The world’s great fish migrations are collapsing – that’s a problem for millions of people

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Zeb Hogan, Professor of Biology, University of Nevada, Reno

Mahseer swim in the Ramganga River, a major tributary of the Ganges River in South Asia. Zeb Hogan

Hidden beneath the surface of the world’s rivers, some of Earth’s great animal movements unfold – migrations that rival, in sheer biomass, the famous mass movements of zebra and wildebeest across the Serengeti.

For centuries, fish migrations were as predictable as the seasons. Salmon, sturgeon, giant catfish and many other species moved through rivers in vast numbers, guided by rising water, flood pulses and evolved biological cues.

These species are extraordinarily diverse, ranging from beluga sturgeon – massive fish that can live for more than a century and produce the world’s most prized caviar – to giant river carp, tropical eels, gold-flecked shad and goliath catfish, all of which travel to survive, in some cases over hundreds or even thousands of miles.

Their journeys can span continents. But the fish and their migrations are disappearing.

A man holds a very large fish underwater.
The author, Zeb Hogan, holds a goonch underwater in the Ramganga River in northern India. The giant catfish was tagged and released to study its migration.
Rob Taylor

For most migratory fish, movement is not optional; it is how they survive. When dams block routes, when fishing intensifies at migratory bottlenecks and when floodplains and spawning grounds are cut off or degraded, most migratory fish do not simply go somewhere else. They cannot. First the migration thins, then it falters. In some rivers, especially those blocked by dams, it disappears altogether.

A new global assessment I led for the March 2026 international meeting of parties to the Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals provides the clearest picture yet of this decline – and what’s needed to stop it.

My co-authors and I reviewed more than 15,000 species of freshwater fish, identified which of them migrate, and assessed their conservation status, or risk of extinction. We then focused on migratory species with declining populations and identified those where countries will have to work together to help them recover and thrive.

A huge fish underwater, lit by studio lights.
The giant barb (Catlocarpio siamensis) is Cambodia’s national fish. Its populations have fallen dramatically as they lose habitat and face overfishing.
Zeb Hogan

The results are sobering.

We identified 325 migratory freshwater fish species as candidates for coordinated international conservation actions under the Convention on Migratory Species treaty. Many of the largest species, the giants that make the longest and most dramatic journeys, are in the most trouble. Among migratory fish already listed under the Convention on Migratory Species, 97% are at risk of extinction. In Asia, populations of migratory freshwater megafish have declined by over 95% since 1970.

The disappearing giants of the Mekong

For the past 25 years, I have studied the world’s largest freshwater fish as a biologist at the University of Nevada, Reno; host of Nat Geo Wild’s Monster Fish documentary series; and the Convention on Migratory Species councilor for freshwater fish.

One of these extraordinary animals, the Mekong giant catfish, grows to more than 650 pounds. It once migrated hundreds of miles along the Mekong River, supporting fisheries and cultural traditions across the region. Today it is critically endangered because dams are blocking its route to spawning grounds and overfishing at migration bottlenecks is killing the large adults that the population depends on.

A man floats in water next to a very large fish.
This Mekong giant catfish was tagged and released as part of a long-term partnership between the Cambodian Fisheries Administration, scientists and local communities.
Zeb Hogan

In Cambodia, small migratory fish known as trey riel are so significant that they gave their name to the national currency. In South Asia, one migratory shad, the hilsa, is so culturally important that it is sometimes given as a wedding gift, wrapped in ornate cloth and adorned with flowers.

Migrations of these fish, like migrations of buffalo on the American plains once did, shape ecosystems, livelihoods and culture. In the Mekong Basin alone, fisheries produce over 2 million metric tons of food each year, helping to feed tens of millions of people. When these fish disappear, people suffer.

Long migrations under threat

Declines are unfolding in other great river systems as well.

In the Amazon, some of the largest catfish on Earth migrate across much of the continent. The dorado, or gilded catfish, can reach six and a half feet (2 meters) in length and complete a migration of more than 6,000 miles (10,000 kilometers) between Andean headwaters and coastal nurseries, the longest freshwater fish migration ever recorded.

At Teotônio Rapids between Bolivia and Brazil, fishers once hung from wooden scaffolding above turbulent waters to spear dorado as they surged upstream – until the rapids were flooded by new dams. Altered river flows, barriers and overfishing are increasingly disrupting these journeys, and dorado populations in upstream Bolivia have plummeted.

The epic journey of the dorado catfish.

Across the Northern Hemisphere, migratory fish such as salmon, sturgeon and shad have suffered major losses because rivers have been dammed and polluted, while many populations were heavily overfished.

In the Columbia River basin, dam construction transformed an immense river system into a series of dams and reservoirs and blocked fish from large parts of their historical range.

In South Asia, fish such as mahseer, goonch catfish and hilsa are also declining under pressure from dams, overharvesting, sand mining, pollution and habitat loss, even as they remain central to fisheries and river cultures across the Ganges, Brahmaputra and Indus basins.

Why migratory fish are struggling

Migratory freshwater fish depend on long, connected river corridors, often across multiple countries. Dams, habitat fragmentation, pollution, overfishing and climate-driven changes are breaking those connections. Once routes are cut, populations can collapse quickly.

This is increasingly an international problem. More than 250 rivers and lakes worldwide cross national borders, and about 47% of Earth’s land surface lies within shared river basins. Yet freshwater fish are still too often managed at a local or national scale, as if rivers and fish movements stop at political boundaries.

That is why international agreements matter. The Convention on Migratory Species is the only global treaty specifically designed to encourage countries to work together to conserve migratory animals.

a diver takes a photo of a very large, bottom-skimming fish.
Wallago catfish are in decline in the Mekong River Basin, largely because of overfishing and habitat loss.
Courtesy of Zeb Hogan

For freshwater fish, cooperation can begin with something as simple as countries sharing data and can extend to coordinated actions to reduce overharvesting, protect floodplains and spawning grounds, and keep rivers connected. The most fundamental solution is to manage rivers as connected ecological systems rather than as isolated national waterways.

Of the 325 species we identified as priorities, many could be considered for listing under the convention. Listing does not automatically save a fish, but it provides a mechanism to enable countries to coordinate monitoring, management and conservation across borders. That matters because freshwater fish remain underrepresented in international conservation policy, despite the scale of their decline.

We found that the river basins where international cooperation is now most urgently needed include the Amazon and La Plata-Paraná in South America, the Danube in Europe, the Mekong in Asia, the Nile in Africa and the Ganges-Brahmaputra in South Asia.

Hundreds of salmon swim in a river, inches from one another.
North America’s salmon are one example of fish whose migrations have been impeded by dams.
Roger Tabor/USFWS

How to bring back migratory fish

Restoring migratory fish populations means keeping healthy rivers free-flowing, reconnecting rivers fragmented by dams and channelization, improving fisheries management, protecting floodplains and wetlands, and restoring habitats that have been drained, cleared or isolated by development.

There are examples of success. In Washington state, dam removals on the Elwha and White Salmon rivers reopened habitat that had been inaccessible for migrating fish for about a century, allowing Chinook, coho, steelhead and lamprey to return.

Restoring salmon on the Elwha River in Washington state.

The world’s great fish migrations have not disappeared everywhere, but they are fading. This new assessment offers a clearer picture of where international cooperation is most urgently needed. It is up to humanity to protect these extraordinary aquatic animals, which support millions of people enrich their lives, and make the world a more wondrous place.

The Conversation

Zeb Hogan receives funding from private foundations, nonprofit organizations, and state and federal government grants. He is employed by the University of Nevada, Reno and serves in a volunteer capacity as the COP-appointed Councilor for Freshwater Fish for the Convention on Migratory Species.

ref. The world’s great fish migrations are collapsing – that’s a problem for millions of people – https://theconversation.com/the-worlds-great-fish-migrations-are-collapsing-thats-a-problem-for-millions-of-people-278970

Workplace relief is coming for employees with symptoms of menstruation, perimenopause and menopause in Philly

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Ann Juliano, Professor of Law, Villanova University

Accommodations might include brief, flexible breaks or temperature control to manage hot flashes. Disturbriana Media/E+ Collection via Getty Images

Imagine you’re a server at a busy restaurant that requires you to wear a form-fitting, polyester shirt as part of the uniform. When a hot flash hits, you are a sweaty mess. You really wish your employer would let you wear a cotton T-shirt instead.

If you live in Philadelphia, relief is on the way.

Beginning Jan. 1, 2027, the city of Philadelphia will prohibit discrimination on the basis of menstruation, perimenopause and menopause, and it will require employers to provide reasonable accommodations to employees for needs related to these conditions.

Perimenopause is the transitional period before menopause, marked by fluctuations in the hormones estrogen and progesterone. Menopause marks the end of the reproductive years, defined by not having a period for 12 consecutive months.

Both life stages are having a moment.

Social media is rife with influencers and life coaches selling supplements to relieve night sweats, clear brain fog and sustain libido. Many encourage strength training, walking with weighted vests, hormone replacement therapy and creatine, a compound that works to add muscle mass.

