Calling deaths ‘preventable’ can obscure barriers to health care access and shift blame to individuals

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Zachary W. Schulz, Senior Lecturer of History, Auburn University

Deaths from so-called preventable causes often follow familiar policy lines. Tonpor Kasa/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Each year in the U.S., tens of thousands of deaths are categorized as “preventable” — meaning, in theory, they did not need to happen. A missed cancer screening, a fatal asthma attack or a death from untreated infection might all be counted as preventable.

The term is commonly used in public health reports, policy documents and local news coverage, and it generally implies that something went wrong and could have been prevented.

But it’s also deceptively simplistic. Researchers have noted that definitions of preventable death are often imprecise and shaped by subjective judgment. In clinical settings like intensive care units, reviews of mortality frequently focus on individual decisions or errors, while broader systemic issues — like hospital understaffing or regional disparities in access — may go unexamined.

I’m a historian of public health who studies how U.S. health systems have developed over time, especially in rural and underserved areas. I study how structural decisions — about Medicaid, dental care and regional health investment — shape health access and outcomes today.

The language of preventability is widely used and often well-intentioned. But it can make certain deaths appear to be caused by regrettable choices or the failures of an overburdened health system. This, in turn, can lead to policy choices based on mistaken assumptions about where responsibility lies and how solutions should be designed.

What does ‘preventable death’ really mean?

In epidemiology, a preventable death typically refers to a death that could have been avoided with timely and effective medical care, public health intervention or behavioral change. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention uses the term to describe deaths from conditions like heart disease, diabetes, respiratory illness and certain infections — illnesses that can often be managed or averted with adequate care.

This definition is useful: It helps health departments set priorities, allocate funding and measure progress.

But when the term circulates outside that context — in news articles, political speeches or everyday conversation — it often loses its technical grounding. In those settings, “preventable” can imply that prevention is merely a matter of personal knowledge or access, obscuring the deeper structural forces at play.

A nurse sits with an older man, holds his hand while measuring his blood oxygen levels.
The term ‘preventable death’ can miscast structural forces as personal shortcomings.
alvaro gonzalez/Moment via Getty Images

For example, a person who dies from untreated high blood pressure might be counted in preventable death statistics, since their death could likely have been avoided with routine medical care, effective treatment and support for managing blood pressure.

Health outcomes shaped by policy

But the label overlooks some deeper causes. For example, it doesn’t reflect whether a patient had stable health insurance, lived near a provider or faced cost barriers to filling a prescription. And it doesn’t show whether they were one of the millions of Americans living in states that have not expanded Medicaid, which provides government-supported health insurance for low-income Americans under the Affordable Care Act. These variables can be the determining factor for whether someone is able to receive the care they need that could have made the death preventable.

Since 2010, states have had the option to expand Medicaid, and many states did. But a number of states — primarily in the South — have chosen not to. This policy choice has left many low-income adults without access to affordable health coverage, especially in Southern and rural regions.

Research shows that these decisions have real consequences. Numerous studies have linked Medicaid expansion with lower rates of premature death, better cancer outcomes and improved management of chronic diseases.

Similarly, dental care is one of the most consistently under-resourced parts of the health system. Medicare does not include dental benefits, and Medicaid dental coverage varies widely by state. Dental disease can lead to serious medical complications, including infections that can become life-threatening — yet dental deserts, especially in rural America, leave many without timely access to care.

Rural hospitals and clinics also face persistent underinvestment. According to the Chartis Center for Rural Health, more than 141 rural hospitals have closed since 2010, with hundreds more at risk. Many rural areas struggle to attract and retain health care workers, leaving residents with long travel times and limited emergency coverage.

A pattern, not a fluke

National health statistics reflect these structural gaps. According to the CDC, rates of potentially preventable death are significantly higher in the South than in other regions of the U.S. They are also higher among Black, Native and Hispanic populations compared with white populations — disparities that track closely with differences in poverty rates, insurance coverage and local health infrastructure.

In other words, when one looks more closely at who is dying from so-called preventable causes — and where — consistent patterns emerge. These are not random tragedies, but outcomes that follow familiar policy lines. They are, in many cases, the foreseeable result of long-standing policy decisions and predictable outcomes shaped by structural inequities.

Yet the language of “preventable death” rarely points directly to those decisions. Instead, it implies that the right care simply wasn’t accessed — but not why it wasn’t available or affordable in the first place.

How language shapes perception

In public health, the terms used matter — they shape how both the public and the health system perceives risk, attribute responsibility and support reform.

Without context, calling a death preventable can imply individual failure — that someone didn’t eat right, didn’t take their medication, didn’t go to the doctor in time. The word erases the conditions that make such behaviors difficult or impossible, miscasting structural faults as personal shortcomings. Someone without transportation to a clinic, or without health insurance to cover basic treatment, may not be positioned to “prevent” anything. In that sense, the death is only preventable in theory — not in practice.

As public health experts increasingly embrace the importance of structural barriers to health, some are proposing alternatives to the phrase or are calling for clearer explanations when it is used.

As the health system grapples with widening inequities and eroding trust, speaking clearly about how individual choices interact with the systems in which people make them will help guide stronger policies, more equitable health systems and genuine access to health care. For patients and families, that clarity can mean something as basic as knowing a local clinic will be open when they need it, or that cost won’t keep them from filling a prescription.

The Conversation

Zachary W. Schulz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Calling deaths ‘preventable’ can obscure barriers to health care access and shift blame to individuals – https://theconversation.com/calling-deaths-preventable-can-obscure-barriers-to-health-care-access-and-shift-blame-to-individuals-260915

Muslim men have often been portrayed as ‘terrorists’ or ‘fanatics’ on TV shows, but Muslim-led storytelling is trying to change that narrative

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Tazeen M. Ali, Assistant Professor of Religion and Politics, Washington University in St. Louis

Hulu’s comedy-drama series ‘Ramy,’ created by actor-comedian Ramy Youssef, follows a young Egyptian-American Muslim navigating life’s challenges. Youssef, center, appears at a press conference in 2019. Frederick M. Brown/Getty Images

For over a century, Hollywood has tended to portray Muslim men through a remarkably narrow lens: as terrorists, villains or dangerous outsiders. From shows such as “24” and “Homeland” to procedural dramas such as “Law and Order,” this portrayal has seldom allowed for complexity or relatability.

Such depictions reinforce Orientalist stereotypes – a colonial worldview that treats cultures in the East as exotic, irrational or even dangerous.

However, recent years have seen a noticeable increase in Muslim-led storytelling across platforms in the U.S. and U.K. While still a minority, these stories depart from decades of misrepresentation.

As a scholar of Islam and gender who has conducted research on masculinity, sexuality and national belonging in Muslim entertainment media, I analyze a new wave of critically acclaimed shows where Muslim characters are at the center of the narrative.

Historical stereotypes

Scholar of media and race Jack Shaheen has documented the systematic vilification of Arabs and Muslims in Western media. In his 2001 book “Reel Bad Arabs,” he analyzed over a thousand films and found that the vast majority depicted Arab and Muslim men almost exclusively as fanatics, oil-rich villains and misogynists.

‘Reel Bad Arabs’ documentary.

More recently, a 2021 study from the University of Southern California’s Annenberg Inclusion Initiative looked at 200 popular movies and found that Muslim characters were either completely missing or shown as violent.

Despite the consistency of negative representations of Muslims on television following the rise in Islamophobia, the post-9/11 climate actually saw the introduction of more diverse Muslim characters. Such portrayals promoted the idea of the U.S. as a tolerant, liberal society.

Scholar of popular culture Evelyn Alsultany writes that Hollywood introduced Muslim characters who were often law-abiding citizens or patriotic allies. She explains that despite these positive attempts, these characters were still depicted in simplistic ways, as either “good Muslims” or “bad Muslims.” The “good Muslim/bad Muslim” framework was coined by scholar of postcolonialism Mahmood Mamdani to describe how Muslims are understood across this binary. The “good Muslims” distance themselves from their faith and align themselves with Western liberal values to gain acceptance.

Expanding on this theme, Islamic studies scholar Samah Choudhury explains how the mainstream success of South Asian Muslim male comedians such as Hasan Minhaj, Kumail Nanjiani and Aziz Ansari is shaped by their adoption of secular ideals.

Even so-called “positive” characters, such as Muslim FBI agents or loyal informants in shows like “NCIS” or “Homeland,” ultimately served to normalize state surveillance and justify the global war on terrorism, a global campaign initiated by the U.S. following the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. These brown and sometimes Black Muslim characters are portrayed as “good” only when aligned with U.S. state power.

Effort in contemporary television

Hulu’s comedy drama series “Ramy” is a milestone in Muslim storytelling. Created by actor-comedian Ramy Youssef, the series, which debuted in 2019, follows a young Egyptian-American Muslim navigating family, faith and relationships in New Jersey.

