio electoral que nadie vio venir hace ahora un año – https://theconversation.com/los-hispanos-que-votaron-a-trump-anatomia-de-un-cambio-electoral-que-nadie-vio-venir-hace-ahora-un-ano-265646

Electric fields steered nanoparticles through a liquid-filled maze – this new method could improve drug delivery and purification systems

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel K. Schwartz, Professor of Chemical and Biological Engineering, University of Colorado Boulder

Nanoparticles move through materials like tiny cars through a maze. OsakaWayne Studios/Moment via Getty Images

In the home, the lab and the factory, electric fields control technologies such as Kindle displays, medical diagnostic tests and devices that purify cancer drugs. In an electric field, anything with an electrical charge – from an individual atom to a large particle – experiences a force that can be used to push it in a desired direction.

When an electric field pushes charged particles in a fluid, the process is called electrophoresis. Our research team is investigating how to harness electrophoresis to move tiny particles – called nanoparticles – in porous, spongy materials. Many emerging technologies, including those used in DNA analysis and medical diagnostics, use these porous materials.

Figuring out how to control the tiny charged particles as they travel through these environments can make them faster and more efficient in existing technologies. It can also enable entirely new smart functions.

Ultimately, scientists are aiming to make particles like these serve as tiny nanorobots. These could perform complex tasks in our bodies or our surroundings. They could search for tumors and deliver treatments or seek out sources of toxic chemicals in the soil and convert them to benign compounds.

To make these advances, we need to understand how charged nanoparticles travel through porous, spongy materials under the influence of an electric field. In a new study, published Nov. 10, 2025, in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, our team of engineering researchers led by Anni Shi and Siamak Mirfendereski sought to do just that.

Weak and strong electric fields

Imagine a nanoparticle as a tiny submarine navigating a complex, interconnected, liquid-filled maze while simultaneously experiencing random jiggling motion. While watching nanoparticles move through a porous material, we observed a surprising behavior related to the strength of the applied electric field.

A weak electric field acts only as an accelerator, boosting the particle’s speed and dramatically improving its chance of finding any exit from a cavity, but offering no directional guidance – it’s fast, but random.

In contrast, a strong electric field provides the necessary “GPS coordinates,” forcing the particle to move rapidly in a specific, predictable direction across the network.

This discovery was puzzling but exciting, because it suggested that we could control the nanoparticles’ motion. We could choose to have them move fast and randomly with a weak field or directionally with a strong field.

The former allows them to search the environment efficiently while the latter is ideal for delivering cargo. This puzzling behavior prompted us to look more closely at what the weak field was doing to the surrounding fluid.

A diagram showing tiny particles in a porous material. On the left they are searching without direction – by moving from cavity to cavity randomly, labeled 'weak field' – and on the right they are drifting in a particular direction – by escaping from each cavity toward the neighboring cavity dictated by the electric field, labeled 'strong field'
This diagram shows how a particle moves through a porous material over time in a weak or strong electric field. The darkest color indicates the starting point of the particle, and successively lighter colors represent the particle’s position after more time has passed. The particle in a weak field moves randomly, while the particle in a strong field gradually moves in the direction determined by the electric field.
Anni Shi

By studying the phenomenon more closely, we discovered the reasons for these behaviors. A weak field causes the stagnant liquid to flow in random swirling motions within the material’s tiny cavities. This random flow enhances a particle’s natural jiggling and pushes it toward the cavity walls. By moving along walls, the particle drastically increases its probability of finding a random escape route, compared to searching throughout the entire cavity space.

A strong field, however, provides a powerful directional push to the particle. That push overcomes the natural jiggling of the particle as well as the random flow of the surrounding liquid. It ensures that the particle migrates predictably along the direction of the electric field. This insight opens the door for new, efficient strategies to move, sort and separate particles.

Tracking nanoparticles

To conduct this research, we integrated laboratory observation with computational modeling. Experimentally, we used an advanced microscope to meticulously track how individual nanoparticles moved inside a perfectly structured porous material called a silica inverse opal.

A zoomed in microscope image of a porous material, which is made up of small circles, each with three small cavities, arranged in a grid pattern.
A scanning electron micrograph of a silica inverse opal, showing a cross section of the engineered porous material with cavities, 500 nanometers in diameter, set in small holes, 90 nanometers in diameter.
Anni Shi

We then used computer simulations to model the underlying physics. We modeled the particle’s random jiggling motion, the electrical driving force and the fluid flow near the walls.