As a law professor at Villanova University, I teach and write about employment law and gender discrimination. I often focus on solutions to real-world problems for women and girls in the workplace.

Recently, I’ve taken up strength training, protein shakes and needlepoint. I’m clearly leaning into my identity as a woman over 50.

I believe the Philadelphia ordinance is a model for other cities and states to provide relief for workers suffering from symptoms of hormonal cycles and changes while balancing the needs of employers.

Woman lifts yellow shirt and reveals patch on stomach area
Low-dose estrogen patches have gained popularity as more people learn about the symptoms of perimenopause and menopause.
miodrag ignjatovic/E+ Collection via Getty Images

Following Rhode Island’s lead

Women’s health advocates have brought attention to the lack of training for medical professionals on the issues girls and women face resulting from menstruation, perimenopause and menopause.

In 2022, for example, a national survey of 145 OB-GYN residency program directors found that fewer than one-third of programs included curriculum on menopause. This is despite the fact that every single woman, if she lives long enough, will go through it.

While some progress has been made in the medical field, there has been even less when it comes to workplace protections.

To address this gap, in July 2025 Rhode Island became the first state to prohibit discrimination on the basis of menopause. Rhode Island also requires employers to provide reasonable accommodations to employees experiencing menopause-related symptoms.

The Philadelphia City Council said: “Hold my weighted vest.”

In December 2025, the council amended the Philadelphia Code to prohibit discrimination on the basis of menstruation, perimenopause and menopause. For example, if an employer fires an employee because of heavy menstrual bleeding resulting in leaking, that would violate the new law.

In addition, the City Council amended Section 9-1128, which requires employers to provide reasonable accommodations for needs related to pregnancy, childbirth or a related medical condition. That list now also includes “symptoms of menstruation, perimenopause or menopause” – provided the employee requests the accommodation and it does not cause an undue hardship for the employer.

Experts in medicine and public health and described the physical and emotional symptoms women and girls may face during these life stages. These symptoms include abdominal or pelvic cramping, fatigue, mood changes, headaches, irregular menstrual cycles, hot flashes, sleep disturbances and cognitive changes.

One expert noted that 23% of women who are experiencing perimenopause have symptoms severe enough to “.”

Employers will not have to accommodate every symptom, only those that “substantially interfere with an employee’s ability to perform one or more job functions.” Although the new ordinance does not define “susbtantially interfere,” the intent is to require accommodations when a worker cannot perform some part of her job – for instance, if period pain is so high that a retail worker cannot stand for their shift, or if hot flashes prevent a food service worker from staying in the kitchen.

Clear and explicit protections

In light of existing antidiscrimination laws, why is such a targeted law necessary?

Federal, state and local laws already prohibit employers in Philadelphia from discriminating because of sex. They also require employers with 15 or more employees to provide reasonable accommodations for pregnancy, childbirth and related medical conditions.

Federal, state and local laws also prohibit employers from discriminating against people with disabilities and require reasonable accommodations to allow them to perform the essential functions of the job.

But menopause and menstruation protections do not clearly fall within these protections.

There are a few cases across the country in which an employee successfully challenged their firing for a condition related to menstruation. But other employees have lost cases under federal law when courts ruled that menstruation is not covered by the Pregnancy Discrimination Act or Pregnant Workers Fairness Act.

Further, people seeking protection under the Americans with Disabilities Act for menstruation complications such as endometriosis, which occurs when tissue grows outside of the uterus and often causes severe pain during menstrual cycles, face an uphill battle. Instead of requiring employees who experience these sorts of symptoms to fit their cases into other statutes, Philadelphia’s new ordinance makes protection clear and explicit.

Reasonable accommodations

During a hearing on the proposed legislation, council member Nina Ahmad, who introduced the bill, noted that the accommodations envisioned are not costly. She and other council members gave : access to bathrooms and drinking water, brief flexible breaks, breathable uniforms, temperature control to manage hot flashes, fans or ventilation, ability to layer clothing, stocked period products and brief scheduling flexibility.

The type of accommodations necessary will change depending on the employee’s industry. Many women who experience symptoms already can decide what they wear to work, when they take a bathroom break and maybe even whether to work remotely. However, for workers in retail and service, or other workplaces with strict break policies, the ability to request a bathroom break or to drink water during a shift could significantly ease symptoms.

Just as the accommodations required will differ by job and industry, the employer’s ability to demonstrate undue hardship will also differ. Under the Philadelphia Code, undue hardship is an individualized assessment that considers such factors as the cost of the accommodations, the size of the workforce and the employer’s financial resources.

The devil is in the details, of course, but come January 2027, relief should be on the way for workers who are just trying to do their jobs while suffering from symptoms caused by menstruation, perimenopause and menopause.

Read more of our stories about Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, or sign up for our Philadelphia newsletter on Substack.

The Conversation

Ann Juliano does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Workplace relief is coming for employees with symptoms of menstruation, perimenopause and menopause in Philly – https://theconversation.com/workplace-relief-is-coming-for-employees-with-symptoms-of-menstruation-perimenopause-and-menopause-in-philly-275189

‘Vas Madness’ shows the power of messaging on men’s contraceptive decisions

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Jenna Vinson, Associate Professor of English, UMass Lowell

Urologists market vasectomies to their clients during March Madness, when they can watch the basketball tournament while recovering from the procedure. Lew Robertson/Stone via Getty Images

Bracket-busting upsets, Cinderella stories, OT buzzer beaters – March Madness is here! Or, as some urologists think of it, vasectomy promotion season.

Since 2004, urologists have been promoting vasectomies every March, promising patients who elect the procedure an excellent excuse to relax on the couch and watch college basketball.

There’s evidence that these “Vas Madness” promotional tactics – sometimes paired with food giveaways and cheeky swag – may be effective. At least one study has noted an increase in vasectomy rates in the U.S. during the month of March.

This spike in vasectomies illustrates how communication about this procedure – and its perceived relation to manhood – can make a substantive shift in public acceptance of contraceptive sterilization for men.

I am a scholar of rhetoric and gender studies, and I have been studying the language around vasectomies for years. In my forthcoming book, “Stop Saying Snip! The Rhetoric of Vasectomy,” which will be published in April 2026, I show that communication plays a significant role in prompting people to welcome, seek or avoid vasectomies. In fact, I’ve found that language about fertility and communication about contraception greatly influence all decision-making around preventing pregnancy, particularly who should bear the burden of it.

Local news coverage of Vas Madness illustrates how people think about the procedure.

Gendered communication about contraception

For my book, I interviewed 17 people who rely on vasectomies to prevent pregnancies, and I asked them how they learned what a vasectomy was. Few knew for certain, and most did not remember at all.

This makes sense when you consider that information about this procedure is not routinely delivered to anyone. I have found that knowledge about vasectomies is not guaranteed to be covered through sex education in school, during annual doctor visits, through insurance coverage that encourages preventive health practices, or even in discussions with family and friends.

Rather, the rhetoric around preventing pregnancy places the onus of contraception on women. Throughout their lives, women receive messages from partners, parents, friends and medical providers that prompt them to think about their fertility and to take on the responsibility to manage that fertility. These messages subtly communicate that this is the most natural  or  normal way to prevent pregnancies.

In contrast, men do not often get this message that they should think about their fertility and take on the responsibility to manage that fertility. For example, men are rarely prompted to explain what they are doing to prevent pregnancies. One military father of two whom I interviewed for my book said that his primary care physician never discussed birth control with him at checkups. Yet each time his wife had a baby, her doctors would inquire whether she wanted to undergo tubal ligation, the sterilization procedure in which the fallopian tubes are cut.

Rhetoric, including questions providers do or don’t ask, plays a role in the unbalanced sterilization rates among men and women. According to a 2024 Kaiser Family Foundation survey, 25% of the women surveyed were sterilized, in contrast to just 11% of the men. And according to data from the National Survey of Family Growth, in 2022-2023, 6.8% of men age 18 to 49 had vasectomies, whereas during the same time period, 11.5% of women age 15 to 49 using contraception underwent sterilization.

In fact, female sterilization is the leading method of contraception used in the U.S., even though it is riskier and less cost-efficient than vasectomy.

A woman and man react with shock to the instructions for her birth control pills.
Rhetoric about contraception puts the responsibility for managing fertility on women.
Prostock Studio/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Manhood in the English language of fertility

The very language that English speakers use to refer to men’s fertility can conflate reproductive capacity with a positive vision of being a man. This makes acceptance of vasectomy quite tricky.

In medical articles, men’s reproductive capacity is discussed as “fertility.” But more colloquially, English speakers often use very different terms, such as “potency” and “virility.”

Potency comes from the Latin word potentia, meaning “power.” In English, potency refers to “power,” the “ability to affect something,” “authority” and “influence.” It also refers to the “ability to achieve erection or ejaculation in sexual intercourse,” to which the Oxford English Dictionary adds, “Also: fertility (of a male or female).” I have yet to encounter literature or messaging involving a potent woman — other than, perhaps, to refer to her scent.