Ramy is devoid of storylines about national security. Instead, the show foregrounds its main character’s grappling with religiosity, dating and identity. Moreover, as I have argued elsewhere, the protagonist’s religious devotion is never a punchline but a part of his everyday experience.

For instance, Ramy prays five times a day – at the mosque and at home, fasts during Ramadan, and abstains from alcohol as a matter of Islamic observance. At the same time, he also partakes in hookup culture and wrestles with guilt for falling short of Islamic ideals. By showcasing this duality, the show illuminates internal debates within American Muslim communities, including on gendered norms around marriage and sexual ethics.

Across the Atlantic, the BBC comedy series “Man Like Mobeen,” created by comedian-actor Guz Khan, offers a layered portrayal of Muslim life in inner-city Birmingham, England. The show follows Mobeen, a reformed British Pakistani gangster, striving and often failing to leave his criminal past behind and live as a devout Muslim while raising his teenage sister.

The show explores the struggles of the working class. It situates Muslim communities within broader class and racial dynamics whereby working-class Black and brown men are vulnerable to racial profiling by law enforcement and gang violence.

With incisive and dark humor, it challenges British racism against Muslims and offers social and political commentary on U.K. society. This includes critiques of British far-right movements and their racism, as well as the failures of the National Health Service.

Muslim women on screen

The flip side of stereotypical portrayals of Muslim men as violent and misogynist is the equally reductive portrayal of Muslim women as passive or oppressed. When Muslim women appear on screen, they are often presented as submissive or “liberated” only by a white non-Muslim male romantic interest. This process of liberation usually involves removing their hijab or distancing themselves from Islam.

A refreshing departure from such storytelling norms can be found in the British Channel 4 comedy “We Are Lady Parts,” created by filmmaker and writer Nida Manzoor, which debuted in 2021.

The show follows an all-female Muslim punk band in London. The bandmates are funny, creative and rebellious. While they defy Western views of Muslim women, they do not appear to be written solely to shatter stereotypes.

They reflect the contradictions that many Muslims live with, juggling faith, identity and politics in their music. The band’s songs include feminist themes but are diverse, subverting Islamophobic stereotypes against women with humor with songs like “Voldemort Under My Headscarf,” or lusting after a love interest in “Bashir with the good beard.”

‘Voldemort Under My Headscarf,’ a song from the music comedy ‘We Are Lady Parts.’

The band members are also often seen engaged in ritual prayer together, a unified display of worship among women who otherwise have very different personalities, fashion sensibilities and goals in life. The show also addresses queerness, Islamophobia and intergenerational conflict with nuance and humor.

I explore all of these themes in further detail in my forthcoming book, in which I examine how this new wave of Muslim media offers insights about the lived religious experiences of American and British Muslims.

Narrative authority

What unites these series is their rejection of reductive and stereotypical narratives. Muslim characters in these shows are not defined by violence, trauma or assimilation. Nor do they serve as spokespeople for all Muslims; they are written as flawed and evolving individuals.

This wave of nuanced portrayals of Muslim life includes other recent productions such as Netflix’s 2022 series “Mo” and Hulu’s 2025 reality series “Muslim Matchmaker,” which centers real people whose lives and romantic journeys showcase American Muslim life in authentic ways. Muslims in the show are depicted as having various professions, levels of faith and life experiences.

These series and their creators signal that real progress comes when Muslim voices are telling their own stories, not simply reacting to the gaze of outsiders or the pressures of political headlines. By foregrounding daily ritual, spiritual aspiration and even awkwardness and desire, “Ramy,” “Man Like Mobeen” and “We Are Lady Parts” all refuse the burden of “representation.”

By moving away from the binary of “threatening other” versus “assimilated citizen,” this new wave of media challenges the legacy of Orientalism. Instead, they offer characters who reflect the complex realities of Muslim lives that are messy, joyful and evolving.

The Conversation

Tazeen M. Ali does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Muslim men have often been portrayed as ‘terrorists’ or ‘fanatics’ on TV shows, but Muslim-led storytelling is trying to change that narrative – https://theconversation.com/muslim-men-have-often-been-portrayed-as-terrorists-or-fanatics-on-tv-shows-but-muslim-led-storytelling-is-trying-to-change-that-narrative-263404

What NATO could learn from Ukraine as it navigates Russian threats to European security

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By James Horncastle, Assistant Professor and Edward and Emily McWhinney Professor in International Relations, Simon Fraser University

Russian drones recently violated Polish and Romanian airspace.

These intrusions, whether intentional or not, caused Poland to shut down airports and both Polish and Romanian officials deployed their air forces. The Polish air force, ultimately, succeeded in downing 19 drones while Romania monitored but did not engage for fear of collateral damage.

The media focus in the aftermath of these incursions is on the political ramifications. Both Poland and Romania are NATO members, and Poland has invoked Article 4 of the NATO treaty. It’s one of only eight times a country has invoked it.

Article 4, the shortest of the NATO treaty’s 14 articles, states that:

“The Parties will consult together whenever, in the opinion of any of them, the territorial integrity, political independence or security of any of the Parties is threatened.”

‘Here we go!’

American President Donald Trump wrote about the incursions on social media: “What’s with Russia violating Poland’s airspace with drones? Here we go!

This statement stoked hopes among Ukraine’s supporters that Trump would increase either his support for Ukraine or boost sanctions on Russia. Besides stating that he would impose harsh sanctions if NATO countries stop importing Russian oil, Trump has so far done nothing.

The political ramifications are important. Noted war theorist Carl von Clausewitz, after all, defined war as a political act.

What’s missing from recent analyses, however, is how Ukraine’s struggle over the last three years has yielded valuable lessons for Europe’s defence.

A BBC report on Russian drones in Poland.

An ongoing peace

Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, in the aftermath of the intrusion, declared in parliament that “this situation brings us the closest we have been to open conflict since World War Two.” Tusk’s statement highlighted the political significance of Russia’s actions and underscored the seriousness of the incident.

It also highlights how many European countries have had little engagement with direct conflict since the Second World War. There are notable exceptions to this point, specifically for the United Kingdom and France, but for many European countries, their engagement with war has been more theoretical and less practical.

Even in the case of the U.K. and France, military operations they’ve engaged in are not similar to those Ukraine faces against Russia. France and Britain have fought either insurgency campaigns or in wars against states that lacked their military capabilities, like Iraq.

These actions, while useful from a military standpoint, could be distorting perceptions about their capabilities when it comes to engaging against a competitor with similar military strength.

Fighting the ‘last war’

Militaries face a constant problem in their preparations as they determine what tools will be needed for the next war. This question is complex.

The interaction between new technologies and human beings can create unique dynamics that can alter the balance of warfare. Germany’s ability to combine radio, mobility and mission tactics in the form of the Panzer tank, for example, initially shifted the balance of the Second World War.

Some technologies, however, can end up being a proverbial dead end and cost a state significantly for no appreciable gain. Admiral John Fisher, the First Sea Lord of the British Royal Navy at the start of the 20th century, believed a vessel known as the battle cruiser would revolutionize warfare. Battle cruisers were ships with the weapons of a battleship and the armour and speed of a cruiser.

The concept of the battle cruiser, one that would outrun a battleship and destroy any lesser ship, was sound. Human nature and a lack of creativity, however, meant that British admirals frequently used them against battleships. Deploying battle cruisers against targets they were not designed to fight ended in tragedy.

The result of such deployments was disaster at the Battle of Jutland off the coast of Denmark in the First World War, and further calamity when the German battleship Bismarck sank the British battle cruiser HMS Hood during the Second World War.

In other words, armed forces can spend large sums of money on technological innovations and end up with no appreciable gain. In fact, a country can place itself at a distinct disadvantage if it invests incorrectly.

A black-and-white photo shows to large battle cruisers at anchor in a harbour.
Battle cruisers HMS. Hood, with the HMS Repulse behind it, at anchor during a visit by the Royal Naval Fleet to South Australia in January 1924.
(State Library of South Australia), CC BY

Finding the right tools and practices

Russia’s incursion into Polish and Romanian airspace has the potential to expose the vulnerability of both countries, and more broadly NATO as well. Although Poland succeeded in eliminating the drones, it needed to employ aircraft to do so. Ukraine’s experience demonstrates there are much cheaper and more efficient ways of eliminating enemy drones than employing expensive aircraft.

Ukraine continues to develop a multi-layered air defence system to protect its soldiers and civilians from Russia’s nightly drone bombardment.

These methods range from interceptor drones to electronic warfare jammers.

In the aftermath of Russia’s incursion into Poland, in fact, European nations are looking for guidance from Ukraine on practices and technology to combat drone attacks.

