Overwhelm the public with muzzle-velocity headlines: A strategy rooted in racism and authoritarianism

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Angie Chuang, Associate Professor of Journalism, University of Colorado Boulder

The seemingly unending barrage of stressful news is a strategy with ties to the past. zimmytws/iStock via Getty Images

The headlines documenting President Donald Trump’s plan to send federal troops to San Francisco followed a familiar arc. “Trump claims ‘unquestioned power’ in vow to send troops to San Francisco,” The Guardian reported on Oct. 20, 2025. The next day, the San Francisco Chronicle blared: “S.F. threatens to sue if Trump brings in National Guard.” Then, on Oct. 23, “Trump reverses his decision to send troops to San Francisco,” as ABC News put it, after Trump posted that conversations with the city’s mayor and tech moguls had swayed him.

It was another example of how Trump’s shifting policy positions, racially inflammatory statements and threats frequently fuel a flurry of headlines, reflecting what some psychologists are calling “media saturation overload” or “Trump stress disorder.”

This barrage of information may seem like overcommunication from a hyperactive administration. But it is much more than that.

Scholars have found that the constant, often conflicting and at times false information coming out of the White House and shared via social media posts and the conventional news media causes members of the public to see truth and fact as relative and makes them more likely to dismiss those who disagree with them as untruthful. This leaves doubt about what’s real and what isn’t.

This citizen paralysis creates what philosopher Hannah Arendt described in “The Origins of Totalitarianism” as a general public “for whom the distinction between fact and fiction … no longer exist.” When lies are truth and truth is derided as lies, Arendt wrote, ordinary people lose their bearings and can be manipulated for totalitarian objectives.

Meanwhile, many journalists have openly acknowledged fatigue with the pace and nature of the Trump administrations’ news cycles, amid frequent newsroom layoffs, mergers and closures.

I am a longtime journalist and now scholar of journalism and race, trained to see the methods and aims behind political leaders’ press operations. And as I show in my forthcoming book, the Trump administration’s rhetorical strategies echo the playbooks of authoritarian and white supremacist organizations such as the Third Reich and some factions of the modern alt-right movement. They are intended to narrow the scope of who belongs as an American.

Headlines at ‘muzzle velocity’

The Trump administration’s rhetorical strategies include claiming victim status while often laying blame on immigrants or other scapegoats in ways that I believe betray racist intent. At the same time it has overwhelmed journalists and the public with breaking news.

This strategy was laid out by Steve Bannon, an influential Trump supporter and strategist in his first administration, during a 2019 PBS “Frontline” interview, when he described the media as “the opposition party.”

“They’re dumb and they’re lazy, they can only focus on one thing at a time,” he said. “All we have to do is flood the zone. … Bang, bang, bang. These guys will never – will never be able to recover. But we’ve got to start with muzzle velocity.”

Steve Bannon outlined the strategy of overwhelming people with announcements at what he termed muzzle velocity in a 2019 interview with “Frontline.”

Bannon has long been associated with the alt-right, a movement known for rhetorical tactics that minimize and obfuscate its true aims.

A strategy forged in Trump’s first term

As I detail in my book, “American Otherness in Journalism: News Media Representations of Identity and Belonging,” Trump and his key advisers have been developing, refining and ramping up their news media manipulation for a long time.

An early example of this is the way the administration used these tactics through Trump’s public responses to the fatal violence at the August 2017 Unite the Right protest in Charlottesville, Virginia.

The two-day rally was organized by a white nationalist blogger and attended by members of neo-Nazi, white supremacist and far-right militias protesting the removal of a statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee from a Charlottesville park. They marched with tiki torches, flew Confederate and Nazi flags and chanted antisemitic and racist slogans.

Amid violent clashes with counterprotesters on the second day, a neo-Nazi sympathizer drove into a crowd, killing a 32-year-old woman and injuring many others.

Rescue personnel working on someone on a stretcher in a street crowd
Emergency workers help people after a car drove into a large group of counterprotesters in the aftermath of a white nationalist rally in Charlottesville, Va., on Aug. 12, 2017, killing one and injuring 19.
AP Photo/Steve Helber

My study of television news coverage of Unite the Right found that the majority of news reports focused on the contradictory and inflammatory statements that Trump made about the antisemitic and racist protesters. Trump’s Aug. 15, 2017, press conference remark about blame on both sides after what happened garnered the most news media attention: “I think there is blame on both sides,” he said. “You had some very bad people in that group. You also had some very fine people on both sides.”

Exploiting chaos

The uncertainty surrounding what he meant created a cycle of news stories implying and denying that he sympathizes with white supremacists.

This is-he-or-isn’t-he intrigue spurred a surge of what fits the description of Bannon’s “muzzle-velocity” news headlines: “Trump declares ‘racism is evil’ amid pressure over Charlottesville” followed closely by “Trump defends White-nationalist protesters” and “Why Trump can’t get his story straight on Charlottesville.”

With the focus on Trump’s comments and what he might have really meant, the news media ultimately missed covering at the time the long-term threat posed by these white supremacist and other extremist groups.

Echoing a playbook from the past

Scholars have identified the fascist roots of these “post-truth” strategies: strongmen leaders uninterested in establishing leadership through honesty and transparency.

A recent scholarly analysis of Trump’s leadership concludes that the second-term president is overwhelming the public into “organized despair” by pitting races against each other while targeting minority groups as scapegoats, a tactic that hearkens back to 1930s Germany.

A 2019 analysis of Trump’s narrative style describes how he presents himself as a “strongman” fighting invisible forces of censorship and suppression. It also points out that this was part of the appeal of fascist leaders such as Mussolini and Hitler.

Researchers of Nazi propaganda identified key tactics in the German press such as name-calling and lumping together groups seen as opposition – communists, liberals and Jews – until public understanding of those groups blur into phrases like “enemies of Germany.” The messaging was constant and immersive, carried in local and national newspapers, radio, film and posters.

A key part of Trump’s rhetorical strategy is using race without directly referring to it. For example, Trump has described cities with large nonwhite populations such as Washington, D.C., and Chicago as “out of control” or “dirty,” contrary to actual crime statistics. He’s also questioned Kamala Harris’ racial identity, suggesting she “happened to turn Black.” And referring to Black football players who had been protesting systemic racism by kneeling during the national anthem, Trump said, “Get that son of a bitch off the field right now,” which many observers interpreted as racist because he was insulting people of color for the act of protesting racism.

This racial coding has been used by white supremacist groups to mask their true intent. They also use less overt labels such as “alt-right” or “pro-white” as a “rhetorical bridge” to the mainstream public.

In the case of the NFL protesters, the plausible deniability became an actual denial. Trump perfected this move when, during a 2020 debate with Joe Biden, he said, “Proud Boys – stand back and stand by,” referencing another group accused of thinly veiled racism.

Drowning in headlines

I believe that the endgame for this strategy is authoritarian power that greatly narrows the scope of who truly belongs and has rights in this country as an American.

This media saturation – drowning the public with a thousand Trump-generated headlines – allows his administration to keep dominating and controlling national attention.

But the media-consuming public can use the tools they have to encourage news outlets to better inform the public by identifying the media saturation strategy and reporting on why leaders are using it.

Otherwise, if news consumers let the headline overload do what it’s intended to do, and become overwhelmed and paralyzed, they become pawns in what I consider a ploy to make America less egalitarian and less democratic.

The Conversation

Angie Chuang is affiliated with the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication and the Boulder Faculty Assembly.

ref. Overwhelm the public with muzzle-velocity headlines: A strategy rooted in racism and authoritarianism – https://theconversation.com/overwhelm-the-public-with-muzzle-velocity-headlines-a-strategy-rooted-in-racism-and-authoritarianism-267491

Seashells from centuries ago show that seagrass meadows on Florida’s Nature Coast are thriving

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Michal Kowalewski, Thompson Chair of Invertebrate Paleontology, University of Florida

Seagrass meadows are an essential part of Florida’s coastal ecosystem. Jenny Adler

During a day at the beach, it’s common to see people walking up and down the shore collecting seashells.

As a paleontologist and marine ecologist, we look at shells a bit differently than the average beachcomber. Most people dig up shells in the sand and see beautiful color patterns or unusual shapes. But we tend to focus on how old these shells are and what they tell us about the habitat they come from.

You may be surprised to learn that the translucent spiral shell you plucked from the sand belonged to a snail that lived long before Columbus sailed to the New World. And that unassuming clamshell you might nonchalantly toss away belonged to a mollusk that filtered seawater when pharaohs ruled Egypt.