Men who can reproduce may also be referred to as “virile,” from the Latin vir, meaning “man”. This inscribes a sense of “manhood” into language about men’s fertility: The Oxford English Dictionary defines virility as “mature or fully developed manhood or masculine force,” and “the power of procreation; capacity for sexual intercourse.”

The multiple meanings of these words help to explain the misconception that vasectomy, in curtailing fertility, threatens a man’s ability to influence others, access power and perform sexually. In this way, rhetoric around men’s fertility can interfere with broad acceptance of vasectomy.

After all, undergoing a vasectomy does require a willingness to be vulnerable. It involves talking to a medical expert about your sexual and reproductive desires, allowing medical staff to see and touch your otherwise private parts, and following another’s orders for what to do. This includes returning to the doctor’s office with semen to be analyzed in order to determine if the procedure was a success – a step many men skip.

And vasectomy is a surgical procedure, so it also means facing some risk of harm, albeit small.

Taken altogether, undergoing a vasectomy means behaving in a way that may feel in direct opposition to dominant cultural understandings of being “a man” – someone potent, virile and always in control.

Broadening communication about vasectomies

“Vas Madness” promotional tactics are one of the few public campaigns about the procedure. Yet even after the “madness” is all said and done, women still tend to do the brunt of pregnancy prevention work, consuming pills, implanting intrauterine devices, receiving injections and undergoing tubal ligation surgery, while managing all the doctor’s appointments and side effects those methods entail.

In conducting my research, I found that women’s efforts to give their partners information about vasectomies and to share the burdens they bear in managing fertility are an important driving force in many men’s decisions to have the procedure.

One 35-year-old man I spoke with had been relying on his partner to use birth control methods to prevent pregnancy, including an IUD placement that went wrong and then a contraceptive implant. After research and discussion, they decided on a vasectomy to prevent pregnancies moving forward. The man told me that his partner is “very informed about medical things.” He continued: “Any sort of trepidation I had about it, it was very easy to talk to her about it and be like, ‘OK, this really isn’t that big of a deal at all.’”

But communication from more sources, beyond seasonal urologist campaigns and the individual efforts of romantic partners, could help inspire more people to see vasectomies as a normal, needed and helpful procedure to prevent pregnancy.

In the meantime, reproductive labor continues to be, overwhelmingly, women’s work.

The Conversation

Jenna Vinson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. ‘Vas Madness’ shows the power of messaging on men’s contraceptive decisions – https://theconversation.com/vas-madness-shows-the-power-of-messaging-on-mens-contraceptive-decisions-278296

What an ancient devotional text means for the women of Nepal

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Jessica Vantine Birkenholtz, Associate Professor of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies and Asian Studies, Penn State

Nepalese women participate in the ‘Swasthani Vrata Katha’ ritual. Jessica Vantine Birkenholtz, CC BY-SA

I first heard the popular “Swasthani Vrata Katha” – a devotional text – recited in Sankhu, a village on the outskirts of Nepal’s Kathmandu Valley, some 25 years ago.

The text tells the story, or “katha,” of the ritual vow, or “vrata,” that women devotees perform to earn the favor of Swasthani, a local Nepali Hindu goddess.

Every day during the cold lunar month of January-February, 100 to 200 Hindu women, dressed all in red, carry out a ritual that requires them to bathe in the local river, eat only one meal per day, remain singularly focused and worship the Hindu god Shiva at midday. In the evening, they recite the devotional text or listen to it being recited.

Several women draped in red or white cloth bathe in the river, while men dressed in white also take part in the ritual dip.
Women taking a ritual bath.
Jessica Vantine Birkenholtz, CC BY-SA

This practice dates to the 16th century and continues today. Nepali families gather daily at their home or at a relative’s home to recite one of the 31 chapters of the text. The recitation is done even if no one in the family is participating in the ritual vow. Most devotees observe only a two-day ritual vow at the end of the month’s recitation, but some women perform the ritual vow for the whole month.

At the end of the month, devotees prepare a series of offerings to Swasthani for the concluding ritual. These include ritually specific cooked foods, fruit and flowers. After the ritual offerings are blessed by Swasthani, devotees give a portion to their husband. If there is no husband, then to their son. If there is no son, then to the son of a friend.

I have joined many families in their homes during my archival and ethnographic work over the past two decades. Like many Nepalis, I listened patiently to the Swasthani’s stories while waiting eagerly for the sweet treats that were given at the end of the nightly recitation.

As a scholar of gender and Hinduism in Nepal, I am aware of two readings of the text in Nepal: Some see it reinforcing patriarchal expectations, while many women find strength through the enduring hardships and perseverance of its female characters.

Stories in the text

The Swasthani text has a prominent place in Nepali culture. It is the only locally written work of Hindu literature that is actively read by lay Nepali Hindus. It is their primary source for key Hindu myths.

The first two-thirds of the text explain the creation of the universe and recount the most widely known myths associated with the supreme god Shiva. These are stories familiar to most Hindus.

For Nepalis, it is the last third of the text that is especially meaningful. Here, the focus shifts to the local and relatable stories of three mortals – Goma, Navaraj and Chandravati – and their devotion to the local Nepali Hindu goddess Swasthani.

Goma is married as a 7-year-old to a decrepit 70-year-old man. She dutifully endures marriage, motherhood and, too soon thereafter, widowhood. Her son, Navaraj, is obedient and dutiful. In contrast, his wife, Chandravati, is selfish as a daughter-in-law and disrespects Swasthani, leading to enormous misery for her.

Ultimately, all three experience social and economic transformation through devotion to Swasthani, which culminates in the crowning of Navaraj as a king and Chandravati and Goma becoming queen and queen mother, respectively.

Faithful wives – human and divine

Through its female characters, mortal and divine alike, the text highlights a woman’s principal role and identity as a faithful wife.

In addition to the pious, persevering Goma and flawed Chandravati in the mortal realm, in the divine realm there are the goddesses Sati and her reincarnation as Parvati. Both are known mainly for being devoted wives of Shiva. There are also wives of other lesser gods, semidivine beings and demons. They share in common unwavering devotion to their husbands but also regular subjection to the whims of their husbands or the gods.

Most notable of these other wives is Vrinda, the chaste wife of the demon Jalandhar. It is Vrinda’s chastity that protects her husband and prevents him from being killed by the gods for his brazen effort to seduce Shiva’s wife, Parvati.

To make Jalandhar vulnerable, the god Vishnu assumes Jalandhar’s form and debauches Vrinda. Her husband is immediately killed, and Vrinda is widowed through no fault of her own. She consequently commits sati, or self-immolation, on her husband’s funeral pyre – but curses Vishnu before doing so.

Patriarchy in Nepal

I have observed that in Nepal’s patriarchal culture, many women find strength in Goma’s plight and endurance. But that many Nepali feminists and youths question the treatment of women throughout the text.

Most Nepali women cannot inherit property and do not have equal citizenship rights. Child marriage remains a pervasive practice across Nepal and often results in girls dropping out of school to take on household responsibilities. According to the United Nations, one in three girls are married off before turning 18. Despite updates in Nepal’s 2015 constitution designed to remove gender discrimination, there remains a significant gap between the law and everyday lived experiences.

Marriage in Nepal is widely seen as “a woman’s destiny” and often gives the husband and his family “full authority to rule over a woman,” explains Luna KC, a scholar of global and international studies and gender studies. It is customary practice in Nepal and across South Asia for married couples to reside with the husband’s parents. As anthropologist Lynn Bennett and other researchers have demonstrated, this can be traumatic for the bride, who must leave her family and support system.

These dynamics play out in the Swasthani text and in current debates about its role in contemporary Nepali society.

Critics argue that the stories instill and normalize antiquated ideas and practices that reinforce gender inequality and impede women’s full participation in society and access to equal rights. “Our child marriage is based on this type of story,” according to a gender and human rights advocate I interviewed.

Rameshwori Pant, an independent researcher and journalist, echoes this when she describes how Goma’s story “haunted” her as a child because Pant’s own mother had also been married at age 7.

Finding hope in the text

Two pages of a book smudged with red.
A handwritten Swasthani Vrata Katha manuscript that dates to 1922 and is discolored from being worshipped with red vermillion by devotees.
Jessica Vantine Birkenholtz, CC BY-SA

Families often have centuries-old handwritten Swasthani manuscripts that are now family heirlooms. Increasingly, many also have a newly store-bought version. With their distinctive red wraparound cover, stacks of the printed Swasthani text stand out at local bookshops leading up to the annual recitation.

For many Nepali women, the Swasthani stories they learned as young girls linger and endure into their adulthood in complicated ways. As an adult, Pant was moved to write about the sociological, economic and gender aspects of the Swasthani practice. She asks, “Why is there violence against women and gender discrimination in a story written to celebrate women?”

Through my formal interviews and informal conversations over the years with Nepali women and devotees, it is also clear that many women find fortitude in the text’s description of familiar trials the women and goddesses face.