Dealing with drones in contemporary warfare is just one facet of what observers can learn from the enduring war in Ukraine. But there are other lessons that could have an even greater impact on what European countries should consider in their defence policies.

Learning from Ukraine

First among them is the importance of mass armies. Western military doctrine seeks to overcome the question of mass through technological innovations that promote manoeuvre on the battlefield to overcome larger armies.

But unfortunately, technological innovations in the war in Ukraine — whether they’ve involved drones or advanced sensors — have reinforced attrition versus the manoeuvre tactics favoured by western countries. In such a war the size of one’s army, and its capacity to produce munitions, are of paramount importance.

Second, the western experience of peace has distorted collective perceptions of war. Ukraine has shown us that disinformation campaigns, often considered a form of warfare by the West, are simply not on par with the destruction and harm a conventional war inflicts on people.

Western countries have spent too much energy preparing for disinformation campaigns and other forms of hybrid warfare versus the traditional-style war Ukraine faces against Russia.




Read more:
Russian propaganda is making inroads with right-wing Canadians


This distortion has contributed to the West’s slow response time in Ukraine. European states, three years after the current phase of the conflict, are still coming up short. Armaments production in the European Union is not sufficient to support Ukraine, let alone the continent’s needs.

Throughout its war with Russia, Ukraine is providing a formula: large armies and certain new technologies are what European and other states require for a contemporary war. The question remains, however, if these states will heed these lessons.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What NATO could learn from Ukraine as it navigates Russian threats to European security – https://theconversation.com/what-nato-could-learn-from-ukraine-as-it-navigates-russian-threats-to-european-security-265347

Your immune system attacks drugs like it does viruses – paradoxically offering a way to improve cancer treatment

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Tom Anchordoquy, Professor of Pharmaceutical Sciences, University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus

Researchers are studying the potential of gold nanoparticles (yellow dots) to deliver drugs into the body. Veronika Sapozhnikova, Konstantin Sokolov, Rebecca Richards-Kortum/M.D. Anderson Cancer Center and Rice University via NIH/Flickr

When the first cells appeared on Earth approximately 3.8 billion years ago, viruses were already here to greet them. Ever since, viruses have been devising ways to infect cells, and cells have been responding by evolving ways to stop these infections. This evolutionary dance eventually led to the development of your immune system.

A key aspect of your immune system is to distinguish “self” from “nonself” so it can destroy and remove foreign materials from your body. While this immune reaction protects you from viruses, it also has implications for how well foreign materials such as medications work.

I am a researcher studying ways to make drugs work better, including how to get them to the site of disease within the body before being removed or destroyed. One way to do this is to encapsulate drugs in nanoparticles – materials small enough to be taken up by cells. While these materials still trigger an immune response to get them out of the body, scientists like me have found that this reaction could actually be used to improve the effectiveness of cancer treatment.

The immune system and drug delivery

In addition to detecting pathogens, your immune system also responds to tissue damage. You might observe this reaction as inflammation – such as redness and swelling – when drugs are injected into your body with a needle.

Typically this inflammatory response is minimal. But the potential for a sustained reaction increases when drugs are administered slowly over a prolonged period of time, such as during chemotherapy infusions that can take an hour or more. For this reason, some patients are given anti-inflammatory medications before infusion to reduce the potential for an adverse immune response during treatment.

The most recent breakthroughs in getting drugs into the body is using nanoparticles. These materials – which can be made from lipids, proteins, gold or other components – have the advantage of being very small: The diameter of a typical nanoparticle is about 10-thousandths of a millimeter. Their small size allows diseased cells to easily take them up. So when nanoparticles contain drugs, they can act as a drug delivery system.

Nanomaterials are used across many industries, including medicine.

Despite being so small, nanoparticles can hold a large number of drug molecules, allowing them to deliver a potent cargo of treatment directly into a cell. They can also deliver drugs made of DNA and RNA. The most well-known example of this technology is the COVID-19 vaccine, which uses nanoparticles made of modified fat molecules to deliver mRNA that teaches the immune system to protect itself against COVID-19 infection.

Your innate immune system also identifies nanoparticles as foreign invaders when they are injected into your body. As a result, some patients experience an initial inflammatory reaction when the body tries to attack the nanoparticle.

But what if this reaction could actually be used to improve treatment?

Exploiting the innate immune response

For the past 30 years, my laboratory at the University of Colorado has been studying how nanoparticles deliver drugs. More recently, we have focused on understanding how the innate immune system responds to an injection of nanoparticles. While this immune reaction is typically considered a drawback, we wanted to explore whether it could enhance therapy.

In a 2022 study on how nanoparticles affect the immune response in mice, we found that the innate immune response triggered by an initial dose of nanoparticles carrying a drug will also reduce the effects of a second dose if it is injected shortly afterward – typically within days. It does this by clearing the drug out from the body more quickly. This reaction is similar to how an initial viral infection would trigger a short-term protective response against a subsequent infection from another virus.

Microscopy image of blue spheres surrounded by magenta borders, many small yellow dots concentrated inside
Nanoparticles – the yellow dots – can be designed to home in on cancer cells, which are blue.
NIH

One critical aspect of this protective effect involves the production of a protein called interferon lambda. This molecule “interferes” with the infection process by restricting viruses from gaining access to different tissues in the body. Researchers have previously tested this protein as a potential antiviral drug to treat COVID-19.

Similarly, the interferon lambda made in response to the first dose of nanoparticles limits the ability of the second dose to deliver the drug to healthy tissues in the body. However, it did not affect the nanoparticle’s ability to access tumors, possibly because tumors can impair the immune response.

In conventional cancer treatment, chemotherapy drugs are used to kill the tumor. Because these drugs are also toxic to healthy cells, patients often experience side effects such as hair loss, gastrointestinal problems and skin rashes. Using nanoparticles to deliver cancer treatment could help reduce these side effects, and combining them with interferon lambda could allow the nanoparticle-encapsulated drug to stay in the body long enough to have its full effects.

Our team is studying whether directly injecting interferon lambda before chemotherapy with nanoparticles could help limit the amount of drug that ends up in healthy tissues while increasing their concentration in tumors. In an initial test of this strategy in mice with colon cancer, all mice that received interferon lambda saw increased survival time and reduced weight loss. A better understanding of how this effect happens could help researchers eventually test this approach to cancer treatment in human patients.

Scientists have a long way to go in developing nanoparticles that are as efficient as viruses at getting into cells. But our hope is that exploiting an immune response that evolved approximately a billion years ago to prevent viral infections could help reduce the toxic side effects from treatment while improving its effectiveness.

The Conversation

Tom Anchordoquy receives funding for this work from the Nationals Institutes of Health through grant # RO1 CA289447.

ref. Your immune system attacks drugs like it does viruses – paradoxically offering a way to improve cancer treatment – https://theconversation.com/your-immune-system-attacks-drugs-like-it-does-viruses-paradoxically-offering-a-way-to-improve-cancer-treatment-249824

Mars rovers serve as scientists’ eyes and ears from millions of miles away – here are the tools Perseverance used to spot a potential sign of ancient life

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ari Koeppel, Earth Sciences Postdoctoral Scientist and Adjunct Associate, Dartmouth College

Scientists absorb data on monitors in mission control for NASA’s Perseverance Mars rover. NASA/Bill Ingalls, CC BY-NC-ND

NASA’s search for evidence of past life on Mars just produced an exciting update. On Sept. 10, 2025, a team of scientists published a paper detailing the Perseverance rover’s investigation of a distinctive rock outcrop called Bright Angel on the edge of Mars’ Jezero Crater. This outcrop is notable for its light-toned rocks with striking mineral nodules and multicolored, leopard print-like splotches.

By combining data from five scientific instruments, the team determined that these nodules formed through processes that could have involved microorganisms. While this finding is not direct evidence of life, it’s a compelling discovery that planetary scientists hope to look into more closely.

A streaked and spotted rock surface
Bright Angel rock surface at the Beaver Falls site on Mars shows nodules on the right and a leopard-like pattern at the center.
NASA/JPL-Caltech/MSSS

To appreciate how discoveries like this one come about, it’s helpful to understand how scientists engage with rover data — that is, how planetary scientists like me use robots like Perseverance on Mars as extensions of our own senses.

Experiencing Mars through data

When you strap on a virtual reality headset, you suddenly lose your orientation to the immediate surroundings, and your awareness is transported by light and sound to a fabricated environment. For Mars scientists working on rover mission teams, something very similar occurs when rovers send back their daily downlinks of data.

Several developers, including MarsVR, Planetary Visor and Access Mars, have actually worked to build virtual Mars environments for viewing with a virtual reality headset. However, much of Mars scientists’ daily work instead involves analyzing numerical data visualized in graphs and plots. These datasets, produced by state-of-the-art sensors on Mars rovers, extend far beyond human vision and hearing.