In recent decades, scientists have used methods such as radiocarbon dating to assess the age of shells, along with bones and other skeletal remains, scattered around Earth’s surface.

Increasingly, paleontologists and conservation biologists like us are turning to these remains as potential treasure troves of information about what various habitats were like before humans entered the picture. The insights we glean from this approach, known as conservation paleobiology, can result in more effective conservation, restoration and management strategies aimed at the protection or recovery of many essential habitats.

This approach has proved, among other things, that cows reshaped shellfish communities on the California shelf, caribou used the same calving grounds for millennia, and Caribbean sharks were much more diverse in the past.

Over the past decade, we have applied conservation paleobiology to Florida’s Nature Coast, home to an extensive and intricate patchwork of seagrass meadows and sand. Prior to our studies, scientists’ understanding of those meadows was largely uninformed by historical data.

manatee floating in water
A curious young manatee approached our team of scientific divers at work in Wakulla Springs in May 2020. This charismatic marine mammal inhabits seagrass meadows along Florida coasts, but in the winter and spring it shelters in warm waters of Florida springs and rivers.
Michal Kowalewski

Why seagrass matters

It may not be obvious at first glance why we should be interested in the past history of seagrass meadows.

But these meadows are among the most important structural habitats on our planet. Myriad species, including sea turtles and manatees, forage, shelter or reproduce in those habitats, making seagrasses major hot spots of biodiversity.

Beyond these benefits, seagrasses offer extremely valuable services. They oxygenate ocean waters, draw down carbon dioxide and stabilize bottom sediments. And critically for Florida’s coastline, seagrass can dampen wave energy, which helps to protect shorelines and coastal communities from the punishing effects of tropical storms and hurricanes.

By providing all these services, seagrasses fuel a tremendous economic engine that generates global revenue in excess of US$6 trillion annually, according to an analysis published in the journal Nature Reviews Biodiversity in February 2025.

Unfortunately, seagrass meadows are in decline globally, vanishing rapidly due to broad-scale environmental changes and an onslaught of local human impacts. Efforts are underway all over the world to protect seagrasses that still exist and restore those that have been lost.

fossilized rock with impressions of blades of seagrass
Found in Citrus County, Florida, in 1989, this exceptional rock slab preserves multiple blades of seagrass, proving that these grasses have been around Florida for at least 40 million years.
Roger W. Portell, Florida Museum of Natural History

Shells in Florida’s seagrass meadows

The challenge inherent to our research is that seagrasses don’t have a hard skeleton, so they are very rarely found in the fossil record.

Fortunately, we found that the shells of mollusks that prefer to dwell in seagrass are a reliable proxy for the grass itself. In general, the quality of ecological data provided by fossil shellfish is outstanding.

When living and dead organisms are alike, we can infer that local ecosystems have not changed notably despite human activities. Conversely, when live and dead mollusk species differ, it usually is a sign that a habitat has been heavily altered by humans.

Location, location, location

In our initial study, our team examined about a 40-mile (65-kilometer) swath of nearshore habitats in an area just north of the Suwannee River.

We found that seagrass meadows often span only a few acres, forming a regional patchwork of vegetated and open-sand habitats. We also observed that distinct sets of mollusk species inhabit meadows and open sands today. This was not surprising, as many previous studies have shown that different mollusks live in seagrass and open-sand habitats.

Next, we looked at the shells of dead mollusks found in surface sediments in the area. Using radiocarbon dating, we showed that about half of these shells belonged to mollusks that lived prior to the Industrial Revolution. Many shells dated back to previous millennia.

If these small patches of seagrass meadows were waxing, waning or shifting location over the recent centuries, then we would expect each spot on the seafloor to harbor a mix of dead shells representing species from both habitats. However, we found that the species of dead mollusks in seagrass patches were remarkably similar to those that live there now. The same was the case for the mollusks from open sands.

This suggests that this mosaic of seagrass patches and open-sand bottoms has been remarkably stable for hundreds of years. We do not know why the seagrass consistently thrived for centuries in specific spots within a seemingly uniform environment. But whatever the reason, this habitat is not a mosaic of meadows in constant flux, but rather, a seascape that has remained the same for a long time.

This is an important find for conservation efforts. It means that it may be unwise to assume that we can compensate for seagrass losses by simply planting new meadows in open-sand habitats.

5 rows of a variety of mollusk shells on a black background
These mollusk shells were collected by divers from Florida seagrass meadows in Tampa Bay in October 2025. Such shells typically provide a record of diverse organisms that inhabited the area over hundreds of years.
Invertebrate Paleontology Division, Florida Museum of Natural History

Broadening the scope

In our newest study, we broadened our scope to compare living mollusks and dead mollusks across multiple estuaries along the Nature Coast, a 93-mile (150-kilometer) stretch of Florida’s Gulf Coast.

As with our first study, this broader study revealed many remarkable similarities between the mollusks that live there now and the mollusks from previous centuries and millennia, documented by shells.

We found that the mollusks that are common today and those that were common in the past represent virtually the same suite of species, and their relative abundance stayed steady, too.

Even more remarkably, both the live mollusks and shells from previous centuries document the same changes in dominant mollusk species between the southern and northern regions of the study area.

Today, mollusks are not the same everywhere along the Nature Coast. This reflects the fact that coastal waters are increasingly nutritious in the north. Consequently, seagrass is taller and denser moving north, and the suites of mollusk species that live in them change as well.

The shells of dead mollusks tell the same story. This indicates that not much has changed along this stretch of the Gulf Coast since preindustrial times.

Highlighting what’s working

Knowing that seagrass meadows in this area have maintained their ecological character and integrity for centuries or longer is a powerful argument for their continued protection.

Understandably, most conservation paleobiology studies have focused on threatened species, degraded habitats or imperiled systems, such as reef sharks, oyster beds or freshwater mussels. As a result, these studies generally document population collapse, biodiversity loss, habitat shrinking and overall ecosystem decline.

But we believe it is equally important for investigators in our field to study systems that are believed to be stable and resilient. In this case, the unspoiled status of the Nature Coast seagrass meadows makes them a much-needed benchmark to assess the state of other seagrass systems that have been altered by human activities. This can offer insights into which conservation efforts are working and how best to restore and maintain similar habitats elsewhere.

The Conversation

Michal Kowalewski receives funding from the US National Science Foundation, University of Florida Foundation and the Felburn Foundation, Florida.

Thomas K. Frazer receives funding from the National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration, Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission, Florida Department of Environmental Protection, Florida Department of Transportation, and South Florida Water Management District and The Ocean Conservancy.

ref. Seashells from centuries ago show that seagrass meadows on Florida’s Nature Coast are thriving – https://theconversation.com/seashells-from-centuries-ago-show-that-seagrass-meadows-on-floridas-nature-coast-are-thriving-264170

AI could worsen inequalities in schools – teachers are key to whether it will

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Katie Davis, Professor Information School and Adjunct Associate Professor, College of Education, University of Washington

Meeting about AI: Teachers see some efficiencies with AI but don’t always feel like they have the resources to learn how to best use it for teaching. Joe Lamberti/AP Images

Today’s teachers find themselves thrust into a difficult position with generative AI. New tools are coming online at a blistering pace and being adopted just as quickly, whether they’re personalized tutors and study buddies for students or lesson plan generators and assignment graders for teachers. Schools are traditionally slow to adapt to change, which makes such rapid-fire developments especially destabilizing.

The uncertainties accompanying the artificial intelligence onslaught come amid existing challenges the teaching profession has faced for years. Teachers have been working with increasingly scarce resources – and even scarcer time – while facing mounting expectations not only for their students’ academic performance, but also their social-emotional development. Many teachers are burned out, and they’re leaving the profession in record numbers.

All of this matters because teacher quality is the single most important factor in school influencing student achievement. And the impact of teachers is greatest for students who are most disadvantaged. How teachers end up using, or not using, AI to support their teaching – and their students’ learning – may be the most crucial determinant of whether AI’s use in schools narrows or widens existing equity gaps.

We have been conducting research on how public school teachers feel about generative AI technologies.

The initial results, which are currently under review, reveal deep ambivalence about AI’s growing role in K-12 education. Our work also shows how inadequate training and unclear communications could worsen existing inequalities among schools.

A ‘thought partner’ for busy teachers

As part of a larger project examining AI integration in education, we interviewed 22 teachers in a large public school district in the United States that has been an early and enthusiastic adopter of AI. The district serves a multilingual and socioeconomically diverse student population, with over 160 languages spoken and approximately three-quarters of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch.