From this perspective, the Swasthani stories teach women that through perseverance, their hardships turn into triumphs and women’s suffering turns into strength. Goma is regularly invoked in popular discourse for her determination as a dutiful child bride, wife and mother who persists in the face of repeated adversity and ongoing lack of resources. These are the daily realities for many Nepali women living in a patriarchal society.

So while the text may not advocate for women’s social, economic or legal autonomy, it still offers encouragement: For some women, it provides a road map for working through life’s difficulties. This, too, can be empowering.

As a Nepali female lawyer explained to me: “The stories of the Swasthani have different life lessons to follow and apply. Just as the Buddha suffered and in the end found enlightenment, so, too, the Swasthani characters suffered but in the end found happiness.”

Staying power in modern times

Multiple stacks of red-covered books placed next to one another.
Swasthani books for sale.
Jessica Vantine Birkenholtz, CC BY-SA

I see and value both sides of the debates. They reflect the varied experiences, perspectives and concerns among Nepal’s diverse population. They also reflect the challenges of translating ancient and medieval beliefs and practices in the modern period.

What is striking is the text’s staying power. Its stories are centuries old – yet they are recited by many Nepalis every winter, even as the daily recitation now competes with many modern distractions, such as smartphones and social media.

The text remains an important piece of local Nepali heritage and culture. It offers a window into Nepal’s past, while also prompting reflections on Nepali values for the future.

The Conversation

Jessica Vantine Birkenholtz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What an ancient devotional text means for the women of Nepal – https://theconversation.com/what-an-ancient-devotional-text-means-for-the-women-of-nepal-273901

Un accès inégal aux soins dentaires malgré la réforme qui plafonne les prix des couronnes et autres prothèses

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Marion Bruna, Chercheuse post-doctorante en économie, Université de Montpellier

La réforme dite du « 100 % santé » ou « reste à charge zéro » appliquée aux soins dentaires vise à améliorer l’accès aux soins plus coûteux (couronnes, dentiers, bridges…). Mais l’analyse montre, à l’inverse, que cette réforme risque de renforcer les inégalités de prise en charge, car elle exclut celles et ceux qui n’ont pas de « mutuelles », mais aussi du fait des spécificités d’exercice des chirurgiens-dentistes (zones sous-dotées en praticiens, tarifs fixés librement…).


Les soins dentaires font partie des soins les plus souvent concernés par le renoncement aux soins, c’est-à-dire le fait de ne pas recourir aux services de soins que son état de santé rend nécessaires. Ce constat est fait à travers toute l’Europe, où les soins dentaires sont en général peu couverts par le régime public d’assurance santé. Dans l’ensemble des pays de l’OCDE, moins d’un tiers des dépenses dentaires sont prises en charge par le régime public et, dans certains cas, comme en Grèce, le système public de santé ne prend en charge aucun frais dentaire.

En France, il a été estimé que les soins dentaires représentaient quasiment la moitié des renoncements aux soins pour raisons financières. La réforme du « 100 % santé » doit répondre à cette problématique. Concernant les soins dentaires, la réforme « 100 % santé » plafonne les prix des prothèses (couronnes dentaires, bridges, dentiers), en contrepartie d’une revalorisation des soins buccodentaires fréquents (traitement des caries, détartrage, etc.).

Mais son fonctionnement repose sur les assurances santé privées (c’est-à-dire les complémentaires santé, communément appelée « mutuelles » même si elles ne relèvent pas toutes du Code de la mutualité, ndlr) et sur les pratiques des chirurgiens-dentistes, ce qui peut limiter son efficacité dans l’accès aux soins buccodentaires.

Soins conservateurs versus pose de prothèses dentaires

La principale spécificité des soins dentaires est la dualité qui caractérise ces soins, entre les soins conservateurs, qui soignent la dent en conservant au maximum les tissus dentaires (détartrage, dévitalisation…) et les soins prothétiques, qui correspondent à la fabrication et la mise en place d’une prothèse.

La convention dentaire de 2018 met en lumière un déséquilibre dans la pratique des soins dentaires, largement influencé par un modèle économique favorisant les soins prothétiques. Ce système s’est accompagné d’une augmentation des dépassements d’honoraires de plus de 66 % sur ces actes au cours des dix dernières années, ce qui contribue à un reste à charge élevé pour les patients. Cette structuration de tarifs conduit les praticiens à choisir des stratégies thérapeutiques plus orientées vers les soins prothétiques que vers les soins conservateurs qui sont moins rémunérateurs.

L’autre spécificité qui caractérise les soins dentaires vient du fait que l’immense majorité des chirurgiens-dentistes exercent une activité libérale (83,2 % des praticiens en 2024). Le revenu des chirurgiens-dentistes en libéral est basé sur un système de paiement à l’acte et dépend donc directement de leur activité (nombre d’actes réalisés).

Toutefois, comme les chirurgiens-dentistes peuvent mettre en place des dépassements d’honoraires selon le type de soins qu’ils fournissent, leur revenu dépend aussi de la composition de leur activité et de leur stratégie tarifaire. En 2018, alors que les soins prothétiques correspondaient à 10 % des actes pratiqués par les chirurgiens-dentistes, selon les calculs de la Drees, ils représentaient deux tiers de leurs honoraires.

Le « 100 % santé » dentaire pâtit de l’inégale répartition de la profession

C’est le système sur lequel a souhaité revenir la convention dentaire de 2018, qui fixe les tarifs applicables aux soins dentaires au terme d’une négociation entre l’Assurance maladie et les organisations professionnelles représentatives des chirurgiens-dentistes. Elle repose sur une double logique : d’une part, le plafonnement des tarifs des soins prothétiques pour limiter le dépassement et, d’autre part, la revalorisation des soins conservateurs (traitement des caries, détartrage, etc.).

En parallèle, la réforme du « 100 % santé » a créé, pour certains postes de soins particulièrement coûteux, dont les soins dentaires prothétiques (couronnes, prothèses amovibles couramment appelées dentiers, etc.), un panier de soins garantis sans dépassement d’honoraires et accessibles à tous, sous conditions.

Cette approche a contribué à limiter le renoncement aux soins dentaires pour raisons financières. Mais elle se heurte à la structuration de l’activité des chirurgiens-dentistes, qui sont essentiellement installés en libéral (ce qui signifie qu’ils fixent librement leurs tarifs), et à leur inégale répartition géographique, d’où résultent des zones avec une faible densité médicale. En effet, dans les zones très sous-dotées en chirurgiens-dentistes, le risque qu’une personne avec de faibles revenus renonce à des soins (de tous types, dentaires ou autres) est 23 fois plus élevé que pour une personne n’ayant pas de faibles revenus.

Si les travaux existants autour de l’accessibilité aux soins selon la zone géographique portent principalement sur les médecins généralistes, ce sujet constitue une véritable préoccupation concernant les chirurgiens-dentistes. Le ministère de la santé a ainsi établi un zonage des chirurgiens-dentistes qui indique que 70,8 % des communes et arrondissements français sont très sous-dotés en chirurgiens-dentistes et que seulement 3 % d’entre eux sont des zones très dotées en chirurgiens-dentistes (chiffres pour l’année 2024).

Depuis 2015, des dispositifs incitatifs mis en place par l’Assurance maladie visent à favoriser l’installation des dentistes en centre de santé dans les zones très sous-dotées. Néanmoins, les premières dynamiques d’installation ont pu contribuer à façonner une géographie de l’offre de soins qui se perpétue malgré des politiques incitatives récentes.

La liberté tarifaire des chirurgiens-dentistes reste garantie

La mise en œuvre du « 100 % santé » se heurte aussi à une profession dotée d’un fort pouvoir de marché, c’est-à-dire avec une forte capacité à influencer les prix, ainsi qu’à des marges de manœuvre dans la mise en œuvre des dispositions qu’ils doivent appliquer. Ils ont, par exemple, la possibilité de refuser d’appliquer le « 100 % santé » et leur liberté tarifaire reste garantie.

Les chirurgiens-dentistes fournissent un soin dans une relation marquée par une asymétrie de l’information : le dentiste dispose de plus d’informations que le patient sur les soins nécessaires et les différentes options possibles.




À lire aussi :
Sur quelles recommandations un dentiste s’appuie-t-il pour prescrire, ou non, des antibiotiques ?


Cette relation peut conduire, dans certains cas, notamment dans un contexte où la santé buccodentaire s’améliore, comme c’est le cas en Norvège, à des phénomènes de demande induite, c’est-à-dire à la proposition de soins plus nombreux que nécessaire.

La montée en puissance des « mutuelles »

L’autre limite de la réforme du « 100 % santé » est que son approche repose intégralement sur la mobilisation du financement par la complémentaire santé (la « mutuelle », ndlr). Cela suppose que le patient est couvert par une complémentaire santé, condition de fonctionnement du dispositif. L’accès à une complémentaire santé reste alors central dans le recours aux soins dentaires.

Alors qu’en France, l’Assurance maladie obligatoire est le principal financeur des tarifs publics fixes, ces derniers restent néanmoins largement inférieurs aux prix réellement pratiqués par les dentistes, en particulier pour les prothèses dentaires. Le rôle de l’Assurance maladie se voit donc contraint par un pouvoir de régulation limité, au profit des logiques de marché pour la pose d’une couronne dentaire ou d’un dentier.