A virtual Mars environment developed by Planetary Visor incorporates both 3D landscape data and rover instrument data as pop-up plots. Scientists typically access data without entering a virtual reality space. However, tools like this give the public a sense for how mission scientists experience their work.

Developing an intuition for interpreting these complex datasets takes years, if not entire careers. It is through this “mind-data connection” that scientists build mental models of Martian landscapes – models they then communicate to the world through scientific publications.

The robots’ tool kit: Sensors and instruments

Five primary instruments on Perseverance, aided by machine learning algorithms, helped describe the unusual rock formations at a site called Beaver Falls and the past they record.

Robotic hands: Mounted on the rover’s robotic arm are tools for blowing dust aside and abrading rock surfaces. These ensure the rover analyzes clean samples.

Cameras: Perseverance hosts 19 cameras for navigation, self-inspection and science. Five science-focused cameras played a key role in this study. These cameras captured details unseeable by human eyes, including magnified mineral textures and light in infrared wavelengths. Their images revealed that Bright Angel is a mudstone, a type of sedimentary rock formed from fine sediments deposited in water.

Spectrometers: Instruments such as SuperCam and SHERLOC – scanning habitable environments with Raman and luminescence for organics and chemicals – analyze how rocks reflect or emit light across a range of wavelengths. Think of this as taking hundreds of flash photographs of the same tiny spot, all in different “colors.” These datasets, called spectra, revealed signs of water integrated into mineral structures in the rock and traces of organic molecules: the basic building blocks of life.

Subsurface radar: RIMFAX, the radar imager for Mars subsurface experiment, uses radio waves to peer beneath Mars’ surface and map rock layers. At Beaver Falls, this showed the rocks were layered over other ancient terrains, likely due to the activity of a flowing river. Areas with persistently present water are better habitats for microbes than dry or intermittently wet locations.

X-ray chemistry: PIXL, the planetary instrument for X-ray lithochemistry, bombards rock surfaces with X-rays and observes how the rock glows or reflects them. This technique can tell researchers which elements and minerals the rock contains at a fine scale. PIXL revealed that the leopard-like spots found at Beaver Falls differed chemically from the surrounding rock. The spots resembled patterns on Earth formed by chemical reactions that are mediated by microbes underwater.

A diagram of the Perseverance rover with lines pointing to its instruments
Key Perseverance Mars Rover instruments used in this analysis.
NASA

Together, these instruments produce a multifaceted picture of the Martian environment. Some datasets require significant processing, and refined machine learning algorithms help the mission teams turn that information into a more intuitive description of the Jezero Crater’s setting, past and present.

The challenge of uncertainty

Despite Perseverance’s remarkable tools and processing software, uncertainty remains in the results. Science, especially when conducted remotely on another planet, is rarely black and white. In this case, the chemical signatures and mineral formations at Beaver Falls are suggestive – but not conclusive – of past life on Mars.

There actually are tools, such as mass spectrometers, that can show definitively whether a rock sample contains evidence of biological activity. However, these instruments are currently too fragile, heavy and power-intensive for Mars missions.

Fortunately, Perseverance has collected and sealed rock core samples from Beaver Falls and other promising sites in Jezero Crater with the goal of sending them back to Earth. If the current Mars sample return plan can retrieve these samples, laboratories on Earth can scrutinize them far more thoroughly than the rover was able to.

The Perseverance rover on the dusty, rocky Martian surface
Perseverance selfie at Cheyava Falls sampling site in the Beaver Falls location.
NASA/JPL-Caltech/MSSS

Investing in our robotic senses

This discovery is a testament to decades of NASA’s sustained investment in Mars exploration and the work of engineering teams that developed these instruments. Yet these investments face an uncertain future.

The White House’s budget office recently proposed cutting 47% of NASA’s science funding. Such reductions could curtail ongoing missions, including Perseverance’s continued operations, which are targeted for a 23% cut, and jeopardize future plans such as the Mars sample return campaign, among many other missions.

Perseverance represents more than a machine. It is a proxy extending humanity’s senses across millions of miles to an alien world. These robotic explorers and the NASA science programs behind them are a key part of the United States’ collective quest to answer profound questions about the universe and life beyond Earth.

The Conversation

Ari Koeppel previously received funding from NASA science grants. He is affiliated with The Planetary Society. Any views represented in this article are those of the author. The budget cuts do not directly affect the author’s work and he is not currently formally connected to the rover campaign.

ref. Mars rovers serve as scientists’ eyes and ears from millions of miles away – here are the tools Perseverance used to spot a potential sign of ancient life – https://theconversation.com/mars-rovers-serve-as-scientists-eyes-and-ears-from-millions-of-miles-away-here-are-the-tools-perseverance-used-to-spot-a-potential-sign-of-ancient-life-265144

Harvard, like all Americans, can’t be punished by the government for speaking freely – and a federal court decision upholds decades of precedents saying so

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Stephanie A. (Sam) Martin, Frank and Bethine Church Endowed Chair of Public Affairs, Boise State University

The Trump administration’s actions against Harvard threaten a foundational American value – free speech. zpagistock/Getty Images

When the federal government threatened to cancel billions in research funds from Harvard University – as it has also done to other research universities – the message was clear: Institutions that speak or think in ways elected officials dislike can expect to pay a price.

But in a recent ruling that underscored a principle at the heart of American democracy, a federal judge struck down the Trump administration’s move. The “government-initiated onslaught against Harvard was much more about promoting a governmental orthodoxy in violation of the First Amendment than about anything else,” U.S. District Judge Allison Burroughs wrote.

The Harvard controversy began when the Trump administration announced plans to cut off billions in federal research funds because it objected to the university’s public positions, campus culture and some of its academic scholarship. No one contended that Harvard had mismanaged money or failed to meet grant requirements.

Instead, the White House said the school had done too little to eliminate so-called woke diversity, equity and inclusion – DEI – policies and alleged that antisemitism proliferated on campus, as evidenced by student demonstrations against Israel’s conduct in the Gaza war.

Along with the American Association of University Professors, Harvard filed suit in response to the funding cuts, arguing that the administration’s action was punitive and unconstitutional – a textbook case of retaliation. By canceling funding, the government was deploying financial pressure to silence disfavored speech.

White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt on April 15, 2025, spoke about President Donald Trump’s moves against Harvard.

Protection for dissent and disagreement

In striking down the funding cut, Burroughs ruled that the administration’s move violated the First Amendment. The First Amendment protects freedom of speech, press, religion and assembly by limiting government intrusion. While government officials may disagree with Harvard’s speech – whether that means faculty scholarship, public statements or the culture of campus debate – they cannot retaliate by pulling federal support, the judge wrote.

As chair of a public policy institute devoted to strengthening deliberative democracy, I have written two books about the media and the presidency, and another about media ethics. My research traces how news institutions shape civic life and why healthy democracies rely on free expression.

The principle at work in the Harvard case is simple: Free speech protections don’t just apply to individuals in the town square or in places where public decisions are being made.

First Amendment rights extend to private institutions, even when their views or policies contravene official government opinions, and even when they receive funding from the government. Government reprisal does more than chill speech – it sets up a system where only state-approved viewpoints can flourish.

Supreme Court has seen this before

The ruling in Harvard’s favor follows a long legal tradition of Supreme Court rulings that bar the government from demanding ideological acquiescence in exchange for support.

In the case Speiser v. Randall that was decided in 1958, the court struck down a California law requiring veterans to sign loyalty oaths to receive tax exemptions. The decision created the doctrine of unconstitutional conditions, a principle that forbids government from making the receipt of a government benefit or entitlement conditional in a way that interferes with the exercise of a constitutional right.

In Perry v. Sindermann, a 1972 decision, a professor was denied reappointment at a state college after criticizing administrators. Even without tenure, the court held, the government could not retaliate against him for protected speech.

And in Legal Services Corp. v. Velazquez, the court in 2001 invalidated restrictions that barred federally funded legal aid lawyers from challenging welfare laws. Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote that such limits “distort the legal system” by preventing some members of the bar from making arguments on behalf of their clients, while the government would face no similar restriction in promoting their own views.

A large, columned building with red banners hanging from the front.
People walk past the Harry Elkins Widener Memorial Library on Harvard’s campus on June 5, 2025.
Heather Diehl/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

Supreme Court’s contemporary signals

More recent cases show the court wrestling with the same question in new contexts.

The court’s 2013 decision in Agency for International Development v. Alliance for Open Society International struck down a requirement that nonprofits adopt a government-approved position opposing prostitution in order to receive global health funding.

The government, Chief Justice John Roberts wrote, could not make program funds dependent on grant-seeking groups adopting particular political or moral beliefs. In this case, that meant the Alliance for Open Society did not have to condemn sex work in order to qualify for public health funding.