The teachers who participated in our study spanned elementary, middle school and high school grade levels, and represented a variety of subject areas, including science, technology, engineering and mathematics, social studies, special education, and culturally and linguistically diverse education. We asked these teachers to describe how they first encountered generative AI tools, how they currently use them, and the broader shifts they have observed in their schools. Teachers also reflected on both the opportunities and challenges of using AI tools in their classrooms.

Mirroring a recent survey finding that AI has helped teachers save up to six hours per week of work, the teachers in our study pointed to AI’s ability to create more space in the day for themselves and their students. Turning to AI for help writing lesson plans and assessments not only saves time, but it also gives teachers a tool for brainstorming ideas, helping them feel less isolated in their work. One high school teacher with over 11 years’ experience reflected:

“The most significant benefit that AI has brought to my life as a teacher is having work-life balance. It has decreased my stress 80-fold because I am able to have a thought partner. Teachers are really isolated, even though we work with people constantly … When I’m exhausted, it gives me support and help with ideas.”

Why lack of training matters

However, not all teachers felt well-equipped to benefit from AI. Much of what they told us boiled down to a lack of resources and other professional support. An elementary school classroom teacher explained:

“It’s just a lack of time. We don’t really get much planning time, and it would be a new tool to learn, so we would have to take the time personally to learn how to use it and where to find everything.”

Many teachers underscored the need for – and current lack of – professional development offerings to help them understand and integrate AI into their teaching.

Research on previous waves of technological innovations shows that under-resourced schools serving disadvantaged students are typically the least well-equipped to provide teachers with the professional support they need to make the most of new technologies.

Because well-resourced schools are far more likely to offer such support, the introduction of new technologies in schools tends to reinforce existing inequities in the education system.

When it comes to AI, well-resourced schools are best positioned to give teachers time, support and encouragement to “tinker” with AI and discover how and whether it can support their teaching and learning goals.

‘You need a relationship’ to learn

Our research also uncovered the importance of preserving the relational nature of teaching and learning, even – or perhaps especially – in the age of AI. As one middle school social studies teacher observed:

“A machine can give you information, but most students we know are not able to get information from something that’s just printed out for them and put it into their heads. You need a relationship. Some kids can do online school or read a book and teach themselves, but that’s like 2%. Most kids need a social environment to do it.”

A teacher sitting at head of class with AI policies posted on screen above him.
Even as schools integrate AI into classwork, teachers still need to learn how to implement the technology to help their students learn.
Jae C. Hong/AP Images

Here again, prior research shows us that teachers in well-resourced schools are better equipped to introduce new technologies in ways that augment rather than undermine the relational dimensions of teaching and learning. And again, teachers are crucial in determining how and whether AI, like all new technologies, is used to support their teaching and student learning.

That’s why we believe the practices established during this current period of rapid AI development and adoption will profoundly influence whether educational inequities are dismantled or deepened.

Grounded in the classroom

Going forward, we see the need for research to examine how generative AI is changing teachers’ practice and relationship to their work. Their input can inform practices that empower teachers as professionals and advance student learning.

This approach requires adequate institutional support at the school and district levels. It also means listening to the real experiences of teachers and students instead of responding to the promised benefits touted by education technologies companies.

The Conversation

Katie Davis has received funding from the Spencer Foundation.

Aayushi Dangol does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. AI could worsen inequalities in schools – teachers are key to whether it will – https://theconversation.com/ai-could-worsen-inequalities-in-schools-teachers-are-key-to-whether-it-will-266140

Anxiety over school admissions isn’t limited to college – parents of young children are also feeling pressure, some more acutely than others

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Bailey A. Brown, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Spelman College

Shifting policies such as school choice give parents more school options than they had a few decades before. iStock/Getty Images Plus

Deciding where to send your child to kindergarten has become one of the most high-stakes moments in many American families’ lives.

A few factors have made selecting an elementary school particularly challenging in recent years. For one, there are simply more schools for parents to pick from over the past few decades, ranging from traditional public and private to a growing number of magnet and charter programs. There are also new policies in some places, such as New York City, that allow parents to select not just their closest neighborhood public school but schools across and outside of the districts where they live.

As a scholar of sociology and education, I have seen how the expanding range of school options – sometimes called school choice – has spread nationwide and is particularly a prominent factor in New York City.

I spoke with a diverse range of more than 100 New York City parents across income levels and racial and ethnic backgrounds from 2014 to 2019 as part of research for my 2025 book, “Kindergarten Panic: Parental Anxiety and School Choice Inequality.”

All of these parents felt pressure trying to select a school for their elementary school-age children, and school choice options post-COVID-19 have only increased.

Some parents experience this pressure a bit more acutely than others.

Women often see their choice of school as a reflection of whether they are good moms, my interviews show. Parents of color feel pressure to find a racially inclusive school. Other parents worry about finding niche schools that offer dual-language programs, for example, or other specialties.

Several children and adults walk into a large brick building with green doors.
Children arrive for class at an elementary school in Brooklyn in 2020.
Angela Weiss/AFP via Getty Images

Navigating schools in New York City

Every year, about 65,000 New York City kindergartners are matched to more than 700 public schools.

New York City kindergartners typically attend their nearest public school in the neighborhood and get a priority place at this school. This school is often called someone’s zoned school.

Even so, a spot at your local school isn’t guaranteed – students get priority if they apply on time.

While most kindergartners still attend their zoned schools, their attendance rate is decreasing. While 72% of kindergartners in the city attended their zoned school in the 2007-08 school year, 60% did so in the 2016-17 school year.

One reason is that since 2003, New York City parents have been able to apply to out-of-zone schools when seats were available. And in 2020, when the COVID-19 pandemic began, all public school applications moved entirely online. This shift allowed parents to easily rank 12 different school options they liked, in and outside of their zones.

Still, New York City public schools remain one of the most segregated in the country, divided by race and class.

Pressure to be a good mom

Many of the mothers I interviewed from 2015 through 2019 said that getting their child into what they considered a “good” school reflected good mothering.

Mothers took the primary responsibility for their school search, whether they had partners or not, and regardless of their social class, as well as racial and ethnic background.

In 2017, I spoke with Janet, a white, married mother who at the time was 41 years old and had an infant and a 3-year-old. Janet worked as a web designer and lived in Queens. She explained that she started a group in 2016 to connect with other mothers, in part to discuss schools.

Though Janet’s children were a few years away from kindergarten, she believed that she had started her research for public schools too late. She spent multiple hours each week looking up information during her limited spare time. She learned that other moms were talking to other parents, researching test results, analyzing school reviews and visiting schools in person.

Janet said she wished she had started looking for schools when her son was was 1 or 2 years old, like other mothers she knew. She expressed fear that she was failing as a mother. Eventually, Janet enrolled her son in a nonzoned public school in another Queens neighborhood.

Pressure to find an inclusive school

Regardless of their incomes, Black, Latino and immigrant families I interviewed also felt pressure to evaluate whether the public schools they considered were racially and ethnically inclusive.

Parents worried that racially insensitive policies related to bullying, curriculum and discipline would negatively affect their children.

In 2015, I spoke with Fumi, a Black, immigrant mother of two young children. At the time, Fumi was 37 years old and living in Washington Heights in north Manhattan. She described her uncertain search for a public school.

Fumi thought that New York City’s gifted and talented programs at public schools might be a better option academically than other public schools that don’t offer an advanced track for some students. But the gifted and talented programs often lacked racial diversity, and Fumi did not want her son to be the only Black student in his class.

Still, Fumi had her son tested for the 2015 gifted and talented exam and enrolled him in one of these programs for kindergarten.

Once Fumi’s son began attending the gifted and talented school, Fumi worried that the constant bullying he experienced was racially motivated.

Though Fumi remained uneasy about the bullying and lack of diversity, she decided to keep him at the school because of the school’s strong academic quality.

Pressure to find a niche school

Many of the parents I interviewed who earned more than US$50,000 a year wanted to find specialty schools that offered advanced courses, dual-language programs and progressive-oriented curriculum.

Parents like Renata, a 44-year-old Asian mother of four, and Stella, a 39-year-old Black mother of one, sent their kids to out-of-neighborhood public schools.

In 2016, Renata described visiting multiple schools and researching options so she could potentially enroll her four children in different schools that met each of their particular needs.

Stella, meanwhile, searched for schools that would de-emphasize testing, nurture her son’s creativity and provide flexible learning options.

In contrast, the working-class parents I interviewed who made less than $50,000 annually often sought schools that mirrored their own school experiences.

Few working-class parents I spoke with selected out-of-neighborhood and high academically performing schools.

New York City data points to similar results – low-income families are less likely than people earning more than them to attend schools outside of their neighborhoods.