Couronnes, dentiers, bridges : que remboursent la « Sécu » et la « mutuelle » ?

  • L’Assurance maladie obligatoire (la « Sécu ») offre le même montant de remboursement pour toutes et tous, sur la base des « tarifs Sécu » qu’elle a fixés. Or ceux-ci sont parfois décorrélés des tarifs réellement pratiqués par les dentistes, en particulier pour les couronnes, les dentiers et les bridges.
  • La « mutuelle » complète la part de la dépense prise en charge par l’Assurance maladie obligatoire, mais les montants qu’elle rembourse varient selon les contrats.

En 2019, le reste à charge des ménages sur les prothèses dentaires représentaient 36,8 % de la consommation de ce soin. Les « mutuelles » (qui correspondent à des assurances santé privées) interviennent comme financeurs indispensables pour les remboursements de soins dentaires. Elles permettent une prise en charge qui varie d’une personne à l’autre, selon le contrat souscrit. En effet, le niveau de remboursement de soins coûteux, comme les prothèses dentaires, est étroitement lié à la qualité du contrat, ce qui a pour effet de renforcer des inégalités structurelles d’accès aux soins buccodentaires.

Le « 100 % santé » apparaît ainsi comme une étape supplémentaire de la privatisation du financement des soins, en rendant indispensable l’existence d’une complémentaire santé pour éviter tout renoncement aux soins.

Ces réformes successives se traduisent progressivement par une augmentation des prix des complémentaires santé. Elles contribuent également à exclure une partie de la population, dépourvue de « mutuelles » ou d’une complémentaire santé solidaire, des dispositifs d’accès aux soins. Soit 2,5 millions de Français en 2019, selon l’Institut de recherche et documentation en économie de la santé (Irdes).

L’analyse de cette réforme tend ainsi à montrer que son caractère inclusif dans l’accès aux soins dentaires pourrait être davantage porteur d’inégalités « par construction » du fait, d’une part, des enjeux plus complexes, comme la manière dont les praticiens adaptent leurs activités en fonction des nouvelles incitations économiques, et, d’autre part, du recours indispensable à une assurance santé privée.


Cet article s’appuie sur des travaux de recherche réalisés dans le cadre du projet « L’égalité de l’accès aux soins dentaires dans la réforme « 100 % Santé » – 100T-Dent » qui a bénéficié du soutien de l’Agence nationale de la recherche (ANR), qui finance en France la recherche sur projets. L’ANR a pour mission de soutenir et de promouvoir le développement de recherches fondamentales et finalisées dans toutes les disciplines, et de renforcer le dialogue entre science et société. Pour en savoir plus, consultez le site de l’ANR.

The Conversation

Les recherches ayant contribué à cet article ont été financées dans le cadre du projet ANR « 100 T dents ».

ref. Un accès inégal aux soins dentaires malgré la réforme qui plafonne les prix des couronnes et autres prothèses – https://theconversation.com/un-acces-inegal-aux-soins-dentaires-malgre-la-reforme-qui-plafonne-les-prix-des-couronnes-et-autres-protheses-278742

Guerre en Ukraine : comment la Russie recrute et exploite des migrants africains

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Thierry Vircoulon, Coordinateur de l’Observatoire pour l’Afrique centrale et australe de l’Institut Français des Relations Internationales, membre du Groupe de Recherche sur l’Eugénisme et le Racisme, Université Paris Cité

Le premier Africain officiellement mort sur le front russo-ukrainien était un jeune zambien tué en septembre 2022. Il était en prison en Russie et avait rejoint les rangs de l’organisation paramilitaire russe, le Groupe Wagner (devenu Africa Corps), en échange d’une amnistie. Depuis lors, plusieurs études récentes ont mis en lumière le recrutement d’Africains et d’Africaines par la Russie.

Dans une récente étude, j’ai constaté que, loin de refléter des aventures picaresques modernes ou des engagements individuels pro-russes, ces recrutements s’inscrivent dans le cadre d’une politique d’exploitation des migrants conçue et pilotée par les autorités russes.

Qui sont les recrutés ?

Les autorités russes recrutent deux catégories de personnes :

  • de jeunes femmes âgées de 18 à 22 ans, sans formation professionnelle spécifique pour travailler dans la zone économique spéciale d’Alabuga, au Tatarstan;

  • des hommes sans condition d’âge et de compétences professionnelles qui servent dans les rangs de l’armée russe.

Les premières se voient proposer des formations professionnelles gratuites pour des métiers civils avec procédure rapide de délivrance de visa. Elles candidatent auprès d’organismes officiels dans leur pays (Maisons Russie, ambassades de Russie, etc.) pour entrer dans ce qui est présenté comme un programme de formation professionnelle mais qui est, en réalité, au service du complexe militaro-industriel russe.

Les seconds répondent généralement à des offres d’emplois civils en Russie avec des salaires attractifs, souvent accompagnés de perspectives d’installation durable.

Qu’il s’agisse des hommes ou des femmes, la majorité des recrutés sont dupés par des offres d’emplois et de formation trompeuses.

Les formations professionnelles promises aboutissent très souvent à assembler des drones dans une usine d’Alabuga, tandis que les emplois promis aboutissent à endosser l’uniforme de l’armée russe. Seule une minorité d’hommes sont attirés par les campagnes de recrutement de l’armée russe sur certains réseaux sociaux et s’engagent en toute connaissance de cause. Ce sont souvent des militaires ou des policiers qui désertent.

Pour tous les autres, la recherche d’opportunités professionnelles et d’une meilleure vie dans un pays développé se transforme en implication directe ou indirecte dans une guerre en Europe.

Qui sont les recruteurs ?

Les recruteurs de Moscou forment une nébuleuse hétérogène aux profils variés. On y trouve des paramilitaires russes en Afrique, des Africains émigrés en Russie, des influenceurs africains, des associations de russophiles, des agences africaines spécialisées dans l’émigration de travail et des passeurs clandestins.

Cas exceptionnel pour l’instant, un parti politique aurait aussi joué le rôle de sergent recruteur pour l’armée russe. En Afrique du Sud, le parti d’opposition MK de l’ancien président Jacob Zuma a envoyé, pendant l’été 2025, 17 de ses militants suivre une soi-disant formation de garde du corps en Russie. Ceux-ci ont tous fini dans les rangs de l’armée russe.

Dans les pays où il est implanté (Centrafrique, Burkina Faso, Niger, Mali, etc.), le groupe paramilitaire Africa Corps (l’ex-Wagner Group d’Evgueni Prigojine) a aussi recruté des Africains pour aller combattre en Ukraine. Dans ces pays, il peut recruter très aisément car il coopère avec les armées nationales et parfois aussi avec certaines milices.

Parmi les Africains recruteurs de Moscou, plusieurs profils se dégagent :

  • les anciens formés dans ce qui était alors l’Union des républiques socialistes soviétiques (URSS) et qui étaient souvent des membres de l’appareil sécuritaire;

  • des adultes trop jeunes pour avoir connu l’URSS mais attirés par le discours anti-occidental du régime poutinien et souvent membres d’organisations affiliées aux BRICS;

  • et de purs opportunistes qui en profitent pour gagner de l’argent.

Fait particulier, en Afrique du Sud, les réseaux de recrutement mis à jour semblent organisés par des femmes : une journaliste de la radio nationale sud-africaine, la députée fille de l’ex-président Jacob Zuma et une femme d’affaires.

Quel est le rôle de la corruption dans le recrutement ?

La corruption intervient à chaque étape du recrutement. Des agences de travail à l’étranger ou des intermédiaires qui arrangent les rendez-vous à l’ambassade de Russie se font payer par les candidats au départ. Quand ils sont stoppés par la police des frontières à l’aéroport, certaines recrues parviennent à « acheter » leur embarquement.

Une fois en Russie, ils ne touchent pas le salaire promis dont une partie serait empochée par leurs officiers. Après le décès de certains, leurs familles ont reçu des messages leur proposant de rapatrier le corps du défunt contre de l’argent.

Qu’arrive-t-il aux hommes en Russie ?

Une fois arrivés en Russie, ils sont pris en charge dès l’aéroport par des militaires. Après vérification de leur identité, même s’ils viennent pour un emploi civil, on leur impose de s’engager dans l’armée. Piégés dans un pays dont ils ne comprennent pas la langue, ils signent un contrat avec le ministère de la Défense et reçoivent une formation militaire sommaire de deux à trois semaines.

Puis, ils sont envoyés dans des unités de combat où beaucoup font, pour la première fois, l’expérience de la guerre. Souvent maltraités dans une armée connue pour sa violence, ils n’ont aucune possibilité de recours et sont utilisés pour les missions les plus dangereuses, voire des missions suicides (par exemple, servir de cibles humaines afin de détecter les positions de l’ennemi et les bombarder).

Pourquoi recruter à l’étranger ?