Likewise, in Janus v. AFSCME from 2018, the court struck down an Illinois law that required public employees who chose not to join a union to still pay fees to support it. The state had argued that these “fair-share fees” were necessary because unions bargain on behalf of all workers. But the court said that forcing nonmembers to pay was a form of compelled speech – subsidizing union political organizing – that abridged the First Amendment.

While the context is very different from Harvard’s funding dispute, both cases highlight the same principle: The government cannot use money – whether through subsidies, grants or mandatory fees – as a way to compel or suppress expression. These rulings show that the First Amendment protections apply to government funding and policy questions that quietly shape who gets heard and who does not.

Long history of retaliation

While American myth celebrates the idea that the United States welcomes dissent, the government has a history of punishing protesters.

The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798 criminalized criticism of the federal government. During World War I, the Espionage and Sedition Acts were used to imprison activists and silence newspapers. In the 1950s, Sen. Joseph McCarthy’s crusade against alleged communists extended to universities, with faculty losing jobs and having their careers destroyed.

In each of those episodes, dissent was framed as dangerous to national security or social stability. And in each case, the tools of government – whether criminal law, congressional investigations or funding threats – were used to discipline voices that strayed from the party line. The impulse to punish institutions for perceived ideological deviance is part of a recurring American story.

What’s distinctive today is how the tactic has been folded into the culture wars.

Where earlier generations of politicians used criminal prosecution or loyalty oaths, the contemporary fight often plays out in budget spreadsheets. Defund public radio. Cut university budgets. Zero out grants to the arts.

These are not just fiscal decisions; they are symbolic moves aimed at disciplining institutions seen by conservatives as too liberal or too critical.

A portrait of an 18th-century man, with white curls and wearing old-fashioned clothes.
President John Adams supported the 1798 Alien and Sedition Acts, which criminalized criticism of him but not opposition leader and Vice President Thomas Jefferson.
Library of Congress

Why this matters beyond the courts

The latest ruling may protect Harvard in this instance, but the larger conflict is not going away.

The legal decision confirms that retaliation violates the First Amendment, but political leaders may continue to test the boundaries. And among the public, the idea that universities should play along with official doctrine in exchange for continued government funding may eventually gain traction. That possibility feels especially real given Trump’s promises, echoed by Vice President JD Vance and White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, to wield federal power against universities and civic groups they portray – often inaccurately – as leftist, radical or violent.

A society where public funding flows only to institutions aligned with those in power is not a free society. It’s one where government can shape the landscape of knowledge and debate to its own ends.

The Harvard decision offers a reminder: The First Amendment is not just about the right to speak without fear of jail. It’s also about ensuring that the government cannot punish speech indirectly by threatening livelihoods and institutions. That’s why this case matters to the future of free expression in American democracy.

The Conversation

Stephanie A. (Sam) Martin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Harvard, like all Americans, can’t be punished by the government for speaking freely – and a federal court decision upholds decades of precedents saying so – https://theconversation.com/harvard-like-all-americans-cant-be-punished-by-the-government-for-speaking-freely-and-a-federal-court-decision-upholds-decades-of-precedents-saying-so-264743

Federal judge overturns part of Florida’s book ban law, drawing on nearly 100 years of precedent protecting First Amendment access to ideas

Source: The Conversation – USA – By James B. Blasingame, Professor of English, Arizona State University

Some school librarians in Florida have found themselves in the midst of controversy over complaints of “obscene” titles in their libraries. Trish233/iStock via Getty Images

When a junior at an Orange County public high school in Florida visited the school library to check out a copy of “On the Road” by Jack Kerouac, it wasn’t in its Dewey decimal system-assigned location.

It turns out the title had been removed from the library’s shelves because of a complaint, and in compliance with Florida House Bill 1069, it had been removed from the library indefinitely. Kerouac’s quintessential chronicle of the Beat Generation in the 1950s, along with hundreds of other titles, was not available for students to read.

Gov. Ron DeSantis signed the bill into law in July 2023. Under this law, if a parent or community member objected to a book on the grounds that it was obscene or pornographic, the school had to remove that title from the curriculum within five days and hold a public hearing with a special magistrate appointed by the state.

On Aug. 13, 2025, Judge Carlos Mendoza of the U.S. Middle District of Florida ruled in Penguin Random House v. Gibson that parts of Florida HB 1069 are unconstitutional and violate students’ First Amendment right of free access to ideas.

The plaintiffs who filed the suit included the five largest trade book publishing houses, a group of award-winning authors, the Authors Guild, which is a labor union for published professional authors with over 15,000 members, and the parents of a group of Florida students.

Though the state filed an appeal on Sept. 11, 2025, this is an important ruling on censorship in a time when many states are passing or debating similar laws.

I’ve spent the past 26 years training English language arts teachers at Arizona State University, and 24 years before that teaching high school English. I understand the importance of Mendoza’s ruling for keeping books in classrooms and school libraries. In my experience, every few years the books teachers have chosen to teach come under attack. I’ve tried to learn as much as I can about the history of censorship in this country and pass it to my students, in order to prepare them for what may lie ahead in their careers as English teachers.

Legal precedent

The August 2025 ruling is in keeping with legal precedent around censorship. Over the years, U.S. courts have established that obscenity can be a legitimate cause for removing a book from the public sphere, but only under limited circumstances.

In the 1933 case of United States v. One Book Called Ulysses, Judge John Munro Woolsey declared that James Joyce’s classic novel was not obscene, contradicting a lower court ruling. Woolsey emphasized that works must be considered as a whole, rather than judged by “selected excerpts,” and that reviewers should apply contemporary national standards and think about the effect on the average person.

In 1957, the Supreme Court further clarified First Amendment protections in Roth v. United States by rejecting the argument that obscenity lacks redeeming social importance. In this case, the court defined obscenity as material that, taken as a whole, appeals to a prurient – that is, lascivious – interest in sex in average readers.

The Supreme Court’s 1973 Miller v. California decision created the eponymous Miller test for jurors in obscenity cases. This test incorporates language from the Ulysses and Roth rulings, asking jurors to consider whether the average person, looking at the work as a whole and applying the contemporary standards in their community, would find it lascivious. It also adds the consideration of whether the material in question is of “serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value” when deciding whether it is obscene.

Another decision that is particularly relevant for teachers and school librarians is 1982’s Island Trees School District v. Pico, a case brought by students against their school board. The Supreme Court ruled that removing books from a school library or curriculum is a violation of the First Amendment if it is an attempt to suppress ideas. Free access to ideas in books, the court wrote, is sacrosanct: “If there is any fixed star in our constitutional constellation, it is that no official, high or petty, can prescribe what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion or other matters of opinion.”

Covers of 23 books with the quote from Judge Mendoza, 'None of these books are obscene.'
These 23 books were removed from Florida school libraries under Florida HB 1069. In his ruling in Penguin Random House v. Gibson, Judge Carlos Mendoza named them and stated, ‘None of these books are obscene.’
Illustration by The Conversation

What this ruling clarifies

In his ruling in August 2025, Mendoza pointed out that many of the removed books are classics with no sexual content at all. This was made possible in part by the formulation of HB 1069. The law allows anyone from the community to challenge a book simply by filling out a form, at which point the school is mandated to remove that book within five days. In order to put a book back in circulation, however, the law requires a hearing to be held by the state’s appointed magistrate, and there is no specified deadline by which this hearing must take place.

Mendoza did not strike down the parts of HB 1069 that require school districts to follow a state policy for challenging books. In line with precedent, he also left in place challenges for obscenity using the Miller test and with reference to age-appropriateness for mature content.

The Florida Department of Education argued that HB 1069 is protected by Florida’s First Amendment right of government speech, a legal theory that the government has the right to prevent any opposing views to its own in schools or any government platform. Mendoza questioned this argument, suggesting that “slapping the label of government speech on book removals only serves to stifle the disfavored viewpoints.”

What this means for schools, in Florida and across the US

In the wake of Mendoza’s decision, Florida schools are unlikely to pull more books from the shelves, but they are also unlikely to immediately return them. Some school librarians have said that they are awaiting the outcome of the appeal before taking action.

States with similar laws on the books or in the works will also be watching the appeal.

Some of these laws in other states have also been challenged, with mixed outcomes. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit already struck down Texas’ appeal of a ruling against Texas House Bill 900. And parts of an Iowa bill currently are being challenged in court.

But the NAACP’s lawsuit against South Carolina Regulation 43-170 was dismissed On Sept. 8, 2025. And Utah’s House Bill 29 has not yet faced a challenge in court, though it could be affected by the outcomes of these lawsuits in other states.