For instance, Black working-class parents like 47-year-old Risha, a mother of four, and 53-year-old Jeffery, a father of three, who attended New York City neighborhood public schools themselves as children told me in 2016 that they decided to send their children to local public schools.

Based on state performance indicators, students at these particular schools performed lower on standard assessments than schools on average.

A group of young children wearing face masks sit at a table and color on white paper.
Students write down and draw positive affirmations on poster board at P.S. 5 Port Morris, a Bronx elementary school, in 2021.
Brittainy Newman/Associated Press

Cracks in the system

The parents I spoke with all live in New York City, which has a uniquely complicated education system. Yet the pressures they face are reflective of the evolving public school choice landscape for parents across the country.

Parents nationwide are searching for schools with vastly different resources and concerns about their children’s future well-being and success.

When parents panic about kindergarten, they reveal cracks in the foundation of American schooling. In my view, parental anxiety about kindergarten is a response to an unequal, high-stakes education system.

The Conversation

Bailey A. Brown does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Anxiety over school admissions isn’t limited to college – parents of young children are also feeling pressure, some more acutely than others – https://theconversation.com/anxiety-over-school-admissions-isnt-limited-to-college-parents-of-young-children-are-also-feeling-pressure-some-more-acutely-than-others-265537

FDA recall of blood pressure pills due to cancer-causing contaminant may point to higher safety risks in older generic drugs

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By C. Michael White, Distinguished Professor of Pharmacy Practice, University of Connecticut

Nitrosamines are by-products of many common chemical reactions. FatCamera/iStock via Getty Images Plus

A generic blood pressure drug called prazosin, made by Teva Pharmaceuticals, is being recalled by the Food and Drug Administration because it contains elevated levels of cancer-causing chemicals called nitrosamines.

The recall, which Teva announced on Oct. 7, 2025, affects more than 580,000 prazosin capsules. Prazosin is prescribed to around 510,000 patients yearly and is used to treat post-traumatic stress disorder as well as high blood pressure.

I am a pharmacologist and pharmacist who has studied nitrosamine contamination of popular blood pressure, diabetes and heartburn drugs, as well as other issues in generic drug manufacturing.

Prazosin has been available as a generic medication for more than 25 years and, like many generics that have been around that long, is now produced by multiple manufacturers. This ratchets up competition on price, which may explain why older generics are more prone to manufacturing issues that may harm patient health.

What are nitrosamines and where do they come from?

Nitrosamines are by-products of many common chemical reactions. They form when a type of chemical building block called a nitrite group interacts with another type called an amine group.

Industrial processes like rocket fuel, rubber and sealant manufacturing can produce high concentrations of nitrosamines during chemical reactions. Bacon, pepperoni and salami are high in nitrite preservatives that interact with the amine groups in the meats to form small amounts of nitrosamines. The chemical reaction that happens when chlorinated water interacts with naturally occurring chemicals that contain nitrogen and oxygen can also form small amounts of nitrosamines.

Occasional and small exposures to nitrosamines are not thought to be dangerous. But some studies have found that certain nitrosamines are carcinogenic when ingested in high amounts for long periods of time

European regulators first discovered in 2018 that prescription drugs could also be contaminated when testing revealed that an active ingredient in a blood pressure drug called valsartan contained a nitrosamine chemical. Since the Chinese company that made the drug’s active ingredient sold it to multiple manufacturers of valsartan tablets, many companies, including Teva Pharmaceuticals, recalled the drug at the time.

Gloved hands overflowing with manufactured tablets
Drugmakers have identified nitrosamine contamination in many widely used drugs.
Starkovphoto/iStock via Getty Images Plus

The FDA then launched a major effort to identify nitrosamines in prescription and over-the-counter drugs and to define unsafe levels for tablets and capsules. It published an initial industry guidance in 2021 and an updated version in 2024.

Based on the agency’s new testing requirements, drugmakers have identified nitrosamine contamination in widely used blood pressure, diabetes, heartburn, antibiotic and smoking cessation drugs. Most of the recalled drugs were contaminated during the chemical processing at a manufacturing plant.

What should people who take prazosin do?

Teva Pharmaceuticals’ prazosin is just one of many generic versions – but it’s the only one that is contaminated. You can determine whether your medication came from Teva by looking at your prescription label. Search for the abbreviations MFG or MFR, which stand for “manufacturing” or “manufacturer.” If it says “MFG Teva” or “MFR Teva,” that means Teva Pharmaceuticals supplied the medication.

The first four numbers of a National Drug Code, abbreviated as NDC on the prescription label, also reveal the manufacturer or distributor. Teva products have the number 0093.

If Teva Pharmaceuticals is the distributor, a pharmacist can cross-reference your prescription number to obtain the lot number and compare it with the posted lot numbers on the FDA website for recalled prazosin. If your product has been recalled, your pharmacy may have other generic versions of prazosin in stock that are not part of this recall.

Based on its risk assessment for these tablets, the FDA gave the recall a Class II status, which means that the medication could cause “temporary or medically reversible adverse health consequences.” If no other prazosin version exists at your pharmacy, do not stop taking your drug without talking with your physician first. The risk of temporarily taking tablets with an elevated amount of nitrosamines may be less than the risk of suddenly stopping this medication.

Prazosin, the drug being recalled, is prescribed to more than a half-million patients each year.

Your physician may also be able to prescribe an alternative treatment such as clonidine or trazodone.

Do older generics made overseas pose higher risks?

Until recently, it wasn’t possible to compare whether the safety records of generic drugs manufactured overseas differed from the same generics made in the U.S., because the FDA does not disclose which manufacturing plants companies use to create their tablets and capsules. But in a 2025 study, researchers managed to triangulate that information from an FDA dataset.

They found that the risk of serious adverse events was 54.3% higher with generics made in India as compared with those made in the United States. And the longer a drug has been available in generic form, the greater the difference in safety risk between its U.S.- and India-made forms. As my colleague and I wrote in a commentary accompanying the study, the findings suggest that when the market for generic drugs is crowded by multiple manufacturers, lower-priced options naturally sell better. As a result, manufacturers in developing countries are more apt to produce poorer quality products that are less expensive to produce.

Teva Pharmaceuticals has manufacturing plants around the world, including in India. The company has not disclosed where its recalled prazosin capsules and their active and inactive ingredients were manufactured.

The FDA publishes ratings on generic drug quality and claims that generics with an “A” rating meet the same manufacturing quality standards and achieve the same blood concentrations as brand-name drugs. But pharmacies can’t tell from those ratings if a drug comes from manufacturing plants that are at higher risk for quality issues.

Patients are at the mercy of choices pharmacies make in the generic versions of drugs they procure for their stores. In my view, if pharmacies could access reliable information about quality, they might be able to make choices that are safer for American consumers.

The Conversation

C. Michael White does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. FDA recall of blood pressure pills due to cancer-causing contaminant may point to higher safety risks in older generic drugs – https://theconversation.com/fda-recall-of-blood-pressure-pills-due-to-cancer-causing-contaminant-may-point-to-higher-safety-risks-in-older-generic-drugs-268968

Grenades lacrymogènes, LBD, Flash-Ball : une doctrine d’État au service de la violence légale ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Clément Rouillier, MCF en droit public, Université Rennes 2

Filmées à Sainte-Soline (Deux-Sèvres) en mars 2023, lors de la mobilisation contre les mégabassines, des vidéos, diffusées par « Médiapart » et « Libération », issues des caméras-piétons des forces de l’ordre montrent des gendarmes lançant illégalement des grenades en tirs tendus sur les manifestants et se félicitant d’en avoir blessé certains. Ces images ravivent le débat sur l’utilisation des armes dites « non létales ». Présentées comme un moyen d’éviter le recours aux armes à feu, leur usage est censé être strictement encadré. Mais ces règles apparaissent largement théoriques, ces armes infligeant régulièrement des blessures graves. Dans le cas du lanceur de balles de défense, l’évolution des règles d’emploi interroge : cherche-t-on vraiment à protéger les manifestants ou à légitimer l’usage d’une arme controversée ?


Tirs de lanceurs de balles de défense LBD 40 depuis des quads en mouvement, tirs tendus de grenades lacrymogènes ou encore jubilation des agents à l’usage de la violence armée (« Une [grenade] dans les couilles, ça fait dégager du monde », « Je compte plus les mecs qu’on a éborgnés », « On n’a jamais autant tiré de notre life »), la manifestation de Sainte-Soline (Deux-Sèvres, 25 mars 2023) montre que les pratiques et consignes pourtant illégales revêtent une certaine constance dans les opérations de maintien de l’ordre.