By combining this precise visualization with theoretical modeling, we deconstructed the overall behavior of the nanoparticles. We could quantify the effect of each individual physical process, from the jiggling to the electrical push.

A large, see-through box connected to machinery.
This high-resolution fluorescence microscope, in the advanced light microscopy core facility at the University of Colorado Boulder, obtained three-dimensional tracks of nanoparticles moving within porous materials.
Joseph Dragavon

Devices that move particles

This research could have major implications for technologies requiring precise microscopic transport. In these, the goal is fast, accurate and differential particle movement. Examples include drug delivery, which requires guiding “nanocargo” to specific tissue targets, or industrial separation, which entails purifying chemicals and filtering contaminants.

Our discovery – the ability to separately control a particle’s speed using weak fields and its direction using strong fields – acts as a two-lever control tool.

This control may allow engineers to design devices that apply weak or strong fields to move different particle types in tailored ways. Ultimately, this tool could improve faster and more efficient diagnostic tools and purification systems.

What’s next

We’ve established independent control over the particles’ searching using speed and their migration using direction. But we still don’t know the phenomenon’s full limits.

Key questions remain: What are the upper and lower sizes of particles that can be controlled in this way? Can this method be reliably applied in complex, dynamic biological environments?

Most fundamentally, we’ll need to investigate the exact mechanism behind the dramatic speedup of these particles under a weak electric field. Answering these questions is essential to unlocking the full precision of this particle control method.

Our work is part of a larger scientific push to understand how confinement and boundaries influence the motion of nanoscale objects. As technology shrinks, understanding how these particles interact with nearby surfaces will help design efficient, tiny devices. And when moving through spongy, porous materials, nanoparticles are constantly encountering surfaces and boundaries.

The collective goal of our and others’ related research is to transform the control of tiny particles from a process of trial and error into a reliable, predictable science.

The Conversation

Daniel K. Schwartz receives funding from the US Department of Energy, the National Science Foundation, and the National Institutes of Health.

Ankur Gupta receives funding from the National Science Foundation and the Air Force Office of Scientific Research.

ref. Electric fields steered nanoparticles through a liquid-filled maze – this new method could improve drug delivery and purification systems – https://theconversation.com/electric-fields-steered-nanoparticles-through-a-liquid-filled-maze-this-new-method-could-improve-drug-delivery-and-purification-systems-268553

Blame the shutdown on citizens who prefer politicians to vanquish their opponents rather than to work for the common good

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Robert B. Talisse, W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy, Vanderbilt University

Who is really responsible for the longest government shutdown in history? iStock/Getty Images Plus

The United States was founded on the idea that government exists to serve its people. To do this, government must deliver services that promote the common good. When the government shuts down, it fails to meet its fundamental purpose.

While government shutdowns are not new in the U.S., most have lasted less than a week. At 40 days, the current shutdown may well be on the way to an end this week, as enough Senate Democratic caucus members have voted with Republicans on a measure to reopen the government. But it will remain the longest in the history of the nation.

When the government shuts down for such a long time, it inflicts hardships, anxieties and irritations on its citizens. You might wonder why elected officials allow lengthy disruptions to happen.

It is common to blame the politicians for the shutdown. However, as a philosopher who researches democracy, I think the fault lies also with us, the citizens. In a democracy, we generally get the politics we ask for, and the electorate has developed a taste for political spectacle over competent leadership.

American democracy has grown increasingly tribal, leading us to become more invested in punishing our partisan rivals than in demanding competent government. We are infatuated with the spectacle of our side dominating the other.

Understandably, politicians have embraced obstruction. They have learned that deadlock can pay, because they have the support of their voters in behaving this way. Politics is no longer about representation and policy, it’s now about vanquishing and even humiliating the other side.

Three women and two men on a stage with American flags flanking them, and one of them speaking at a lectern.
U.S. Sen. Maggie Hassan speaks at a press conference with other Senate Democratic caucus members who voted to restore government funding, in Washington, D.C., on Nov. 9, 2025.
Nathan Posner/Anadolu via Getty Images

More fervent, not better informed

To see this, we must examine polarization. Let’s start by distinguishing two kinds of polarization.

First is political polarization. It measures the divide between the U.S.’s two major parties. When political polarization is severe, the common ground among the parties falls away. This naturally undermines cooperation. That Republicans and Democrats are politically polarized is certainly part of the explanation for the shutdown.