The Conversation

James B. Blasingame does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Federal judge overturns part of Florida’s book ban law, drawing on nearly 100 years of precedent protecting First Amendment access to ideas – https://theconversation.com/federal-judge-overturns-part-of-floridas-book-ban-law-drawing-on-nearly-100-years-of-precedent-protecting-first-amendment-access-to-ideas-263893

Suprématie du dollar : les tarifs douaniers de Trump sur l’Inde pourraient la fragiliser

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Sambit Bhattacharyya, Professor of Economics, University of Sussex Business School, University of Sussex

Au-delà de l’économie, la politique tarifaire de Donald Trump s’affirme comme un levier de diplomatie aux répercussions géopolitiques considérables. L’imposition de droits de douane de 50 % à l’Inde, alliée stratégique des États-Unis au sein du Quad, le dialogue quadrilatéral pour la sécurité, menace non seulement les échanges bilatéraux, mais risque aussi de rapprocher New Delhi de la Russie et de la Chine, de renforcer la cohésion des BRICS+ et de fragiliser la primauté du dollar sur la scène mondiale.


La politique tarifaire de Donald Trump semble être devenue autant un outil de politique étrangère qu’une stratégie économique. Mais la décision de l’administration d’imposer des droits de douane de 50 % à l’Inde, un allié clé des États-Unis dans le cadre du dialogue quadrilatéral pour la sécurité (surnommé en anglais, le Quad) – le groupe de coopération militaire et diplomatique informelle entre les États-Unis, l’Inde, le Japon et l’Australie – pourrait avoir des répercussions importantes, non seulement sur le commerce international, mais aussi sur la géopolitique mondiale.

La justification américaine de cette hausse des droits de douane est avant tout politique. La Maison Blanche affirme que l’Inde a tiré profit de l’achat et de la revente de pétrole russe, au mépris des sanctions imposées après l’invasion de l’Ukraine en 2022. Cela a aidé la Russie à surmonter les effets des sanctions et à continuer de financer sa guerre en Ukraine.

Il est évident que la politique tarifaire et les déclarations récentes de Washington et de New Delhi ont gravement détérioré une relation bilatérale encore naissante. À tel point que le premier ministre indien, Narendra Modi, a refusé de répondre aux appels téléphoniques de Trump. De son côté, Trump ne prévoit plus de se rendre en Inde pour le sommet du Quad prévu plus tard dans l’année.

Le premier ministre indien, Narendra Modi, a participé au sommet de l’Organisation de coopération de Shanghai (OCS) à Tianjin, en Chine, du 31 août au 1er septembre, en compagnie du président russe Vladimir Poutine. Les trois dirigeants ont été photographiés ensemble en pleine discussion cordiale et M. Modi a rencontré séparément MM. Xi et Poutine en marge du sommet, présenté comme une alternative à l’ordre hégémonique dominé par les États-Unis.

Il apparaît désormais évident que la hausse des droits de douane américains ne détournera pas l’Inde de ses achats de pétrole russe. Bien au contraire, Modi a confirmé la volonté de son pays non seulement de maintenir ces importations, mais aussi de les accroître.

Rien d’étonnant à cela : la posture de l’Inde à l’égard de la Russie, en tant qu’importateur net de pétrole brut, relève moins d’une ambition géopolitique d’envergure que d’une nécessité économique concrète, celle de maîtriser l’inflation.

Sur le plan énergétique, l’Inde reste très dépendante des importations, et sa population — majoritairement pauvre et vulnérable — a besoin de prix stables et abordables. Aucune pression venue des États-Unis ou de leurs alliés du G7 ne saurait modifier cette réalité économique fondamentale.

Le revers américain fait le jeu de Moscou

L’instauration des droits de douane américains risque de réduire les exportations indiennes de vêtements et de chaussures vers les États-Unis, les grandes marques occidentales se tournant vers des fournisseurs moins coûteux dans d’autres pays. Une telle dynamique se traduirait par une augmentation des prix pour les consommateurs américains.

Cependant, l’impact sur les fournisseurs indiens devrait rester limité, la demande mondiale en vêtements et chaussures demeurant très élevée. Ils pourraient aisément se tourner vers d’autres marchés.

Les pierres précieuses représentent un autre pilier des exportations indiennes, où le pays détient une position dominante à l’échelle mondiale. Les droits de douane américains ne devraient pas modifier sensiblement cette situation, l’Inde disposant de nombreux débouchés à l’exportation, bien que les États-Unis figurent parmi ses principaux clients.

Le renforcement des échanges commerciaux entre l’Inde et la Russie devrait favoriser de nouvelles opportunités d’investissements réciproques. Pour la Russie, la conjoncture économique pourrait globalement s’améliorer à la suite de ces droits de douane. L’Inde a d’ailleurs laissé entendre qu’elle augmenterait probablement ses importations de pétrole, tandis que la Russie profiterait d’achats de vêtements et de chaussures à prix compétitifs en provenance d’Inde, les fournisseurs indiens cherchant à rediriger leurs exportations vers de nouveaux débouchés.

Le renforcement des relations économiques avec l’Inde, qui ambitionne de porter les échanges bilatéraux à 100 milliards de dollars américains (92 milliards d’euros) d’ici 2030, offrira à la Russie un important marché alternatif à la Chine pour écouler ses produits. Elle y gagnera également un fournisseur majeur de biens de consommation, habituellement importés, contribuant ainsi à maintenir des prix abordables pour les ménages russes.

La fin de la primauté du dollar américain ?

L’Occident court le risque que, si les tensions tarifaires se traduisent par des sanctions financières plus strictes, les investissements indiens se détournent des États-Unis et des pays du G7 au profit de la Russie et de la Chine. Les investisseurs indiens sont actuellement très présents dans les secteurs de l’automobile, de la pharmacie, des technologies de l’information et des télécommunications en Occident, mais ces flux pourraient être redirigés vers d’autres marchés.

On observe de plus en plus de signes d’une cohésion renforcée, non seulement au sein de l’OCS, mais également au sein du groupe des BRICS+, qui regroupe un nombre croissant de nations commerçantes. Initialement composé des membres fondateurs – le Brésil, la Russie, l’Inde, la Chine et l’Afrique du Sud – le groupe s’est récemment élargi pour inclure l’Égypte, l’Éthiopie, l’Iran, l’Indonésie et les Émirats arabes unis.

Ces économies en pleine croissance s’efforcent déjà de mettre en place des mécanismes techniques pour les investissements mutuels et les règlements commerciaux dans leurs monnaies locales plutôt qu’en dollars américains.

Les chocs commerciaux mondiaux provoqués par l’imposition de droits de douane par les États-Unis ont entraîné une baisse à court terme de la valeur du dollar américain. Si cette dépréciation reste modeste d’un point de vue historique, elle masque néanmoins un risque plus important à long terme.

Le problème ne concerne pas les transactions commerciales, qui ne constituent qu’une part marginale des opérations en dollars. Les risques à long terme résident plutôt dans une possible diminution du rôle du dollar dans la gestion d’actifs, l’investissement, les activités financières et les réserves internationales.

En particulier, le rôle quasi exclusif du dollar comme monnaie de réserve pour les pays du BRICS et du Sud est aujourd’hui menacé.

Toute politique susceptible de remettre en cause ce statut mettrait en danger la prospérité et la sécurité des États-Unis. Le problème, c’est que toute orientation financière ou commerciale rapprochant les principaux partenaires commerciaux américains de la Russie et de la Chine aurait précisément cet effet.

The Conversation

Sambit Bhattacharyya bénéficie d’un financement de UK Research and Innovation, du Conseil de recherche économique et sociale, du Conseil australien de la recherche et du Conseil européen de la recherche.

ref. Suprématie du dollar : les tarifs douaniers de Trump sur l’Inde pourraient la fragiliser – https://theconversation.com/suprematie-du-dollar-les-tarifs-douaniers-de-trump-sur-linde-pourraient-la-fragiliser-265338

Inégalités en Afrique : les causes et les moyens d’y mettre fin

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Imraan Valodia, Pro Vice-Chancellor, Climate, Sustainability and Inequality and Director, Southern Centre for Inequality Studies, University of the Witwatersrand

La relation entre inégalités et croissance économique est complexe, en particulier en Afrique. Les inégalités résultent d’une multitude de facteurs, notamment des choix politiques, de l’héritage institutionnel et des structures de pouvoir qui favorisent les élites. Le professeur Imraan Valodia, directeur du Southern Centre for Inequality Studies de Johannesburg, s’est entretenu avec Ernest Aryeetey, professeur émérite d’économie du développement à l’Institut de recherche statistique, sociale et économique de l’université du Ghana, au sujet de ces questions.


Quels choix politiques ont été faits par les gouvernements africains qui ont pu aggraver les inégalités ?

Tout d’abord, les politiques d’ajustement structurel. De nombreux pays africains les ont mises en œuvre à la fin du XXe siècle, souvent encouragés par les institutions financières internationales. Ces politiques comprenaient des réductions d’effectifs dans le secteur public, la suppression des subventions et la réduction des services sociaux. Elles ont touché de manière disproportionnée les pauvres en affaiblissant le rôle de l’État dans la redistribution des biens publics et en limitant l’accès aux services essentiels.