La gravité des blessures causées par les lanceurs de balles de défense (Flash-Ball et LBD 40) et leurs modalités d’emploi interroge la doctrine des autorités publiques. Les conditions d’usage des lanceurs sont fixées par la loi, qui arrête un nombre limité de cas où leur utilisation est légale. C’est notamment le cas de la légitime défense, de l’état de nécessité, ou encore, en maintien de l’ordre, dans l’hypothèse où les agents sont visés par des violences ou qu’ils ne peuvent défendre autrement le terrain qu’ils occupent, à la condition de respecter une stricte exigence de nécessité et de proportionnalité.

Toutefois, au-delà de ce cadre très général, la loi n’indique rien quant à la manière d’utiliser ces armes, notamment en ce qui concerne leurs précautions d’emploi. Celles-ci sont fixées par les autorités du ministère de l’intérieur elles-mêmes : ministre de l’intérieur, directeur général de la police nationale (DGPN) et directeur général de la gendarmerie nationale (DGGN) ont adopté de nombreuses circulaires, instructions et notes de service. Ces dernières renseignent sur la façon dont les autorités de la police et de la gendarmerie interprètent la nécessité et la proportionnalité inhérentes à l’usage de la force, et la façon dont elles se représentent l’intensité acceptable de la force physique armée contre les manifestants.

LBD : de l’absence de cadre légal à l’introduction progressive de précautions d’emploi

Les lanceurs de balles de défense (LBD) ont été introduits dans l’arsenal des forces de l’ordre avec des précautions d’emploi très superficielles. Alors que certaines unités de police s’équipent des premiers Flash-Balls, dès 1992, en dehors de tout cadre légal, le DGPN réglemente leur usage par une note de service en 1995, sans prévoir de précautions particulières d’emploi. Les premières distances de tirs n’apparaissent dans les textes qu’en 2001 à titre indicatif. L’introduction expérimentale du LBD 40, en 2007, est accompagnée d’une instruction qui indique des distances opérationnelles (lesquelles varient dans le texte même de l’instruction), mais sans fixer de distance minimale ou maximale ni interdire les tirs à la tête.

Ce n’est qu’après son expérimentation in vivo en manifestation et les premières blessures qu’une instruction rectificative de 2008 interdit explicitement les tirs à la tête et dans le triangle génital.

Aujourd’hui, si les précautions réglementaires en vigueur prohibent les tirs à la tête, ceux dans le triangle génital sont à nouveau autorisés, et aucune distance minimale de tir n’est impérativement prescrite. Les textes précisent simplement qu’un tir en deçà de 3 mètres ou de 10 mètres, selon le type de munitions, « peut générer des risques lésionnels plus importants ».

La protection des manifestants : une considération secondaire

L’encadrement succinct des lanceurs de balles de défense (LBD) et leur enrichissement a posteriori semble s’expliquer par une logique institutionnelle. L’essentiel est d’éviter que les policiers aient à tirer avec leur arme létale.

Selon l’ancien préfet de police Didier Lallement, « les LBD visent à maintenir à distance les manifestants pour éviter un corps-à-corps qui serait tout à fait catastrophique, les fonctionnaires risquant même d’utiliser leur arme de service s’ils étaient en danger ». Les blessures infligées par le LBD semblent parfois regardées comme un « moindre mal ».

Considérer que l’utilisation du LBD 40 évite le recours à l’arme létale renseigne sur la doctrine française du maintien de l’ordre et explique pourquoi les LBD sont introduits dans l’arsenal des forces de l’ordre sans aucun critère de puissance et sans concertation avec des médecins spécialisés en traumatologie. Le préfet de police et le commissaire en charge de l’ordre public à Paris eux-mêmes semblent ignorer les caractéristiques balistiques de l’arme lorsqu’ils estiment que la balle d’un LBD 40 est d’une vitesse de 10 mètres par seconde. Elle est en réalité dix  fois supérieure.

Auditions du 3 avril 2019 devant la commission des lois du Sénat de la ministre de la justice Nicole Belloubet et du préfet de police de Paris Didier Lallement qui semble ignorer (à partir 3:32:17) les caractéristiques balistiques du LBD.

Aujourd’hui, les précautions d’emploi des LBD sont particulièrement fournies. L’instruction de 2017 impose une multitude de paramètres à prendre en compte avant un tir : s’assurer que les tiers se trouvent hors d’atteinte, prendre en compte la distance de tir, la mobilité, les vêtements et la vulnérabilité de la personne, s’assurer qu’elle ne risque pas de chuter, etc. Cependant, cette méticulosité ne signifie pas nécessairement une meilleure protection des manifestants, les agents soulignant eux-mêmes la grande difficulté à les respecter en pratique :

« Pour bosser avec des collègues habilités LBD, j’ai pu constater la difficulté [à l’utiliser] sur les manifs, avec la mobilité et la foule autour. Souvent, le point visé n’est pas celui atteint, à cause de ces conditions, et aussi parce que, passé une certaine distance, le projectile n’a plus une trajectoire rectiligne. » (Déclaration d’un syndicaliste policier.)

Une guerre de communication : encadrer pour légitimer la violence légale

Pourquoi prévoir autant de précautions d’emploi si leur respect semble aussi délicat en pratique ? Ce caractère en partie théorique des précautions d’emploi s’explique parce qu’elles ne visent pas seulement à fournir un guide de maniement des armes : elles remplissent également une fonction de légitimation de la violence légale.

En maintien de l’ordre, les forces de l’ordre sont engagées dans une guerre de communication destinée à imposer un récit officiel des événements. Légitimer l’usage de la force suppose de garder la main sur ce récit, là où une blessure ou un décès fait toujours courir le risque de la perdre. L’édiction et l’enrichissement des textes réglementaires au gré des blessures que causent les LBD et des critiques permettent notamment aux autorités de démontrer leur activisme sur la dangerosité d’une arme.

Bien plus, en définissant les contours du « bon usage » des armes, ces textes posent un cadre juridique formel qui permet de désamorcer les critiques en sous-entendant que les blessures ou les décès résultent d’un mauvais usage individuel ou d’une faute de la victime.

Pour autant, cet encadrement est problématique pour les autorités policières, car il réduit la marge de manœuvre des agents sur le terrain en les soumettant à des règles à respecter au moment de tirer. C’est le double tranchant des instructions : elles permettent de légitimer l’usage des armes en montrant qu’elles sont bien encadrées, mais elles contraignent les agents parce que les victimes pourront se servir de ces instructions dans leurs recours juridictionnels (pénal ou en responsabilité) en montrant qu’elles ne sont pas respectées. C’est toute l’ambiguïté de la légitimation par le droit, et c’est ce qui explique la réticence initiale à prévoir des conditions trop strictes ou à les publier trop ouvertement.

Mais cette rhétorique réglementaire du mauvais usage individuel semble validée par les juridictions elles-mêmes. Lorsque le Conseil d’État est saisi, en 2019, de la demande d’interdiction du LBD 40, un magistrat compare à l’audience les 193 blessures graves causées par le LBD 40 durant le mouvement des gilets jaunes aux quelque 12 000 tirs effectués entre novembre 2018 et janvier 2019 pour conclure que les précautions d’emploi paraissent respectées.

C’est probablement là une des fonctions essentielles des textes réglementaires adoptés par les autorités du ministère de l’intérieur. Dans un État de droit, pour être légitime, le monopole étatique de la violence physique doit apparaître contrôlé, soumis à des règles juridiques qui neutralisent les arbitrages politiques fondant le choix d’autoriser la force armée contre les individus. À travers les précautions réglementaires d’emploi, les autorités publiques prévoient des règles juridiques à respecter qui, en encadrant et en limitant la violence légale, permettent d’en légitimer le principe même.

The Conversation

Clément Rouillier ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Grenades lacrymogènes, LBD, Flash-Ball : une doctrine d’État au service de la violence légale ? – https://theconversation.com/grenades-lacrymogenes-lbd-flash-ball-une-doctrine-detat-au-service-de-la-violence-legale-268820

Madagascar : les clés d’une véritable refondation démocratique

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Juvence Ramasy, Maître de Conférences en sciences politiques et juridiques, University of Toamasina

Madagascar a été secoué par une crise majeure avec les manifestations de rue qui ont débuté le 25 septembre. La révolte de la génération Z, née de la colère contre les coupures d’eau et d’électricité, a conduit le 13 octobre à la chute du président Andry Rajoelina, renversé par le Corps d’armée des personnels et des services administratifs et techniques (Capsat). Suspendue de l’Union africaine, l’île aborde une transition incertaine.