But that’s not the entire story. As I argue in my book “Civic Solitude,” the deeper trouble has to do with belief polarization.

Unlike political polarization, which measures the distance between opposing groups, belief polarization occurs within a single group. In belief polarization, like-minded people transform into more extreme version of themselves: Liberals become more liberal, conservatives become more conservative, Second Amendment advocates become more pro-gun, environmentalists become more green, and so on.

Importantly, this shift is driven by the desire to fit in with one’s peers, not by evidence or reason. Hence, we become more fervent but no better informed.

Additionally, our more extreme selves are also more tribal and conformist. As we shift, we become more antagonistic toward outsiders. We also become more insistent on uniformity within our group, less tolerant of differences.

Animosity and obstruction

The combination of intensifying antagonism toward those on the “other side” and escalating cohesion among those on “your side” turns all aspects of life into politics.

In the U.S. today, liberals and conservatives are heavily socially segregated. They live in different neighborhoods, work in different professions, vacation in different locations, drive different vehicles and shop in different stores. Everyday behavior has become an extension of partisan affiliation.

Ironically, as everyday life becomes politically saturated, politics itself becomes more about lifestyle and less about policy. Research suggests that while animosity across the parties has intensified significantly, citizens’ disagreements over policy have either remained stable or eased. We dislike one another more intensely yet are not more divided.

This paints a grim portrait of U.S. democracy. Note that this condition incentivizes politicians to amplify their contempt for political rivals. Politicians seek to win elections, and stoking negative feelings such as fear and indignation are potent triggers of political behavior, including voting.

Consequently, when citizens are belief polarized, animosity and obstruction become winning electoral strategies. Meanwhile, politicians are released from the task of serving the common good.

A group of people standing behind a man who's standing at a lectern, behind a sign that says 'The DEMOCRAT SHUTDOWN.'
U.S. Speaker of the House Mike Johnson speaks during a news conference with House Republican leadership at the U.S. Capitol on Nov. 6, 2025.
Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images

Channeling contempt

It is no surprise that discussions of the shutdown have consistently focused on blame.

The Republicans, who hold the congressional majority, have sought to score points by depicting the shutdown as the Democrats’ fault. Several official websites maintained by the federal government included statements denouncing the shutdown as strictly the doing of the Democrats. Their aim has been to channel citizens’ frustration into contempt for the Democratic Party.

At the beginning of the shutdown, House Speaker Mike Johnson claimed that there was “literally nothing to negotiate” with congressional Democrats.

But there’s the rub. Democratic government is fundamentally a matter of negotiation. Neither winning an election nor being a member of the majority party means that you can simply call the shots. The constitutional procedures by which our representatives govern are designed to force cooperation, collaboration and compromise.

Thanks to polarization, however, these noble ideals of political give-and-take have dissolved. Cooperation is now seen as surrender to political enemies. That’s very clear in many Democrats’ outraged reactions to the eight senators from their caucus who have now voted with Republicans to end the shutdown.

Meanwhile, more than 1 million government employees haven’t been paid, many crucial government services have been interrupted, diminished or suspended, and, with the Thanksgiving holiday approaching, travelers are experiencing flight disruptions. While there may be an end to the shutdown on the near horizon, any deal could simply postpone crucial policy debates and could well end in another shutdown in the new year.

The key to avoiding this kind of failure is to become a citizenry that demands competent government over partisan domination.

The Conversation

Robert B. Talisse does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Blame the shutdown on citizens who prefer politicians to vanquish their opponents rather than to work for the common good – https://theconversation.com/blame-the-shutdown-on-citizens-who-prefer-politicians-to-vanquish-their-opponents-rather-than-to-work-for-the-common-good-269041

A bold new investment fund aims to channel billions into tropical forest protection – one key change can make it better

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Jason Gray, Environmental Attorney, Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment, University of California, Los Angeles

Cattle, the No. 1 cause of tropical deforestation, roam on tropical forest land that was stripped bare in Acre, Brazil. AP Photo/Eraldo Peres

The world is losing vast swaths of forests to agriculture, logging, mining and fires every year — more than 20 million acres in 2024 alone, roughly the size of South Carolina.

That’s bad news because tropical forests in particular regulate rainfall, shelter plant and animal species and act as a thermostat for the planet by storing carbon, keeping it out of the atmosphere where it would heat up the planet. The United Nations estimates that deforestation and forest degradation globally contribute about 11% of total greenhouse gas emissions.