Ces programmes ont également accru les inégalités de revenus en privilégiant le libre marché au détriment de la protection sociale. Les efforts ultérieurs pour remédier aux conséquences de ces politiques ont souvent été trop modestes et trop tardifs.

Deuxièmement, les politiques fiscales et budgétaires. La plupart des systèmes fiscaux en Afrique reposent sur des impôts indirects (tels que la TVA ou les taxes à la consommation) plutôt que sur des impôts progressifs et directs sur le revenu et la fortune. En conséquence, les ménages les plus pauvres supportent souvent une charge fiscale relative plus lourde, tandis que les plus riches profitent d’exonérations ou d’évasion fiscale.

Au début des indépendances, la fiscalité a rarement contribué à la redistribution des richesses, et les efforts visant à taxer le secteur informel ont été minimes ou mal conçus. Ils n’ont pas permis de dégager des ressources significatives pour les dépenses sociales.

Troisièmement, les investissements dans l’éducation et la santé. Les choix politiques ont souvent perpétué les écarts d’accès entre les populations urbaines et rurales et entre les classes socio-économiques. Les investissements ont eu tendance à favoriser les villes et les groupes privilégiés, de sorte que tout le monde n’avait pas les mêmes chances. Ce « biais urbain » dans les dépenses publiques a renforcé les inégalités existantes. Les besoins des populations rurales sont restés insatisfaits.

Quatrièmement, la faiblesse de la protection sociale. Jusqu’à l’expansion de programmes plus complets dans les années 2000, de nombreux Africains sont restés pauvres et vulnérables, sans filet de sécurité adéquat.

Cinquièmement, les structures économiques favorisent les élites. Les gouvernements africains ont souvent maintenu, voire renforcé, des structures économiques qui concentrent la richesse et les opportunités entre les mains d’une minorité. Citons par exemple les politiques favorisant les industries extractives ou les secteurs des ressources contrôlés par des groupes ayant des liens politiques. Le régime foncier, les politiques commerciales et l’accès aux contrats et licences publics ont également souvent favorisé les puissants.

Sixièmement, une inclusion régionale et de genre limitée. Les premières politiques publiques répondaient rarement aux besoins des femmes, des jeunes, des zones rurales ou des régions marginalisées. L’exclusion de la propriété foncière ou des services financiers, et l’importance limitée accordée à la discrimination positive, ont renforcé les inégalités systémiques. Ce n’est que depuis quelques décennies que certains gouvernements ont commencé à combler ces lacunes, mais les progrès restent inégaux.

Ces choix sont-ils liés à la mainmise des élites sur les politiques publiques ?

Oui. Les groupes privilégiés ont souvent façonné ou manipulé les politiques publiques de manière à protéger leurs intérêts et à renforcer les inégalités.

Héritage colonial et postcolonial. Les politiques et les institutions mises en place pendant et après la période coloniale ont souvent attribué les ressources et le pouvoir à une élite restreinte, composée de colons, d’expatriés ou de collaborateurs locaux. Les élites actuelles ont hérité et maintenu bon nombre de ces structures. Elles contrôlent toujours la richesse, les terres et les opportunités commerciales.

Structure économique et contrôle des ressources. De nombreuses économies africaines restent axées sur les industries extractives et les matières premières telles que le pétrole et les minéraux. Les politiques relatives à l’extraction des ressources, au commerce et au régime foncier ont souvent favorisé les élites grâce à un accès préférentiel, des exonérations fiscales et des lacunes réglementaires.

Conception des politiques et choix budgétaires. La conception des systèmes fiscaux a généralement favorisé les impôts indirects (tels que la TVA). Ceux-ci n’ont pas d’incidence sur la richesse des élites. Les efforts visant à taxer les revenus élevés, la propriété ou les plus-values sont insuffisants ou facilement contournables.

Protection sociale et prestation de services. Les filets de sécurité et les services publics (tels que l’éducation de qualité, les soins de santé ou les infrastructures) ciblent souvent les travailleurs du secteur formel ou les résidents urbains (où résident les élites). A l’inverse, ils négligent le secteur informel, les populations rurales pauvres et les groupes marginalisés.

Clientélisme politique et gouvernance. Les ressources, les postes et les contrats de l’État sont attribués aux fidèles, aux membres de la famille ou aux réseaux ethniques/régionaux.

Quels ont été les trois principaux facteurs d’inégalité ?

Premièrement, les politiques fiscales régressives. Il s’agit notamment des impôts à large assiette telles que les taxes sur les transactions et la TVA. Ils absorbent une part plus importante des flux de trésorerie des personnes à faibles revenus. Les groupes plus aisés bénéficient d’exonérations ou de taux d’imposition faibles.

Deuxièmement, la privatisation et la libéralisation rapide du marché menées par l’élite. La vente des actifs de l’État ou l’ouverture de secteurs clés (énergie, télécommunications et transports) à des investisseurs ayant des liens politiques concentre les profits et le pouvoir des marchés. Les travailleurs informels et les petites entreprises se retrouvent avec des revenus réduits. Le clientélisme, la corruption et l’emprise politique maintiennent cette situation.

Troisièmement, le sous-investissement dans les services sociaux universels. Les coupes budgétaires dans les domaines de la santé, de l’éducation et de la protection sociale limitent la mobilité sociale des pauvres et maintiennent les écarts les régions et entre les sexes.

Enfin, la dépendance vis-à-vis des ressources et la structure économique globale. De nombreuses économies africaines se concentrent sur des industries telles que le pétrole, les minerais et les cultures commerciales. Celles-ci profitent aux élites politiques et économiques, mais ne diversifient pas les industries et ne créent pas d’emplois. Les bénéfices de la croissance profitent ainsi principalement aux personnes déjà privilégiées. La majorité des citoyens et des régions entières en sont exclues.

Quels sont les pays qui ont le mieux réussi à changer cette situation ?

Le Rwanda dispose d’une structure d’imposition progressive des revenus. Les transactions monétaires mobiles de faible valeur y sont exonérées d’impôt. Les services essentiels tels que l’électricité et l’eau restent largement publics, ce qui a réduit l’impact des impôts sur les pauvres.

Le Rwanda a également fait des efforts en faveur d’une gouvernance inclusive. Citons par exemple les quotas pour les femmes, les investissements dans la santé et l’éducation, et l’accent mis sur l’inclusion rurale.

Autre exmple: le Botswana a mené un programme de privatisation prudent. L’État conserve une participation majoritaire dans les secteurs des diamants, des télécommunications et des banques. Les recettes ont été affectées à l’éducation primaire universelle et à la santé.

Malgré sa dépendance vis-à-vis des diamants, ce pays parvient à affecter ses richesses naturelles à l’épargne nationale, aux infrastructures et aux services publics. Ceci tout en maintenant une qualité institutionnelle et une stabilité politique relativement élevées.

En Éthiopie, les réformes antérieures à 2020 ont étendu le rôle du secteur privé.

Auparavant, le pays s’était concentré sur des investissements publics massifs dans l’enseignement primaire, les services de vulgarisation sanitaire et les réseaux routiers ruraux. Dans le même temps, il a évité la privatisation à grande échelle des services publics de base. Cela a permis de limiter les disparités en matière de services sociaux.

En outre, l’Ethiopie a investi dans la croissance tirée par l’industrie manufacturière et les exportations. Cela a créé des emplois et progressivement affranchi l’économie de sa dépendance vis-à-vis des matières premières. Les inégalités y ont diminué par rapport à d’autres pays dépendants des ressources naturelles.

Les progrès technologiques ont-ils eu un impact différent sur les inégalités sur le continent ?

Absolument. La technologie a le potentiel de réduire les inégalités en élargissant l’accès aux marchés, aux services, à l’information et à l’inclusion financière. Mais dns certains pays les lacunes en matière d’infrastructures numériques, d’accessibilité financière et de compétences ont parfois conduit la technologie à renforcer, plutôt qu’à atténuer, les disparités dans les pays africains.

  • Fracture numérique et écarts entre zones urbaines et rurales. L’accès aux technologies numériques est très inégal sur le continent. Les zones rurales, les populations pauvres, les femmes et les groupes moins éduqués sont moins susceptibles d’utiliser Internet ou de bénéficier des services numériques. Cette fracture est beaucoup plus marquée en Afrique que dans les économies avancées, où l’adoption des technologies est quasi universelle. En conséquence, les nouvelles technologies profitent surtout aux groupes urbains, éduqués et à revenus élevés. Cela accentue les inégalités si ces évolutions ne s’accompagnent pas de politiques solides et inclusives.