D’après des estimations américaines, les pertes russes depuis le début du conflit s’élèveraient à 1,3 million de personnes. Pour tenter de compenser ces pertes, les autorités russes ont d’abord recruté parmi les communautés étrangères en Russie.

Elles ont rendu possible l’engagement d’étrangers dans l’armée puis elles l’ont rendu obligatoire en 2025 pour tous les étrangers voulant résider en Russie ou être naturalisés. Mais ce pool de recrutement se tarissant, elles ont décidé de recourir aux migrants.

Recruter des migrants comme combattants permet aux autorités russes de disposer d’une main d’œuvre à bas coût et qui ne compte pas. Ces soldats de fortune coûtent bien moins cher que leurs homologues russes qui sont mieux payés, sont indemnisés en cas de handicap et dont les familles touchent des compensations financières importantes en cas de décès. Le coût des soldats pour le budget russe a donc considérablement augmenté depuis le début du conflit.

En outre, les mercenaires amateurs étrangers sont des soldats jetables. Après avoir utilisé des délinquants recrutés dans les prisons au début de la guerre comme chair à canon, l’armée russe recourt désormais à des étrangers dont la disparition ne gênera personne en Russie et dont les familles ne seront pas indemnisées.

Les migrants constituent donc un réservoir de main-d’œuvre parfait pour une guerre très consommatrice de vies humaines. Pour l’armée russe, il ne s’agit pas de recruter des professionnels de la guerre mais de la chair à canon. Loin d’être limitée au continent africain, cette politique semble globale et particulièrement efficace dans les pays pauvres ayant une grande tradition d’émigration.

De ce fait, plusieurs gouvernements du sous-continent indien ont demandé à la Russie de mettre un terme à cette politique.

Quelle est la réaction des gouvernements africains ?

Silencieux depuis le début de la guerre, des gouvernements africains ont commencé à prendre ce problème au sérieux à cause du scandale des blessés de guerre. Les premières révélations publiques sur les recrutements russes ont eu lieu au Kenya et au Ghana où des familles dont les membres ont disparu en Russie ont informé les médias. C’est surtout le sort des blessés de guerre qui demandaient à être rapatriés de Russie qui a ému l’opinion publique et contraint les autorités de ces pays à :

  • exiger le rapatriement de leurs citoyens;

  • enquêter sur les réseaux de recrutement;

  • prévenir leurs citoyens contre les offres d’emplois en Russie.

Les autorités kenyanes ont ainsi découvert qu’environ 1000 citoyens avaient été recrutés par l’armée russe et ont demandé à Moscou de mettre fin à cette pratique. Elles ont arrêté un groupe de migrants prêts à partir en Russie et enquêtent sur les agences d’émigration qu’elles qualifient de « rogue agencies ».

Certaines d’entre elles ont disparu après les révélations publiques de leur rôle dans le recrutement. Leurs responsables sont introuvables et leurs locaux fermés. Les autorités sud-africaines ont suivi l’exemple du Kenya après le scandale des 17 militants de MK révélé à la fin de 2025. Deux personnalités publiques (l’ex-députée Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla et la présentatrice Nonkululeko Patricia Mantula) sont inculpées et vont être jugées cette année.

Les autorités du Nigeria, du Botswana et du Ghana ont aussi demandé à Moscou de cesser cette pratique. Les pays d’Afrique francophone restent pour le moment silencieux, bien que la présence de leurs concitoyens dans l’armée russe soit confirmée.

Quelle est la réaction des autorités russes ?

Après avoir initialement nié ces recrutements, les autorités russes ont rapatrié quelques recrues du Kenya et d’Afrique du Sud. Elles ont préféré se dédire plutôt que de susciter des tensions diplomatiques avec ces pays. Ces premiers rapatriements sont donc une victoire pour les gouvernements kenyan et sud-africain qui ont encore beaucoup d’autres citoyens à récupérer.

A cette fin, le ministre des Affaires étrangères du Kenya s’est d’ailleurs rendu à Moscou en mars. Prises en flagrant délit de recrutement et consciente de l’image négative de ces scandales, les autorités russes auraient décidé de ne plus recruter dans certains pays, dont le Kenya.

The Conversation

Thierry Vircoulon receives funding from the French Institute for International Affairs.

ref. Guerre en Ukraine : comment la Russie recrute et exploite des migrants africains – https://theconversation.com/guerre-en-ukraine-comment-la-russie-recrute-et-exploite-des-migrants-africains-278344

We’re asking the wrong questions about women’s athletic performance

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kurt Michael Downes, PhD Candidate, Kinesiology, University of Windsor

In 1992, an article in Nature asked, “Will women soon outrun men?” The question was sparked by a series of remarkable performances by women, including Florence Griffith-Joyner’s 100-metre world record in 1988.

At the time, women’s performances were improving faster than men’s, prompting speculation that the gap might eventually close in endurance events, and then possibly the sprints.

More than three decades later, the answer is clearer. Prior to puberty, boys and girls perform similarly, but the hormonal surge at adolescence sets in motion a lasting gap in speed, strength and endurance. Women have continued to narrow the gap, but a sizeable difference still remains. Even when talent, training and effort are equal, biology still sets upper limits of performance.

But does this really matter? Women’s sport does not need to be compared to men’s sport in order for it to be considered elite or credible. It can stand on its own. Maybe the real question is not how close the gap is between men and women but instead whether we are providing women with the training and resources to maximize their potential.

Puberty changes everything

Prior to puberty, boys and girls are similar from a performance perspective. Girls often keep pace or outperform boys, with similar race times, jump height and endurance capacities. Once puberty enters the equation, the balance shifts.

In boys, testosterone surges well above that of females at any age, driving gains in muscle, bone, heart size, lung capacity and hemoglobin — an iron-rich protein in blood cells that transports oxygen from the lungs to body tissues, including working muscles, which plays a major role in sports and is especially important in endurance events.

These traits boost speed, power and endurance capabilities.

On the other hand, girls experience spikes in estrogen and progesterone during puberty. These hormones are essential for reproductive health and are associated with higher body fat and wider pelvic structure, which in turn could alter athletic performance.

By the late teens, and importantly after the start of puberty, the divide is obvious. Men outperform women by 10 to 30 per cent across the majority of athletic events not because of differences in dedication or effort, but because physiology has set different athletic ceilings.

Biology sets the boundaries

Expanded investment, higher salaries, greater participation opportunities, stronger advocacy, the growth of professional leagues and improved coaching and training have benefited some sports like women’s football (soccer) over the last few decades. Recent developments, such as the new WNBA collective bargaining agreement that includes salary expansion and revenue sharing reflect a shift in momentum towards an increasing value in women’s sport.

Nonetheless, once training conditions become comparable at the elite level, the performance gap does not disappear — it stabilizes. Despite similar coaching, facilities and sports science support, a consistent performance divide remains because after puberty, muscle size, lung capacity and hemoglobin set a baseline that training cannot erase.

None of this diminishes the extraordinary sporting achievements of female athletes.

Exceptions to the rule? Where women excel

There are events in which women outperform men, and these cases are telling. In ultra-events and cold-water swims, women have occasionally won outright, likely as a result of greater fat metabolism, better pacing and higher tolerance for prolonged discomfort. These traits matter less in explosive events but can be decisive in prolonged endurance or sustained output activities.

Also, performance includes aspects of sport — like skill, tactics, and strategy — that are difficult to compare. The elements are a reminder that the performance gap shifts with context, rather than being finite.

Alternative questions

Acknowledging these differences does not diminish women’s achievements. Instead, it protects the principle of fair competition that women’s sport was created to uphold. Fairness, however, is not the same as equity.

The majority of women’s sport still receives less funding, media coverage and scientific investment, there are gender-specific barriers to sport and physical activity participation, and there are major gaps in understanding how female-specific physiology such as menstrual cycles, contraceptives and pregnancy affect performance and recovery.

These are realities that coaching practice and sport policy are only beginning to tackle. And this leads to an alternative question: when will the coaching/administration gap close?

This question is put forward in the face of continued disparities in the number of female coaches and administrators across most sports, a fact noted at the most recent Winter Olympic games.

Similarly, when will the training gap close? Along with sex differences in physiology, coaches and athletes acknowledge differences in coach-athlete relationships, injury risk and other aspects of health, yet training often continues to draw on sport science literature and sport programming historically based on male participants.

Anecdotally, after presenting on these topics to a group of high-performance coaches, several described seeing these differences in practice and expressed frustration that the research base remains too limited to guide them in sex-specific, evidence-based training practices. Nonetheless, expanding this research, as well as increasing the representation of women in sport leadership and administration, would be a step forward in creating change.

Will female athletes ever compete with males in the most physically demanding sports? Maybe, maybe not. But is this the right question?

Women’s sport does not need to mirror men’s to matter. Its value stems from fair competition and athletic achievement. It has earned the right to visibility, respect and investment — both financially and through research — to best allow all of our aspiring athletes to maximize their full potential.