Over the years, countries have committed to reverse that forest loss, and many organizations, governments, and Indigenous and local communities have worked hard to advance those goals. Many of their efforts have been at least partly successful.

For instance, Brazil credits stronger law enforcement and better monitoring at the state and national levels for helping reduce illegal land clearing and deforestation in the Amazon. The deforestation rate there fell by 31% from 2023 to 2024.

A ranger puts a red line on a tree to mark it. Villagers stand near by with evidence of cut down trees around them.
A forest ranger in Indonesia marks a tree to encourage protecting it in an area where villagers have cleared forest for a coffee plantation.
AP Photo/Dita Alangkara

Funding from governments and the private sector is helping communities restore land that has already been cleared. Often this involves planting native tree species that bring additional economic value to communities by providing fruits and nuts.

Other programs protect forests through payments for ecosystem services, such as paying landowners to maintain existing forests and the benefits those forests provide. These programs provide money to a government, community or landowner based on verified results that the forest is being protected over time.

And yet, despite these and many other efforts, the world is falling short on its commitments to protect tropical forests. The planet lost 6.7 million hectares of tropical forest, nearly 26,000 square miles (67,000 square kilometers), in 2024 alone.

Law enforcement is not enough by itself. When enforcement is weakened, as happened in Brazil from 2019 to 2023, illegal land clearing and forest loss ramp back up. Programs that pay landowners to keep forests standing also have drawbacks. Research has shown they might only temporarily reduce deforestation if they don’t continue payments long term.

The problem is that deforestation is often driven by economic factors such as global demand for crops, cattle and minerals such as gold and copper. This demand provides significant incentives to farmers, companies and governments to continue clearing forests.

The amount of money committed to protecting forests globally is about US$5.7 billion per year – a fraction of the tens of billions of dollars banks and investors put into the companies that drive deforestation.

Simply put, the scale of the deforestation problem is massive, and new efforts are needed to truly reverse the economic drivers or causes of deforestation.

In order to increase the amount of funding to protect tropical forests, Brazil launched a global program on Nov. 6, 2025, ahead of the annual U.N. climate conference, called the Tropical Forest Forever Facility, or TFFF. It is an innovative approach that combines money from countries and private investors to compensate countries for preserving tropical forests.

As an environmental law scholar who works in climate policy development, including to protect tropical forests, I believe this program has real promise. But I also see room to improve it by bringing in states and provinces to ensure money reaches programs closer to the ground that will pay off for the environment.

What makes the Tropical Forest Forever Facility different?

The Tropical Forest Forever Facility seeks to tackle the deforestation problem by focusing on the issue of scale – both geographic and economic.

First, it will measure results across entire countries rather than at the smaller landowner level. That can help reduce deforestation more broadly within countries and influence national policies that currently contribute to deforestation.

Second, it seeks to raise billions of dollars. This is important to counter the economic incentives for clearing forests for agriculture, livestock and timber.

The mechanics of raising these funds is intriguing – Brazil is seeking an initial $25 billion from national governments and foundations, and then another $100 billion from investors. These funds would be invested in securities – think the stock and bond markets – and returns on those investments, after a percentage is paid to investors, would be paid to countries that demonstrate successful forest protection.

These countries would be expected to invest their results-based payments into forest conservation initiatives, in particular to support communities doing the protection work on the ground, including ensuring that at least 20% directly supports local communities and Indigenous peoples whose territories often have the lowest rates of deforestation thanks to their efforts.

Most of the loss to commodities is in South America and Southeast Asia.
Where different types of deforestation are most prominent. Shifting agriculture, shown in yellow, reflects land temporarily cleared for agriculture and later allowed to regrow.
Project Drawdown, data from Curtis et al., 2018, CC BY-ND

Finally, the Tropical Forest Forever Facility recognizes that, like past efforts, it is not a silver bullet. It is being designed to complement other programs and policies, including carbon market approaches that raise money for forest protection by selling carbon credits to governments and companies that need to lower their emissions.

What has been the reaction so far?

The new forest investment fund is attracting interest because of its size, ambition and design.

Brazil and Indonesia were the first to contribute, committing $1 billion each. Norway added $3 billion on Nov. 7, and several other countries also committed to support it.