  • Bond en avant du mobile, mais une inclusion inégale. Le passage rapide de l’Afrique à l’utilisation du téléphone mobile a souvent contourné les infrastructures de téléphonie fixe. Cela a permis à des millions de personnes d’accéder à l’inclusion financière et à de nouveaux marchés, comme M-Pesa au Kenya. Néanmoins, une grande partie du continent reste exclue en raison du coût, du manque d’électricité, des compétences numériques limitées et des barrières linguistiques.

  • Structure économique et chaînes de valeur mondiales. L’intégration limitée dans les chaînes de valeur mondiales et la petite taille du secteur des hautes technologies font que la plupart des emplois sur le continent restent informels et à faible productivité.

Pourquoi les effets diffèrent-ils ?

Tout d’abord, du fait d’une adoption tardive et inégale. La révolution industrielle et les progrès technologiques qui ont suivi sont arrivés tardivement et de manière inégale. L’héritage colonial et postcolonial a laissé l’Afrique à la traîne en matière d’éducation et d’infrastructures. Il a donc été plus difficile pour de larges segments de la population de bénéficier des nouvelles technologies.

La rareté des infrastructures oblige les sociétés à adopter directement des solutions mobiles, contournant ainsi le système bancaire traditionnel, mais les rendant également vulnérables aux chocs politiques.

Deuxièmement, les défaillances politiques et commerciales. Une réglementation inadéquate, une concurrence faible et le coût élevé des appareils et des données freinent la transformation numérique. Les services publics numériques, tels que l’administration en ligne et l’enseignement à distance, ne bénéficient qu’aux groupes déjà connectés. Et le manque de compétences numériques creuse encore davantage la fracture numérique sociale.

The Conversation

Imraan Valodia reçoit des financements de plusieurs fondations et institutions qui soutiennent la recherche universitaire indépendante.

ref. Inégalités en Afrique : les causes et les moyens d’y mettre fin – https://theconversation.com/inegalites-en-afrique-les-causes-et-les-moyens-dy-mettre-fin-265439

Les microagressions, un poids quotidien pour les femmes noires en situation de handicap

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Sibonokuhle Ndlovu, Lecturer, University of Johannesburg

« Tu parles bien anglais pour une personne noire. »

« Pourquoi les assiettes ne sont-elles pas lavées alors qu’il y a une femme dans cette maison ? »

« Je peux toucher tes cheveux ? »

Voici quelques microagressions courantes que vous avez peut-être déjà entendues, surtout si vous êtes une femme noire.

Les microagressions peuvent être projetées sur les personnes noires parce qu’on attend d’elles qu’elles parlent un anglais parfait alors que ce n’est même pas leur langue. Ou parce que leurs cheveux naturels semblent exotiques à quelqu’un d’une autre culture. Ou encore à cause de stéréotypes sexistes, comme l’idée que les femmes africaines ont forcément leur place dans la cuisine.

Que sont les microagressions ?

Les microagressions sont des commentaires ou des actions qui révèlent des préjugés à l’égard de personnes marginalisées ou d’un groupe de personnes opprimées. Elles peuvent être micro (mineures ou quotidiennes) et se manifester inconsciemment ou sans intention malveillante. Mais même ainsi, les microagressions sont blessantes et dévalorisantes pour les personnes qui en sont victimes.

Qu’est-ce que le validisme ou capacitisme ?

Alors, que sont les microagressions validistes ? Le validisme est une vision du monde dans laquelle la capacité et le fait d’être valide sont privilégiés par rapport au handicap.

Dire à une personne en fauteuil roulant : « Ah, tu pars en balade ? ». Ou lui parler lentement comme si elle ne pouvait pas comprendre ce que vous dites. Ou posséder un bureau non accessible en fauteuil roulant. Tout cela peut être considéré comme des microagressions capacitistes. Utiliser des termes liés au handicap hors contexte est capacitiste : « Vous devez être aveugle ». « Tu dois être aveugle », même si c’est adressé à une personne voyante. C’est un manque de sensibilité envers les personnes qui pourraient réellement avoir une déficience visuelle.

Les microagressions discriminatoires sont le fait de personnes valides qui ne comprennent pas la réalité de la vie avec un handicap. Parfois, elles ne veulent pas faire de mal ou pensent aider, par exemple en faisant pour les personnes en situation de handicap des choses que celles-ci peuvent en réalité faire elles-mêmes.

Mais ces gestes, même involontaires, créent un rapport de pouvoir inégal. Ils font sentir aux personnes en situation de handicap qu’elles sont inférieures, incapables ou moins intelligentes.

Les femmes noires handicapées

En tant que chercheuse spécialisée dans l’éducation inclusive et le handicap dans l’enseignement supérieur, mes recherches portent souvent sur le handicap et le genre. J’ai récemment publié un article qui passe en revue les études sur les microagressions capacitistes projetées sur les femmes noires handicapées en Afrique australe.

Cet article analyse l’impact de ces microagressions sur les femmes au Zimbabwe, en Afrique du Sud et en Eswatini. Ces trois pays partagent des valeurs culturelles, une identité et des croyances similaires en matière de genre, de race et de handicap. Et c’est dans l’intersection de ces trois dimensions que se situent les enjeux.

Dans ces cultures, les femmes sont en général respectées. Elles sont parfois appelées izimbokodo (« pierres à moudre »). On considère volontiers qu’« un foyer ne peut pas exister sans femme ». En Afrique du Sud, les droits humains ont aussi progressé au fil du temps. Pourtant, les microagressions validistes restent fréquentes. Elles touchent les femmes, et encore davantage les femmes noires en situation de handicap.

Cela a un effet négatif sur elles, en particulier lorsqu’il s’agit de faire des choix de vie individuels, de se marier et d’avoir des enfants, tout comme c’est le cas pour les femmes non handicapées.

Par exemple, dans certaines régions d’Afrique du Sud, lorsque des femmes handicapées apparaissent enceintes en public, beaucoup de gens supposent qu’elles ont été violées. Ils ne supposent pas qu’une femme handicapée ait pu avoir une vie sexuelle et elle est humiliée et traitée comme une personne inhabituelle. Il lui est alors encore plus difficile de bénéficier d’une égalité en matière de soins de santé et de statut social.

Pour les femmes africaines noires handicapées, l’impact des microagressions capacitistes est pire, car elles sont confrontées à une lutte intersectionnelle : elles subissent plusieurs formes de discrimination. Elles sont confrontées au racisme, au sexisme et au capacitisme, souvent simultanément.

Pourquoi l’ubuntu est-il important ?

La question que je pose dans mon étude est de savoir ce qui pourrait aider les femmes noires handicapées à se donner les moyens de déconstruire les microagressions capacitistes. La réponse se trouve dans le passé. Je soutiens que l’ubuntu est une arme précieuse contre cette forme de discrimination.

L’ubuntu est une philosophie africaine commune à la région, qui est comprise de différentes manières par différentes personnes. Mais elle peut être expliquée au mieux par le dicton isiZulu « umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu » (Nous sommes grâce à eux). Cela signifie qu’une personne n’existe que par les autres.

Dans une vision du monde fondée sur l’entraide et la coopération, chaque être humain au sein d’une communauté a de la valeur, indépendamment de son sexe, de sa race ou de ses capacités. L’ubuntu aide les gens à comprendre qu’ils dépendent les uns des autres. Ils ont besoin les uns des autres malgré leurs différences.

Dans de nombreuses sociétés africaines précoloniales, le handicap était considéré de manière positive. Un autre proverbe isiZulu dit : « Akusilima sindlebende kwaso ». Cela signifie que les personnes en situation de handicap sont acceptées et aimées dans leurs foyers.

Cependant, le colonialisme a changé tout cela. Les Africains ont été réduits à l’état de travailleurs pour les maîtres européens. Le colonialisme a normalisé les travailleurs valides et considéré les personnes handicapées comme inférieures. Cette idée a été renforcée par la morale coloniale, qui a façonné la pensée sociale dans la région.

Cette vision perdure encore aujourd’hui dans de nombreuses sociétés africaines modernes, comme l’ont montré les recherches. Les femmes noires en situation de handicap y sont souvent vues comme impuissantes. Cela fait d’elles des cibles faciles pour les microagressions validistes.

Un système de pensée comme l’ubuntu offrirait à ces femmes la possibilité de retrouver dignité et autonomie. Il leur donnerait les moyens de résister aux effets destructeurs des microagressions qu’elles subissent au quotidien.

The Conversation

Sibonokuhle Ndlovu bénéficie d’un financement du Conseil de recherche universitaire de l’Université de Johannesburg.

ref. Les microagressions, un poids quotidien pour les femmes noires en situation de handicap – https://theconversation.com/les-microagressions-un-poids-quotidien-pour-les-femmes-noires-en-situation-de-handicap-265237