Dans cet entretien, le politologue Juvence Ramasy – qui a étudié la formation de l’Etat malgache, l’armée et la trajectoire démocratique du pays – décrypte les racines sociales du mouvement, les risques qui pèsent sur cette transition et le rôle majeur de l’armée dans la vie politique malgache.

Quels sont les principaux risques auxquels Madagascar fait face après le départ d’Andry Rajoelina ?

Le nouveau régime devrait faire en sorte que sa suspension par l’Union africaine, suite au changement inconstitutionnel de régime conformément à la Charte de Lomé, n’entraîne pas un arrêt des financements internationaux. Ces financements proviennent de bailleurs multilatéraux et bilatéraux.

En 2023, Madagascar a reçu 1,25 milliard de dollars d’aide publique, d’après l’OCDE, dont un demi-milliard de la Banque mondiale, 172 millions des États-Unis, 126 millions de l’Union européenne, 100 millions du Japon, 81 millions de la France et 22 millions de la Banque africaine de développement.

Cette aide ne représente que 3,5 % du PIB, mais reste vitale, bien qu’elle soit assez faible en comparaison avec d’autres pays en développement. Par ailleurs, la faible part des appuis budgétaires de 1,2 % du PIB en 2025 reflète la méfiance des bailleurs.

L’aide extérieure soutient aussi les importations de riz, aliment de base de la population, et de carburant, essentiels pour maintenir des prix accessibles et pour offrir de l’électricité. Si ces importations venaient à diminuer, des tensions sociales pourraient surgir. D’ailleurs, le FMI venait de décaisser 107 millions de dollars. Un financement destiné à soutenir les réformes de la compagnie nationale d’électricité et d’eau, Jirama.

Toutefois, la présence diplomatique à l’investiture du 17 octobre marque un début de reconnaissance renforcé par les rencontres entre les représentations diplomatiques et les nouvelles autorités.

Face à un possible arrêt de l’aide internationale, les nouvelles autorités pourraient se tourner vers des solutions alternatives. Elles pourraient solliciter des bailleurs non traditionnels pour obtenir des financements parallèles. Une autre option risquée serait de recourir à l’économie illicite, suivant l’exemple de la transition de 2009-2013.




Read more:
Madagascar : quand les coupures d’électricité déclenchent une crise sécuritaire amplifiée par les réseaux sociaux


Quels facteurs ont sous-tendu les manifestations de la GenZ?

La Gen Z, composée principalement des jeunes urbains, est descendue dans la rue pour plusieurs raisons. Elle a exigé le respect de la liberté d’expression, l’accès à l’eau et à l’électricité en raison de délestages fréquents. D’après la Banque mondiale, avec seulement 30 % de taux d’électrification, 7 Malgaches sur 10 n’ont pas accès à l’électricité, et 54,4 % de la population a accès à l’eau avec seulement 12,3 % qui a accès à l’assainissement. Cette situation place Madagascar parmi les 76 pays les plus mal classés en la matière.

Elle s’est également levée contre la corruption systémique. Tous les régimes précédents ont érigé la corruption en mode de gouvernance. Madagascar se situe à la 140ème place sur 180 pays, au même rang que l’Irak, le Cameroun, le Mexique. Malgré les discours officiels, la lutte anti-corruption se heurte à des moyens insuffisants, à l’impunité des puissants et à une justice souvent instrumentalisée, une restriction de l’espace civique, une capture et une privatisation de l’État. Le régime de Rajoelina a été éclaboussé par plusieurs affaires de corruption impliquant des membres du gouvernement, sans que des poursuites ne soient engagées.




Read more:
Madagascar : quand les coupures d’électricité déclenchent une crise sécuritaire amplifiée par les réseaux sociaux


L’île a une longue histoire de crises politiques. En quoi la situation actuelle est-elle différente ?

En effet, depuis la première crise postcoloniale en 1972, la rue est devenue l’arbitre des luttes politiques. Son contrôle reste un enjeu politique central et s’inscrit dans une logique de production de pouvoir par le bas.

La Gen Z a démontré que la « rue-cratie » continue de peser sur les manières de faire et défaire les équilibres politiques. Ce mouvement a permis une mobilisation coordonnée à l’échelle nationale au sein des principaux centres urbains (Antananarivo, Antsiranana, Mahajanga, Toamasina, Toaliary), contrairement au précédentes crises grâce notamment à une utilisation habile des réseaux sociaux (Facebook, Discord, WhatsApp, Tik Tok).

Autre différence, ce sont les jeunes qui ont été les meneurs de ce mouvement au sein d’une société hiérarchisée où prédomine l’idéologie lignagère de l’aînesse. Les Z ou Zandry, cadet en malgache, se sont saisis de la parole pour porter à voix haute les maux de la société malgache.

Quel rôle l’armée a-t-elle joué dans la vie politique malgache jusqu’à présent ?

Les militaires malgaches correspondent à la figure du prétorien, c’est-à-dire qu’ils exercent un pouvoir politique indépendant de l’utilisation – ou la menace d’utilisation – de la force. Cette entrée dans le monde politique, déjà perceptible dans le Royaume de Madagascar, s’est manifestée au sein de l’État postcolonial en 1972, marquant le début de la prétorianisation de la vie politique.

Depuis lors, elle exerce le pouvoir de manière officielle ou officieuse participant à la régulation de l’ordre politique aussi bien dans les luttes de conquête, de monopole et de conservation du pouvoir. Son soutien est donc recherché par la société civile et politique en temps de crise. D’ailleurs, selon une enquête d’Afrobaromètre de fin 2024, 6 Malgaches sur 10 (60 %) considèrent qu’il est « légitime que les forces armées prennent le contrôle du gouvernement lorsque les dirigeants élus abusent du pouvoir à leurs propres fins ».

La prise de pouvoir par le Capsat, le 14 octobre, s’apparente à un « bon » coup d’État ayant reçu le soutien de l’autorité constitutionnelle et celui de la population. Ce “coup correctif” se donne comme mission de rectifier la trajectoire de l’État en vue de rétablir un ordre plus démocratique après sa refondation.

N’y a-t-il pas un risque que les militaires décident de conserver le pouvoir ?

La nomination d’un Premier ministre civil et d’un gouvernement majoritairement civil s’inscrit dans une tradition remontant à 1972, permettant de rassurer une partie de la société civile et politique et les partenaires internationaux. Or, cela est contesté par la Gen Z et une partie de la société en raison des liens présumés avec les anciennes élites dirigeantes.

Par ailleurs, l’accès au rang de chef d’État des quatre colonels composant le Conseil présidentiel de la refondation pourrait fragiliser le passage au pouvoir civil et ouvrir la voie à une restauration prétorienne. Gageons que les prochaines assises militaires veilleront à une meilleure délimitation des frontières entre le politique et le militaire.

Quelles mesures seraient nécessaires pour répondre aux revendications qui ont poussé les citoyens à descendre dans la rue ?

La refondation, à travers les assises sectorielles, devrait s’atteler à mettre un terme à la bonne gouvernance “autoritaire” où le capitalisme de connivence se combine à un autoritarisme concurrentiel avec des élections non libres. Elle devra en outre :

  • restaurer la confiance envers les institutions et surtout la politique ;

  • assurer une meilleure inclusion des citoyens, avec une emphase sur les ruraux ; la définition d’un nouveau contrat social ;

  • établir une Constitution non partisane ;

  • fournir des services publics de qualité (l’adoption du budget national au cours de la session parlementaire actuelle et les aides bailleurs donneront une indication) ;

  • reconquérir la confiance des bailleurs en vue d’obtenir une aide budgétaire plus importante.

En définitive, la refondation devra garantir de manière effective la liberté et l’égalité des citoyens grâce au fonctionnement légitime et correct de ses institutions et mécanismes. Cela suppose une réinvention de l’État passant d’une réalité symbolique à un État “juste” et proche de la population reposant sur des valeurs partagées par la majorité des Malgaches en tant que socle du vivre-ensemble.

The Conversation

Juvence Ramasy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Madagascar : les clés d’une véritable refondation démocratique – https://theconversation.com/madagascar-les-cles-dune-veritable-refondation-democratique-267898

Katingan Dayak bronze bells: Traces of migration or local creative expression?

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Muhammad Rayhan Sudrajat, Ethnomusicologist & Lecturer, Universitas Katolik Parahyangan

The scent of tabalien wood (Eusideroxylon zwageri) and the laughter of children playing in the yard greeted me as I stepped into a wooden house in Tumbang Panggu, a remote village in Indonesia’s Central Kalimantan province.

The house owner, Pak Awim (Pak is an Indonesian honorific similar to “Mr”, used respectfully for older men), is a local villager. He is one of my informants during my 2019 study on the traditional musical instruments of the Dayak Katingan Awa people.