The Tropical Forest Forever Facility still has a long way to go toward its $125 billion goal, but it will likely draw additional commitments during the U.N. climate conference, COP30, being held Nov. 10-21, 2025, in Brazil. World leaders and negotiators are meeting in the Amazon for the first time.

An aerial view of the Caquetá region, with a river winding through forest and areas of deforested land.
In Caquetá, Colombia, a mix of training for farmers, expanding their ability to sell the fruit they grow, and a local government program that pays landowners relatively small amounts to restore forests helped reduce local deforestation by 67% from 2021 to 2023.
Guillermo Legaria/AFP via Getty Images

How can the Tropical Forest Forever Facility be improved?

The Tropical Forest Forever Facility’s design has drawn some criticism, both for how the money is raised and for routing the money through national governments. While the fund’s design could draw more investors, if its investments don’t have strong returns in a given year, the fund might not receive any money, likely leaving a gap in expected payments for the programs and communities protecting forests.

Many existing international funding programs also provide money solely to national governments, as the Amazon Fund and the U.N.’s Global Environment Facility do. However, a lot of the actual work to reduce deforestation, from policy innovation to implementation and enforcement, takes place at the state and provincial levels.

One way to improve the Tropical Forest Forever Facility’s implementation would be to include state- and provincial-level governments in decisions about how payments will be used and ensure those funds make it to the people taking action in their territories.

The Governors’ Climate and Forests Task Force, a group of 45 states and provinces from 11 countries, has been giving feedback on how to incorporate that recommendation.

The task force developed a Blueprint for a New Forest Economy, which can help connect efforts such as the Tropical Forest Forever Facility to state- and community-level forest protection initiatives so funding reaches projects that can pay off for forest protection.

The Tropical Forest Forever Facility is an example of the type of innovative mechanism that could accelerate action globally. But to truly succeed, it will need to be coordinated with state and provincial governments, communities and others doing the work on the ground. The world’s forests – and people – depend on it.

The Conversation

Jason Gray is the Project Director of the Governors’ Climate and Forests Task Force, a project of the Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment at UCLA School of Law. The GCF Task Force receives funding support from the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation.

ref. A bold new investment fund aims to channel billions into tropical forest protection – one key change can make it better – https://theconversation.com/a-bold-new-investment-fund-aims-to-channel-billions-into-tropical-forest-protection-one-key-change-can-make-it-better-269374

Sex work on trial: What the recently dismissed constitutional challenge means

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Treena Orchard, Associate Professor, School of Health Studies, Western University

Most Canadians have access to workplaces that are safe, promote health and autonomy and, most importantly, are protected by the law. But for people in criminalized professions, including sex work, it’s a different story.

In Canada, sex work itself is legal. But most aspects associated with doing sex work — purchasing sexual services and communicating for that purpose — are illegal.

R. v. Kloubakov, a recent Supreme Court of Canada case, demonstrates how basic elements of the workplace for sex workers are not only contested under the law, but they’re also being decided upon without the input of people in the profession.

This ruling upholds the constitutionality of Canada’s sex work legislation, which many sex workers advocated against in 2014 when the laws were changed to include the criminalization of clients. This legislative shift negatively impacts sex workers because it creates a climate of anxiety among clients, who can become more aggressive with workers because they fear being “outed” or arrested by police.

For more than two decades, I have had the privilege of learning about these issues directly from women, men and transgender people in India and several Canadian cities, including Vancouver, London and Kitchener-Waterloo, who do this work.

Alongside their intelligence, wit and deep insights into human nature, the sex workers I’ve known cultivate profoundly meaningful communities and care for one another in exemplary ways.

The ‘legal-but-illegal’ paradox

When it comes to sex work, there are three primary approaches to legislation, beginning with the abolitionist framework, sometimes called the Sex Buyer Law or the Swedish or Nordic model. This system decriminalizes people who sell sex, provides supports to help workers exit sex work and makes the purchase of sex a criminal offence.

Canada adopted this framework in 2014 as part of Bill C-36, the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act.

Next is legalization, a legislative model in which governments introduce specific laws and regulations allowing certain forms of sex work to take place under controlled conditions. Authorities can impose a very controlled framework governing numerous aspects of the sex industry, including forced HIV/STI testing, restrictions on advertising and strict workplace-licensing rules.

Examples of this legislative approach are seen in countries like the Netherlands, Germany and Greece.