The Conversation

Kurt Michael Downes receives funding from the Coaching Association of Ontario (CAO). He is the President and Head Coach the Border City Athletics Club (not-for-profit) and is a member on the boards of Inclusion in Canadian Sports Network (not-for-profit), Family Fuse (not-for-profit) and Resilient Kids Canada (not-for-profit).

Kevin Milne does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. We’re asking the wrong questions about women’s athletic performance – https://theconversation.com/were-asking-the-wrong-questions-about-womens-athletic-performance-270264

Psychological toll of betrayal trauma may help explain why women kept silent for decades after alleged abuse by civil rights icon Cesar Chavez

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Anne P. DePrince, Professor of Psychology, University of Denver

Cesar Chavez became a national hero for his advocacy of farmworkers’ rights. Here he gives a talk at Boston University in April 1979. Ted Dully/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

Multiple women told The New York Times that Mexican American civil rights hero Cesar Chavez assaulted them decades ago, including when some were just girls, one as young as 13. Over their multiyear investigation, published on March 18, 2026, journalists at the paper found “extensive evidence” of that abuse by poring over historical records and conducting interviews with more than 60 people.

While yearslong investigations into abuse allegations are rare, silence about abuse is common.

As a clinical psychologist who studies interpersonal trauma, I’ve seen how the dynamics of abuse can lead to silence, even over decades.

This research can help answer the question many asked when they heard about the charges against Chavez: Why didn’t the women speak earlier?

Power and trust betrayed

Among the women who disclosed abuse by Chavez, Dolores Huerta described seeing him “as my boss, as my hero, as, you know, somebody that would do the impossible.” Debra Rojas said, “I had love for him … He did his grooming very well.”

When perpetrators abuse those who trust and depend on them, the betrayal adds to the harm of trauma. Betrayal trauma theory helps explain why.

A woman with dark hair and a red dress and hat looking at a large mural of a man with brown hair.
United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta looks at a mural of the late Cesar Chavez on the San Jose State University campus in San Jose, Calif., on Sept. 4, 2008.
AP Photo/Paul Sakuma, File

Victims who depend on the people abusing them face extraordinary pressure to minimize what is happening. Disclosure can mean losing relationships or resources that are necessary for survival. Children abused by caregivers or community leaders risk relationships that they need to get their basic needs met. Adults who disclose abuse or harassment by employers risk losing their jobs and economic security.

Adding to the harm of abuse, perpetrators commonly twist reality to keep victims silent. They might directly instruct victims not to tell others what happened. They might also tell victims that they are actually the ones to blame for causing the abuse or that no one will believe them.

Victims must adapt to this untenable situation in which they depend on the very people causing harm.

For some people, betrayal results in dissociation symptoms and memory impairment for what happened. Dissociation is a common response to traumatic stress that can include amnesia, feelings that things are unreal or feeling disconnected from what is happening. Dissociation and memory impairment can help victims maintain necessary attachments in the short run.

Betrayal also contributes to more shame and self-blame, as well as more severe psychological and physical health problems.

Shame and self-blame can make it harder to disclose what happened. Not surprising, then, victims of high-betrayal traumas are less likely to disclose what happened relative to other kinds of traumas.

When betrayal-trauma survivors do speak up, delayed disclosures can be met with blame or disbelief, even from health providers. Survivors with more severe psychological symptoms are also met with more negative reactions to their disclosures.

Betrayal also makes escaping abusive relationships, including physically violent ones, difficult. Greater dependence on the perpetrator has been linked with a greater likelihood of staying with an abusive partner a year after a police report of domestic violence.

Cultural and institutional betrayal add to harm

Women told The New York Times that they stayed silent about their abuse, which for some began when they were girls, in part “for fear of tarnishing the image of a man who has become the face of the Latino civil rights movement.”

When people in marginalized groups are abused by someone from the same group, that constitutes an additional wound. Dr. Jennifer Gómez described this as “cultural betrayal trauma.”

With cultural betrayal trauma comes even greater pressure to stay silent as well as greater harm from the abuse.

When institutions such as churches, schools or unions fail to stop abuse or respond appropriately, that institutional betrayal can also add to the harm caused by the original abuse. In turn, institutional betrayal predicts greater dissociation and health problems, adding to the burden of abuse.

Anticipating disbelief and blame

Ana Murguia told The New York Times that she believed she would be blamed for the abuse.

Huerta, who was one of three co-founders, along with Chavez, of what ultimately became the United Farm Workers union, told the newspaper that she “feared that no one within the union would believe her.”

Anticipating disbelief and blame affects decisions to disclose. When researchers asked college women who were sexually victimized at some point in their lives why they kept what happened to themselves, they heard four common reasons. Women kept assaults private because they felt shame, guilt or embarrassment, minimized what happened, feared consequences of disclosing or wanted privacy.

Fears about negative reactions are unfortunately well founded. Research shows that when victims do disclose, victim blaming and other negative reactions are common. In turn, those negative social reactions add to psychological distress and the harm of abuse.

Connection and courage: Antidotes to betrayal

In the wake of the harm that betrayal trauma causes, healing is possible through connection and care.

Research shows that people can learn to respond in better ways to disclosures of abuse, such as connecting people to resources and expressing empathy. In addition, institutions that act with courage in the wake of abuse, such as by making it easy to report or taking actions to prevent future abuse, can help reduce harm to survivors.

Screenshot of an Instagram post about how a foundation honoring Dolores Huerta 'applauds her bravery in sharing her very personal story.'
Screenshot of an Instagram post by the Dolores Huerta Foundation in the wake of her revelations of abuse by Cesar Chavez.
Dolores Huerta Foundation Instagram

When survivors disclose, avoiding blame, disbelief and other negative reactions can minimize additional harm. Taking steps to offer emotional support and resources can even help open doors.

That’s what my research team found when we asked sexual assault survivors about the reactions they received from service providers, such as counselors or victim advocates. When survivors received more tangible support, they were more likely to later disclose what happened in a formal report to the police.

The Conversation

Anne P. DePrince has received funding from the Department of Justice, National Institutes of Health, State of Colorado, and University of Denver. She has received honoraria for giving presentations and has been paid as a consultant. She has a book with Oxford University Press. She is an Advisory Group Member of the National Crime Victim Law Institute and a Senior Advisor to the Center for Institutional Courage.

ref. Psychological toll of betrayal trauma may help explain why women kept silent for decades after alleged abuse by civil rights icon Cesar Chavez – https://theconversation.com/psychological-toll-of-betrayal-trauma-may-help-explain-why-women-kept-silent-for-decades-after-alleged-abuse-by-civil-rights-icon-cesar-chavez-278950

Psychological toll of betrayal trauma may help explain why women kept silent for decades after their allegations of abuse against civil rights icon Cesar Chavez

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Anne P. DePrince, Professor of Psychology, University of Denver

Cesar Chavez became a national hero for his advocacy of farmworkers’ rights. Here he gives a talk at Boston University in April 1979. Ted Dully/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

Multiple women told The New York Times that Mexican American civil rights hero Cesar Chavez assaulted them decades ago, including when some were just girls, one as young as 13. Over their multiyear investigation, published on March 18, 2026, journalists at the paper found “extensive evidence” of that abuse by poring over historical records and conducting interviews with more than 60 people.

While yearslong investigations into abuse allegations are rare, silence about abuse is common.

As a clinical psychologist who studies interpersonal trauma, I’ve seen how the dynamics of abuse can lead to silence, even over decades.

This research can help answer the question many asked when they heard about the charges against Chavez: Why didn’t the women speak earlier?

Power and trust betrayed

Among the women who disclosed abuse by Chavez, Dolores Huerta described seeing him “as my boss, as my hero, as, you know, somebody that would do the impossible.” Debra Rojas said, “I had love for him … He did his grooming very well.”

When perpetrators abuse those who trust and depend on them, the betrayal adds to the harm of trauma. Betrayal trauma theory helps explain why.

A woman with dark hair and a red dress and hat looking at a large mural of a man with brown hair.
United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta looks at a mural of the late Cesar Chavez on the San Jose State University campus in San Jose, Calif., on Sept. 4, 2008.
AP Photo/Paul Sakuma, File

Victims who depend on the people abusing them face extraordinary pressure to minimize what is happening. Disclosure can mean losing relationships or resources that are necessary for survival. Children abused by caregivers or community leaders risk relationships that they need to get their basic needs met. Adults who disclose abuse or harassment by employers risk losing their jobs and economic security.

Adding to the harm of abuse, perpetrators commonly twist reality to keep victims silent. They might directly instruct victims not to tell others what happened. They might also tell victims that they are actually the ones to blame for causing the abuse or that no one will believe them.

Victims must adapt to this untenable situation in which they depend on the very people causing harm.

For some people, betrayal results in dissociation symptoms and memory impairment for what happened. Dissociation is a common response to traumatic stress that can include amnesia, feelings that things are unreal or feeling disconnected from what is happening. Dissociation and memory impairment can help victims maintain necessary attachments in the short run.

Betrayal also contributes to more shame and self-blame, as well as more severe psychological and physical health problems.

Shame and self-blame can make it harder to disclose what happened. Not surprising, then, victims of high-betrayal traumas are less likely to disclose what happened relative to other kinds of traumas.