After offering me a seat, Pak Awim carefully pulled a small wooden box from the corner of the room. It looked simple enough, but the way he opened it — with deliberate care as if he adored it — suggested something fragile and deeply treasured lay inside.

He then lifted a dark, curved piece of metal. Its smooth bend resembles the body of a shrimp. “Neng neok takung undang, a musical instrument shaped like a shrimp’s tail,” he said softly, naming an instrument most villagers no longer recognised.

Pak Awim picked up a small wooden stick and gently tapped the side of the metal, closing its opening with his palm. The tone that followed was distinct, yet strangely familiar.

In Java, a similar instrument is known as kemanak: a pair of banana-shaped bronze bells commonly played in gamelan ensembles.

How kemanak is played in the royal gamelan of the Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat.

Unlike kemanak, though, the instrument used by the Dayak Katingan Awa people is not played in pairs but as a single piece. It is also performed using a different technique.

Its role is specific: it serves as a complement to the gong gandang ahung ensemble in the tiwah ritual, a Hindu-Kaharingan funeral ceremony.




Baca juga:
Tradisi Gandang Ahung suku Dayak: Tak hanya musik tapi juga cara hidup


This difference shows that the history of sound is never singular, nor confined to one place. It can emerge from evolving cultural encounters or from the creativity of local communities who, by coincidence, arrive at similar forms.

A Javanese origin?

The similarity raises a questios: did neng neok takung undang originate from Javanese kemanak?

Kemanak itself is often associated with a similar instrument in Africa. In the early 20th century, Dutch ethnomusicologist Jaap Kunst proposed that unique instruments like kemanak spread from Java to the continent through maritime migration, linking it to the split bells used by the Pangwe or Fang peoples in Central Africa. He also points to rock paintings in Brandberg, Namibia, that depicts figures carrying instruments resembling the Javanese kemanak.

A human figure believed to be holding a split-bell-shaped instrument (similar to a ‘kemanak’).
From Henri Breuil’s book ‘The White Lady of Brandberg, South-West Africa: Her Companions and Her Guards’.

However, judging the similarity of instruments by shape alone is not sufficient. Linguistic, archaeological, genetic, and trade-historical evidence would all be needed before concluding that a cultural migration of this scale took place.

Colonial history has further muddied the origins of this instrument. Many monumental African works — such as the architecture of Great Zimbabwe or ceremonial masks — were once attributed to foreign civilizations, reflecting the colonial belief that Africans were “incapable” of creating high cultural forms.

This kind of colonial narrative also crept into the world of music: when an instrument appeared “complex,” it was often assumed to have originated “elsewhere.”

So, did the kemanak from the Indonesian archipelago really spread all the way to Africa, or do the instruments on these two continents merely resemble each other by coincidence?

British researcher Roger Blench found that the “African kemanak” was actually a different instrument, known as pellet bells or slit-bells, each with its own local function.

Moreover, slit-bells are deeply rooted in many African cultures. From Ghana to the Congo, they serve different ritual, social, and musical functions.

What connects all of these instruments, from neng neok takung undang to African split bells, is not migration but a shared resonance — the human desire to summon spirit, time, and togetherness through the lingering sound of metal.

Traces of local distinction

The neng neok takung undang of the Katingan Awa people bears its own identity, distinct from both the Javanese kemanak and the African bell.

This instrument consists of a single piece rather than a pair, and is played in a distinctive way: by striking it and then covering its opening to modify the resonance. Its timbre is bright and penetrating, sharply contrasting with the deep tones of the large ahung gongs.

Within the gandang ahung ensemble, its presence is optional — sometimes included, sometimes not — often played alongside the flat tarai gong. Yet as it becomes increasingly rare, the neng neok takung undang is no longer used in gandang ahung performances.

In other words, the neng neok takung undang is not just a copy of the Javanese kemanak, let alone evidence of cultural migration across oceans. It arose from the sonic logic, ritual practice, and musical ecology of the Dayak Katingan Awa people themselves.

To regard it merely as an offshoot of the Javanese gamelan kemanak would be to overlook the creative ingenuity of the local community.

Wider collaboration needed

The resemblance between the neng neok takung undang and the kemanak has long intrigued researchers. How did communities in the Indonesian archipelago and Africa come to share such similarities — in history, form, structure, function, materials, playing technique, and even sound classification?

Rather than asking who borrowed from whom, the idea of an “African gamelan” invites deeper collaboration between scholars of Africa and Southeast Asia.

Just as the Sound of Borobudur interprets temple reliefs as sonic archives, the concept of an “African gamelan” could serve as a platform for comparing instruments, recordings, and stories — allowing us to rewrite the history of world music from a new perspective.

To test such assumptions, researchers could establish fairer ways of documenting instruments, languages, and histories — while local communities contribute photos, recordings, and stories to a shared archive.

This way, the idea of an “African gamelan” would move beyond claims of origin or authenticity, fostering a cross-continental dialogue based on mutual respect.

Through collaboration and shared documentation, we can begin to see that sound does not belong to any single nation; it is the product of humanity’s long encounter with nature, metal, and the meanings we give to what we hear.

The Conversation

Muhammad Rayhan Sudrajat tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

ref. Katingan Dayak bronze bells: Traces of migration or local creative expression? – https://theconversation.com/katingan-dayak-bronze-bells-traces-of-migration-or-local-creative-expression-268292

Federal budget: Mr. Prime Minister, child care is infrastructure too

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Gordon Cleveland, Associate Professor Emeritus, Economics, University of Toronto

Why is Prime Minister Mark Carney’s budget pressing the pause button on early learning and child care?

Carney believes he is “protecting” the $10-a-day child-care program — but with its substantial shortages and unsatisfied families, staying still means going backwards.

The budget says Carney will continue the child-care funding that was already committed before he became prime minister — around $8 billion per year that extends federal transfers to provinces and territories for five years, mostly for operating funding, but about $150 million per year for the next couple of years for capital. It also notes more than 900,000 children benefit from the $10-a-day program so far.

However, the Liberal electoral platform promised 100,000 new spaces by 2031 on top of the 250,000 already promised by 2026. It also promised good wages for early educators, expansion of child care in public infrastructure and linking child care with housing developments that receive federal funds. None of this gets so much as a mention in the budget.

The Liberal platform also said the $10-a-day child-care program “has become a core part of Canada’s social infrastructure. We cannot let it be taken away or weakened.” But that may be what is happening.

Access to high-quality care

The goal of the federal government’s early learning and child-care program was “to ensure that all families have access to high-quality, affordable and inclusive early learning and child care no matter where they live.”

Canada is still a long way from that goal. True, there are more than 900,000 children currently in licensed child care at drastically reduced fees compared to 2021, and that is a big accomplishment.

But according to my analysis of Statistics Canada data from the 2023 Canadian Survey on Early Learning and Child Care, when looking at the number of children on waiting lists for child care outside Québec, Canada needs about 278,000 more child-care spaces.

To take a different metric, if looking instead at the goal of providing spaces for 59 per cent of all children aged zero to five (written into a number of the federal-provincial child-care agreements), Canada would need about 384,000 more child-care spaces. Whichever way you look at it, Canada needs to invest a lot more in building child care to meet its goals.




Read more:
Staffing shortages risk Ontario’s $10-a-day child care


Prior to the budget, larger provinces were already complaining that existing federal funding levels are too low to support existing spaces, let alone additional expansion or higher wages.

Canada’s Auditor General has also found that fewer than half of the spaces promised over the first five years have been created.

Quality of expansion matters

This is a time of pivotal decisions for Canada in building its early learning and child-care system — and we should heed policy and outcome lessons from Québec.

The Parti Québecois launched Québec’s child-care program in 1997 and rapidly built up non-profit and family child-care capacity to provide $5-a-day child care to Québecers. But when Liberal Jean Charest became premier, there were only spaces for about 50 per cent of children and waiting lists were long.

Charest invited in the private sector by providing parents with a tax credit to fund their child-care spending. That allowed for-profit operators to enter the market and charge whatever fee the market would bear.




Read more:
Ottawa’s $10-a-day child care promise should heed Québec’s insights about balancing low fees with high quality


Child-care capacity grew quickly, because parents were desperate for a space. But as Québec’s Auditor General found, the quality and staffing of these new centres were very poor.

Relying on for-profit expansion

Profit-making and good quality child care don’t really go together; the federal program takes this into account. So far, the federal government has insisted that the expansion of child care should take place predominantly in the non-profit, public and family child-care sectors.