The third approach is decriminalization, which removes all laws and regulations that criminalize or penalize sex work, including its sale, purchase, advertisement and involvement of third parties such as managers and brothel keepers. This framework allows sex workers to retain agency and control over their work.

New Zealand and Belgium are examples of countries that have decriminalized sex work.

Over the past decade, Canada’s sex work laws, however, have grown increasingly punitive, even though the number of arrests has decreased. Canadian sociologist Chris Smith found sex work–related arrests peaked at nearly 2,800 in 1992 and fell to just 11 by 2020.

And, as Smith argues, there is a mismatch between legislation and the actual crime, which significantly affects sex workers’ conditions and safety.

Inside the R. v. Kloubakov decision

In a unanimous decision on July 24, 2025, the Supreme Court of Canada dismissed the constitutional challenge by Mikhail Kloubakov and Hicham Moustaine against Canada’s sex work laws. At issue were two parts of Canada’s sex-work criminalization legislation: receiving material benefits from sex workers and the procuring of sexual services.

The men, who were drivers for an escort agency in Calgary and were also responsible for transferring money earned by sex workers to the agency operators, pleaded guilty of separate charges related to human trafficking.

The trial judge had found them guilty of violating the Criminal Code by profiting from sex workers. She stayed proceedings on whether current sex work laws impacted the safety of sex workers.

The case challenged the constitutionality of the sex work laws, but ignored the difficulties of working in a criminalized profession subject to intense police surveillance stemming from receiving material benefits and procuring offences.

These offences make sex workers vulnerable to a range of harms, including institutional abuse, targeted violence, xenophobic raids leading to deportations and closures of safe indoor workspaces, constant threats of surveillance, and unwanted contact with law enforcement.

Research shows that in some Canadian cities, fears associated with police surveillance (such as being outed as a sex worker and racially profiled) are so prevalent that sex workers hesitate to contact police after facing violent armed robberies.

The court overlooks dignity

In R. v. Kloubakov, the Supreme Court of Canada did not prioritize the safety and security objective in its analysis. Instead, it treated it as just another issue among others. The court also failed to engage meaningfully with evidence relating to the lived experiences of sex workers. Decisions about sex workers’ rights under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms should not be made without sex workers at the table.

Criminalizing sex work is not a benign act with abstract consequences.

It isolates sex workers from society and resources, and positions them as targets for violence, discrimination and labour exploitation. It also contravenes regulatory approaches from the United Nations Human Rights Council, which views the criminalization of sex workers as a form of gender-based discrimination and advocates for a human-rights framework that aligns with decriminalization.

In a country that claims to care about all of its citizens, it’s imperative that we stand with those among us who are forced to struggle for basic human rights in their chosen profession — whether taking up that profession is dictated by pleasure, empowerment or survival.

What to expect going forward

This debate is far from over. Some of the issues the court declined to rule on will be raised in the Canadian Alliance for Sex Work Law Reform v. Canada case that is currently pending before the Ontario Court of Appeal after being struck down in 2021 by the Ontario Supreme Court.

This case challenges several sex work prohibitions on the grounds that they violate sex workers’ rights to freedom of expression, life, liberty, security of the person and equality, all of which are protected by the Canadian Charter.

While the case is on hold, Canadians can enhance what they know about sex work from organizations who advocate for sex worker rights, sex workers who write about their experiences and a host of other cultural spaces.

The Conversation

Treena Orchard has received funding from CIHR, SSHRC, and Western University, but no research funds were used in the creation of this article.

ref. Sex work on trial: What the recently dismissed constitutional challenge means – https://theconversation.com/sex-work-on-trial-what-the-recently-dismissed-constitutional-challenge-means-267163

Governments can protect marine environments by supporting small-scale fishing

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Rashid Sumaila, Director & Professor, Fisheries Economics Research Unit, University of British Columbia

The world’s oceans are vital for life on Earth. Drifting phytoplankton provide almost half the oxygen released into the atmosphere. Marine and coastal ecosystems provide food and protect communities from storms.

Nearly 30 per cent of the world’s population lives in coastal areas. However, rapidly changing climate and massive biodiversity losses represent an unprecedented threat to these ecosystems and to life on Earth as we know it. Research shows that coastal regions bear the brunt of climate change and extractive impacts.

Industrial fishing can extract in a day what a small boat might take in a year. Since 1950, carbon dioxide emissions from global marine fisheries have quadrupled. Bottom trawling — where a ship tows a large net along the seafloor — adds further damage by disturbing carbon-rich seafloor sediments.