When betrayal-trauma survivors do speak up, delayed disclosures can be met with blame or disbelief, even from health providers. Survivors with more severe psychological symptoms are also met with more negative reactions to their disclosures.

Betrayal also makes escaping abusive relationships, including physically violent ones, difficult. Greater dependence on the perpetrator has been linked with a greater likelihood of staying with an abusive partner a year after a police report of domestic violence.

Cultural and institutional betrayal add to harm

Women told The New York Times that they stayed silent about their abuse, which for some began when they were girls, in part “for fear of tarnishing the image of a man who has become the face of the Latino civil rights movement.”

When people in marginalized groups are abused by someone from the same group, that constitutes an additional wound. Dr. Jennifer Gómez described this as “cultural betrayal trauma.”

With cultural betrayal trauma comes even greater pressure to stay silent as well as greater harm from the abuse.

When institutions such as churches, schools or unions fail to stop abuse or respond appropriately, that institutional betrayal can also add to the harm caused by the original abuse. In turn, institutional betrayal predicts greater dissociation and health problems, adding to the burden of abuse.

Anticipating disbelief and blame

Ana Murguia told The New York Times that she believed she would be blamed for the abuse.

Huerta, who was one of three co-founders, along with Chavez, of what ultimately became the United Farm Workers union, told the newspaper that she “feared that no one within the union would believe her.”

Anticipating disbelief and blame affects decisions to disclose. When researchers asked college women who were sexually victimized at some point in their lives why they kept what happened to themselves, they heard four common reasons. Women kept assaults private because they felt shame, guilt or embarrassment, minimized what happened, feared consequences of disclosing or wanted privacy.

Fears about negative reactions are unfortunately well founded. Research shows that when victims do disclose, victim blaming and other negative reactions are common. In turn, those negative social reactions add to psychological distress and the harm of abuse.

Connection and courage: Antidotes to betrayal

In the wake of the harm that betrayal trauma causes, healing is possible through connection and care.

Research shows that people can learn to respond in better ways to disclosures of abuse, such as connecting people to resources and expressing empathy. In addition, institutions that act with courage in the wake of abuse, such as by making it easy to report or taking actions to prevent future abuse, can help reduce harm to survivors.

Screenshot of an Instagram post about how a foundation honoring Dolores Huerta 'applauds her bravery in sharing her very personal story.'
Screenshot of an Instagram post by the Dolores Huerta Foundation in the wake of her revelations of abuse by Cesar Chavez.
Dolores Huerta Foundation Instagram

When survivors disclose, avoiding blame, disbelief and other negative reactions can minimize additional harm. Taking steps to offer emotional support and resources can even help open doors.

That’s what my research team found when we asked sexual assault survivors about the reactions they received from service providers, such as counselors or victim advocates. When survivors received more tangible support, they were more likely to later disclose what happened in a formal report to the police.

The Conversation

Anne P. DePrince has received funding from the Department of Justice, National Institutes of Health, State of Colorado, and University of Denver. She has received honoraria for giving presentations and has been paid as a consultant. She has a book with Oxford University Press. She is an Advisory Group Member of the National Crime Victim Law Institute and a Senior Advisor to the Center for Institutional Courage.

ref. Psychological toll of betrayal trauma may help explain why women kept silent for decades after their allegations of abuse against civil rights icon Cesar Chavez – https://theconversation.com/psychological-toll-of-betrayal-trauma-may-help-explain-why-women-kept-silent-for-decades-after-their-allegations-of-abuse-against-civil-rights-icon-cesar-chavez-278950

¿Por qué a los jóvenes les cuesta ahorrar? Una explicación desde el tiempo y la cultura económica

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Miguel Ángel Ruiz Reina, Profesor de Economía Aplicada, Universidad de Málaga

Krakenimages.com/Shutterstock

Hablar de ahorro entre los jóvenes profesionales suele conducir a un diagnóstico inmediato: salarios bajos, precariedad laboral y vivienda inaccesible. Estos factores son relevantes, pero no suficientes. La investigación económica muestra que el ahorro no depende solo de los ingresos sino también de cómo una sociedad organiza su relación con el tiempo. En otras palabras, ahorrar es una decisión que conecta el presente con el futuro.




Leer más:
Los jóvenes españoles cuestionan la meritocracia: “El ascensor social se ha roto”


El ahorro y el tiempo: corto, medio y largo plazo

Desde la teoría económica, ahorrar significa renunciar a consumo presente para obtener bienestar futuro. Es una decisión intertemporal. La economía del comportamiento ha demostrado que las personas tienden a dar más peso al corto plazo que al largo, incluso cuando esto perjudica su bienestar futuro.

Este sesgo se intensifica en entornos dominados por la inmediatez. El consumo constante de información, entretenimiento y recompensas rápidas dificulta pensar en horizontes largos. Cuando el corto plazo domina, el ahorro pierde atractivo y la inversión se percibe como algo lejano o inaccesible.

La ruptura del marco tradicional de ahorro

En muchos países, esta dificultad se ha visto reforzada por un cambio estructural. Durante décadas, el ahorro estuvo ligado casi exclusivamente a la vivienda en propiedad. Comprar una casa era una forma de planificar el futuro y de transmitir estabilidad entre generaciones.

Cuando esta vía dejó de ser accesible para muchos jóvenes, no fue sustituida por una cultura alternativa de ahorro financiero. A ello se suma la escasa presencia de educación financiera en el sistema educativo y una entrada tardía y precaria en el mercado laboral. En este contexto, planificar a medio y largo plazo resulta complicado.




Leer más:
Los retos del empleo juvenil en España


No se trata de una falta de esfuerzo individual, sino de la ausencia de instituciones y aprendizajes sociales que faciliten decisiones financieras sostenidas en el tiempo.

Ahorro e inversión: una relación macroeconómica clave

Desde el punto de vista macroeconómico, el ahorro y la inversión están estrechamente relacionados. Cuando se observa una economía en su conjunto, a posteriori, el ahorro agregado y la inversión agregada terminan siendo iguales. Esta identidad contable no implica que todos los individuos ahorren o inviertan igual, pero sí subraya una idea central: no puede haber inversión sostenida sin una base previa de ahorro.

Cuando el ahorro interno es débil, la inversión depende del endeudamiento externo o de mecanismos financieros que aumentan la vulnerabilidad económica. Por eso, la dificultad para ahorrar no es solo un problema individual, sino también un reto estructural para el crecimiento y la estabilidad.

Cultura y transmisión intergeneracional del largo plazo

Las diferencias en ahorro entre países y grupos sociales no dependen solo del nivel de renta, sino también de normas culturales transmitidas entre generaciones.

La cultura china ha sido analizada como un ejemplo de sociedad con fuerte énfasis en el ahorro y la planificación intergeneracional, lo que se refleja en tasas de ahorro elevadas, incluso en periodos de rápido crecimiento. El elemento común es considerar el futuro como parte del presente.




Leer más:
Paradojas económicas: ahorro familiar y crecimiento empresarial en China


Estrategia, incertidumbre y decisiones económicas

Pensar en horizontes largos no significa renunciar al presente. Significa reducir la vulnerabilidad frente a la incertidumbre. Esta idea aparece también en textos clásicos como El arte de la guerra, de Sun Tzu (s. V a.e.c.), donde la anticipación y la preparación se presentan como claves del éxito frente a la improvisación.

En economía cotidiana comprender conceptos como el interés compuesto es fundamental. Este mecanismo favorece el ahorro cuando se aplica al capital acumulado, pero actúa en sentido contrario cuando se trata de deuda. El desconocimiento de este efecto contribuye a decisiones financieras perjudiciales, especialmente entre los jóvenes.

Instituciones, educación e inteligencia artificial

La reconstrucción de una cultura del ahorro no puede recaer únicamente en decisiones individuales. Requiere la implicación de instituciones públicas y privadas que generen entornos favorables a la planificación financiera.

La educación financiera temprana, el diseño de incentivos adecuados y el uso responsable de nuevas tecnologías pueden desempeñar un papel clave. Ya se utilizan herramientas basadas en IA para ayudar a planificar el ahorro, reducir errores conductuales y personalizar decisiones financieras. Su impacto dependerá de cómo se integren en marcos educativos y regulatorios sólidos.

Ahorrar como aprendizaje social

El problema del ahorro entre los jóvenes no se resolverá solo con mejores salarios o productos financieros más sofisticados. La evidencia sugiere que el ahorro es un comportamiento aprendido, reforzado por la familia, la educación y las instituciones. En una sociedad dominada por el corto plazo, recuperar el valor del tiempo es una condición necesaria para mejorar el bienestar económico futuro.

The Conversation

Miguel Ángel Ruiz Reina no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. ¿Por qué a los jóvenes les cuesta ahorrar? Una explicación desde el tiempo y la cultura económica – https://theconversation.com/por-que-a-los-jovenes-les-cuesta-ahorrar-una-explicacion-desde-el-tiempo-y-la-cultura-economica-273847