But it hasn’t provided enough capital support for non-profits, so some provinces want to emulate Charest and rely mostly on for-profit expansion.

According to the 2021 federal budget, $10-a-day early learning and child care is “a plan to drive economic growth, secure women’s place in the workforce, and give every Canadian child the same head start.” These objectives would seem to align quite well with Carney’s budget priorities.

Employment rates affected

Take mothers’ employment for instance. In Québec, more than 85 per cent of mothers with children are employed. In Canada as a whole, that number is 79.2 per cent.

If Canada moved up to Québec’s employment rate, there would be more than 220,000 additional women in the workforce, more money in families’ pockets and more tax money in federal and provincial coffers.




Read more:
Investment in child care yields countless social and economic returns


This is the same point Stephen Poloz, then the governor of the Bank of Canada, made back in 2018, arguing that if the rest of Canada mimicked Québec’s child-care system, it could raise Canada’s potential output by tens of billions of dollars per year.

Unlock loan program

What do I think Carney should do? If there isn’t enough funding for new agreements to be signed with provinces and territories, reduce the priority placed on continuing to lower fees for everyone.

The top priority right now should be improving access for those who are not yet served. Make capital money available for expanding non-profits.

Child-care expansion should be as high a priority for public capital investment as housing and other infrastructure. Unlock the $1 billion loan program promised in last year’s federal budget through Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation for non-profit child care.




Read more:
Canada-wide child care: It’s now less expensive, but finding it is more difficult


Manage waiting lists to make access more fair. Make sure low- and middle-income families gain access by ensuring them room on the waiting lists and making sure child-care subsidy systems are not cancelled. Encourage non-profit and public expansion on public lands. Encourage provinces and territories to at least match total federal dollars.

The prime minister should be inspired by the new mayor of New York City — universal child care is both popular and economically positive.

He needs to find some federal dollars for continued investment in early learning and child care.

The Conversation

Gordon Cleveland receives funding from SSHRC Partnership Grant “What is the Best Policy Mix for
Diverse Canadian Families with Young Children? Reimagining Childcare, Parental Leave, and Workplace Policies” Principal Researcher Andrea Doucet, Brock University.

Gordon Cleveland is a member of the National Advisory Council on Early Learning and Child Care, advisory body to Minister Patty Hajdu, Minister of Jobs and Families. This article does not reflect the opinions of the National Advisory Council.

ref. Federal budget: Mr. Prime Minister, child care is infrastructure too – https://theconversation.com/federal-budget-mr-prime-minister-child-care-is-infrastructure-too-269177

Los algoritmos adivinan cómo somos o cuánto ganamos solo con analizar nuestra foto

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Daniel Garcia Torres, Doctorando en Deporte y Salud, Universidad Miguel Hernández

Cuando subimos una foto a una red social, igual no nos imaginamos todo lo que los algoritmos pueden deducir de nosotros solo por esa imagen. Antoine Beauvillain / Unsplash., CC BY

Es una sensación familiar para cualquiera que use redes sociales: el asombro, a veces inquietante, de que una plataforma parezca conocernos mejor que nadie. Un vídeo recomendado que acierta de lleno, un anuncio que responde a una conversación reciente, un recuerdo que aparece en el momento justo… Atribuimos esta aparente magia a los algoritmos que, suponemos, aprenden de nuestras interacciones directas. Sin embargo, esta es solo la capa más superficial de un sistema mucho más complejo.

La verdadera capacidad de estos sistemas no reside en registrar nuestras acciones explícitas, sino en su habilidad para interpretar nuestra identidad a partir de los datos que compartimos, a menudo, de forma inconsciente. Un sencillo experimento con una sola fotografía personal revela hasta qué punto estos sistemas construyen perfiles psicológicos, ideológicos y económicos que van mucho más allá de lo que el usuario pretende comunicar.

De la visión por computador a la interpretación semántica

Cuando subimos una imagen a internet, no solo la ven otros usuarios: también la “leen” los sistemas de visión por computador, como la API de Google Vision que, según anuncia Google, “extrae información valiosa de imágenes, documentos y vídeos”. Estas tecnologías ya no se limitan a identificar objetos o rostros. Su alcance llega a la interpretación semántica: pueden deducir emociones, contextos culturales o rasgos de personalidad.

Herramientas como TheySeeYourPhotos, creada por un exingeniero de Google para denunciar este tipo de prácticas, permiten comprobarlo. Su objetivo es mostrar cuánta información personal y sensible puede inferirse a partir de una sola fotografía, utilizando la misma tecnología que emplean las grandes corporaciones.

El problema no está en que las máquinas reconozcan lo que ven, sino en que interpreten lo que creen que esa imagen dice sobre nosotros. Y ahí surge una pregunta clave: ¿están diseñadas para servir nuestros intereses o para explotar patrones de comportamiento que ni siquiera reconocemos?

Caso de estudio: el perfil inferido de una fotografía

Para explorar los límites de esta capacidad interpretativa, en la Universidad Miguel Hernández realizamos un experimento: analizamos una fotografía personal mediante la herramienta mencionada anteriormente. Los resultados que obtuvimos se pueden clasificar en dos niveles.

Análisis que la herramienta TheySeeYourPhotos hace sobre una de las fotos empleadas en este estudio.

El primer nivel es el del análisis descriptivo, mediante el que la IA identifica elementos visuales objetivos. En este caso, describió correctamente la escena principal (un joven junto a una barandilla y un monumento) y se aproximó a la localización geográfica. Este nivel, aunque propenso a errores fácticos (como estimar una edad algo diferente), se mantiene en el plano de lo esperable.

El segundo nivel, el del análisis inferencial, es el que resulta más revelador y problemático. A partir de la misma imagen, el sistema construyó un perfil detallado basado en patrones estadísticos y, previsiblemente, en sesgos algorítmicos:

  • Origen étnico (raza mediterránea) y nivel de ingresos estimado (entre 25 000 y 35 000 euros).
  • Rasgos de personalidad (tranquilo, introvertido) y aficiones (viajes, fitness, comida).
  • Orientación ideológica y religiosa (agnostico, partido demócrata).

El propósito de este perfilado exhaustivo es, en última instancia, la segmentación comercial. La plataforma sugirió anunciantes específicos (Duolingo, Airbnb) que tendrían una alta probabilidad de éxito con el perfil inferido. Lo relevante no es el grado de acierto, sino la demostración de que una sola imagen es suficiente para que una máquina construya una identidad compleja y procesable de un individuo.

Del perfilado a la influencia: el riesgo de la manipulación algorítmica

Si un algoritmo puede inferir nuestra ideología, ¿su objetivo es simplemente ofrecernos contenido afín o reforzar esa inclinación para volvernos más predecibles y rentables?

Esa es la frontera difusa entre personalización y manipulación. Meta, por ejemplo, ha experimentado con usuarios generados por inteligencia artificial, diseñados para interactuar con perfiles solitarios y aumentar su tiempo en la plataforma. Y si los sistemas pueden simular compañía, también pueden crear entornos informativos que guíen sutilmente opiniones y decisiones.

A ello se suma la falta de control real sobre nuestros datos. La multa récord de 1 200 millones de euros impuesta a Meta en 2023 por transferencias ilegales de información de Europa a EE. UU. demuestra que el cumplimiento normativo se convierte, para las grandes tecnológicas, en un cálculo de riesgo-beneficio, más que en un principio ético.

La conciencia crítica como herramienta de defensa

El resultado de este perfilado masivo es la consolidación de las “burbujas de filtro”, un concepto acuñado por Eli Pariser para describir cómo los algoritmos nos encierran en entornos informativos que refuerzan nuestras creencias. Así, cada usuario habita un mundo digital hecho a su medida, pero también más cerrado y polarizado.

Ser conscientes de que cada interacción digital alimenta este ciclo es el primer paso para mitigar sus efectos. Herramientas como TheySeeYourPhotos son valiosas porque revelan cómo se construye la ilusión de personalización que define nuestra experiencia en línea.

Por tanto, el feed de nuestras redes sociales no es un reflejo del mundo real, sino una construcción algorítmica diseñada para nosotros. Comprender esto es indispensable para proteger el pensamiento crítico y navegar de forma consciente en un entorno digital cada vez más complejo.

The Conversation

Las personas firmantes no son asalariadas, ni consultoras, ni poseen acciones, ni reciben financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y han declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado anteriormente.

ref. Los algoritmos adivinan cómo somos o cuánto ganamos solo con analizar nuestra foto – https://theconversation.com/los-algoritmos-adivinan-como-somos-o-cuanto-ganamos-solo-con-analizar-nuestra-foto-265994