Scientists estimate that between 1996 and 2020, 9.2 billion tons of carbon dioxide were released into the atmosphere due to bottom trawling — about 370 million tons annually, double the emissions from fuel combustion of the entire global fishing fleet of four million vessels.

By the middle of this century, 12 per cent of nearshore ocean areas could be transformed beyond recognition. In the tropics — Earth’s life ring — human-driven impacts are expected to triple by 2041-60. Our planet’s oceans are facing a critical risk, and we must act urgently to protect them in ways that also benefit the people who rely on them.

As COP30 gets underway in Belem, Brazil, developing measures to protect the world’s oceans and fisheries must be on the agenda.

The key lies in empowering those who have long stewarded these ecosystems: Indigenous and coastal communities. Their traditional fishing practices, passed down through generations, offer a model for balancing ecological recovery with human well-being. Governments must listen to and learn from them.

The industrial threat

To include climate-regulating habitats in global conservation goals, governments must develop policy solutions that prioritize small-scale fishers and Indigenous and coastal communities and mitigate the destructive impacts of industrial fishing fleets.

One in every 12 people globally — nearly half of them women — depend at least partly on small-scale fishing for their livelihood. In contrast to destructive industrial fleets, small-scale fisheries are among the most energy-efficient, animal-sourced food production systems, with low environmental impacts in terms of greenhouse gas and other stressors and outsized economic and social value.

An important measure that could both support small-scale fisheries and contribute to countries’ contributions under global frameworks such as the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals is the formal exclusion of destructive industrial fishing from nearshore waters.

Inshore exclusion zones (IEZs) — also called preferential access areas — are coastal areas that prohibit certain methods of industrial fishing and grant preferential access to small-scale fishers.

When paired with co-management between governments and communities, IEZs can help restore fish populations and strengthen food security and livelihoods.

A promising example is in Ghana, where a bill has just been signed by the president to extend IEZs from six to 12 nautical miles, protecting more coastal waters for small-scale fishers.

An inclusive solution

To support these essential producers while meeting climate and biodiversity goals, governments must apply existing policies in ways that centre people.

The UN’s Global Biodiversity Framework, adopted in 2022, recognizes Indigenous Peoples and local communities as custodians of biodiversity. It also commits governments to protect at least 30 per cent of land and sea by 2030.

But governments must avoid the trap of “paper protection” — designating areas as protected without real enforcement or community involvement. Instead, we need practical, inclusive approaches that uphold both conservation and equity.

Locally led protection

I’m an adviser to Blue Ventures, a non-governmental organization working with coastal communities to restore their seas and build lasting prosperity. The organization helped pioneer the Locally Managed Marine Area (LMMA) model, which blends traditional knowledge and spiritual belief with modern conservation science.

LMMAs protect coral, mangrove and seagrass habitats, increase participation in biodiversity stewardship, enhance food security and build climate resilience.

Supporting coastal communities to establish functional and legal LMMAs — while excluding carbon-intensive industrial fishing from these areas — and recognizing and embedding the approach into global biodiversity frameworks and targets would mark an important shift in valuing conservation outcomes in areas where humans and marine life coexist.

If inclusive marine protection methods, like LMMAs and similar areas under traditional governance, were recognized as key tools to protect biodiversity, we could see a welcome alliance of formally protected areas and those under local governance, all contributing to global conservation targets.

Ultimately, governments should aim to protect more than just 30 per cent of the ocean. To do so, they must pursue equitable, inclusive solutions that align with global goals. We need a future where community-led management of nearshore waters supports both people and nature. We owe it to each other, and to the ocean that gives us life.

The Conversation

Rashid Sumaila receives funding from SSHRC, NSERC and the World Bank. He is affiliated with Blue Ventures, Oceana, Pew Charitable Trusts, and the Tyler Prize Foundation as a board member.

ref. Governments can protect marine environments by supporting small-scale fishing – https://theconversation.com/governments-can-protect-marine-environments-by-supporting-small-scale-fishing-265651

Zohran Mamdani’s win shows how multilingualism bridges divides in diverse democracies

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kashif Raza, Postdoctoral Fellow, Faculty of Education, University of British Columbia

When Zohran Mamdani campaigned for New York City mayor, he didn’t sound like a typical American politician, speaking only English at his rallies and public appearances.

Instead, he switched between Arabic, Bangla, English, Hindi, Luganda, Spanish and Urdu to connect with diverse communities. He also made appearances on transnational media outlets to discuss issues that crossed borders.

I am a post-doctoral fellow at the University of British Columbia, studying the integration patterns of immigrants and how they’re shaped by the intersection of language, ethnicity and migration.

For me, Mamdani’s story is more than a local success. It signals how politics is being reshaped by migration and multilingualism and how language itself has become a foundation of belonging in diverse democracies.

Multilingual politics

Mamdani’s campaign began with a simple but powerful line:

“It’s time to take back our power and unleash the public sector to build housing for the many.”

This message resonated across the city’s working-class neighbourhoods — taxi drivers, nurses, delivery workers and students, many of them immigrants trying to make ends meet. What made it even more effective was how he delivered it: not just in English, but in the many languages New Yorkers speak.

He repeated his call for affordability and fairness in Arabic, Bangla, Urdu-Hindi, and Spanish. His campaign videos and flyers mixed languages the way people do in everyday life, switching easily between English and the languages of home.

This was about more than translation; it was about recognition and connection with people.

New York is one of the most linguistically diverse cities in the world, with more than 800 languages spoken. Nearly 35 per cent of its residents are born outside the United States.

Mamdani understood that voters don’t leave their languages behind when they migrate. They use them to make sense of work, community and politics. By speaking to them in those languages, he showed that their voices mattered in shaping the city’s future.

Political integration

This approach reflects what scholars of migration linguistics — the study of how language and mobility shape one another in the process of migration, settlement and belonging — describe as multilingual political integration.

It is a way migrants connect identity to civic participation. Mamdani’s campaign turned that bridge into a political strategy: one that viewed multilingualism not as an obstacle to democracy, but as its living proof.

It also serves as a quiet reality check on the long-standing “melting pot” ideal in the United States, which assumes immigrants must shed their languages and traditions to blend into a single American identity.

A transnational campaign

Mamdani’s multilingual strategy also reflected the transnational reality of modern migration. His Urdu interview on Pakistan’s Geo News and his criticism of India’s Narendra Modi during conversations with Indian-origin voters in the U.S. blurred the line between domestic and global audiences.

These appearances were not campaign gimmicks; they acknowledged that diaspora communities are shaped by more than one national story.

Migration linguistics helps explain this dynamic. It studies how language practices move across borders and connect places of origin, settlement and diaspora. In Mamdani’s case, multilingual communication created what scholars call transnational publics — shared spaces of conversation that stretch from New York to Karachi and Delhi.

When a politician addresses issues such as Islamophobia, immigration or housing in multiple languages, they are not only appealing to voters at home. They are engaging with a wider world of shared experiences that migration has woven together.




Read more:
How Zohran Mamdani’s ‘talent for listening’ spurred him to victory in the New York mayoral election


Culture as communication

Language was only part of Mamdani’s strategy. His campaign also used cultural expression — food, music and festivals — as forms of communication.

From Iftar gatherings during Ramadan to Diwali celebrations and South Asian street fairs, these events became spaces of multilingual interaction where taste, sound, and ritual carried political meaning.

Migration linguistics views such practices as intercultural competence: the use of cultural forms to express belonging and solidarity.

Mamdani’s campaign showed that civic participation doesn’t only happen in speeches or debates; it also happens in shared meals, songs and celebrations that remind people they belong to the same city.

Lessons for Canada

Mamdani’s brand of of politics holds lessons for Canada. Since I wrote on this topic earlier this year, immigrant and racialized voters are already changing how campaigns are organized and how communities mobilize.




Read more:
How racialized voters are reshaping Canadian politics through digital networks


Canada’s largest cities, in particular Toronto and Vancouver, are among the most linguistically diverse in the world. Yet a lot of political outreach still assumes an English- or French-only audience.

Mamdani’s campaign suggests another path. By engaging multilingual voters through their languages, stories and digital networks, politicians can build deeper, more authentic relationships.

It’s time for Canadian politicians to move beyond teleprompters and translators and learn and use minority languages as a genuine way to connect with multilingual voters as they make up a significant portion of the electorate.

The Conversation

Kashif Raza receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada.

ref. Zohran Mamdani’s win shows how multilingualism bridges divides in diverse democracies – https://theconversation.com/zohran-mamdanis-win-shows-how-multilingualism-bridges-divides-in-diverse-democracies-269232