Why without value sharing, there is no social justice

Source: The Conversation – France – By Huysentruyt Marieke, Professeur Associé, Directrice Académique de l’Impact Company Lab, HEC Paris Business School

Value-sharing schemes play an active role in both building and eroding social justice in the workplace. Our report takes a closer look at corporate profit-sharing mechanisms.

Tying in with World Day of Social Justice (February 20, 2026), our report “Value Sharing Mechanisms: From Optional to Indispensable?” examined the main mechanisms through which companies share value. Businesses play a central role in either strengthening or eroding social justice.

On World Day of Social Justice, we tend to assume that justice primarily depends on laws, institutions, and major political decisions. Yet an increasing share of contemporary injustice is created or corrected much closer to home: in the way companies choose to share the value they generate.

In OECD countries, the share of labour income in national income has been declining in favour of capital owners. According to a report by the International Labour Organization (ILO), globally (including OECD countries), this share has fallen by 1.6 percentage points since 2004, reaching 52.3% in 2024. This represents a $2.4 trillion shortfall for workers in that year alone.

Income inequality and even more so wealth inequality has widened. Top earners continue to pull ahead while lower-income groups see their conditions deteriorate.

The World Inequality Report 2026 indicates that in 2025 the richest 10% captured 53% of total income (compared with 8% for the poorest 50%). In terms of wealth, the imbalance is even greater: the richest 10% hold 75% of global wealth, compared with just 2% for the poorest half of the population.

In France, the poverty rate has reached a record 15.4%, illustrating the gradual erosion of social cohesion driven by these macroeconomic trends.

In this context, value-sharing mechanisms within companies, profit-sharing schemes, shareholding, training, well-being programmes, and more democratic governance are becoming essential levers of social justice.

This raises a fundamental question: even if a company can retain most of the value it creates, should it and with whom should that value be shared?

The risk of conflict and reputational damage

The report which we conducted with Nil Aydin, 2024 HEC Paris graduate, highlights the troubling consequences of failing to share value.

It reviews controversial cases involving globally recognised companies such as Amazon, Walmart, McDonald’s, Uber, and Tesla, which have been criticised for low wages, unsafe working conditions, or reliance on precarious employment arrangements that deprive workers of basic social security cover.

These are not one-off communication crises. They reveal a structural pattern: when labour is treated merely as a cost to be minimised and employees are forced to absorb shocks such as inflation or rising productivity pressures alone, companies expose themselves to social conflict, reputational risk, and regulatory backlash.

Research cited in the report shows that replacing disengaged employees can cost up to 150% of an annual salary. By contrast, approaches based on value sharing, which strengthen loyalty and engagement, help stabilise the workforce and overall performance.

What may initially appear to be an “economic” strategy, compressing wages and benefits quickly becomes costly when strikes, litigation, and consumer boycotts follow.

Ten times more wealth for employee shareholders

Value sharing relies on a growing set of tools that organisations around the world are beginning to adopt.

First, this can take the form of profit-sharing schemes, which allocate a portion of company results to employees, either through bonuses or retirement savings contributions. Studies conducted in the United States show that such mechanisms are associated with productivity gains of 3.5% to 5%, particularly in small businesses – demonstrating that sharing the pie can also make it grow.

Secondly, employee ownership, particularly through Employee Stock Ownership Plans (ESOPs). These mechanisms allow employees to become co-owners of their companies. According to research cited in our report, in the United States employees nearing retirement in ESOP companies hold, on average, ten times more wealth than those in comparable firms without employee ownership. These companies are also three to five times less likely to lay off workers during economic downturns.

Thirdly, non-monetary mechanisms. Skills development, wellbeing and recognition initiatives are powerful – and often underestimated – forms of value sharing. Investing in training expands employees’ capabilities and future opportunities, echoing Amartya Sen’s concept of development as the expansion of human freedoms. Comprehensive well-being policies, such as those implemented by Google, including mental health support and sports facilities, improve both employee well-being and productivity, as research on the link between happiness and economic performance suggests.

Value sharing can also extend across the entire value chain: fairer contracts with suppliers, local hiring practices, community initiatives, or inclusive pricing policies.

Governance: Who gets to decide?

At its core, value sharing raises a deeply political question: who has the authority to decide how the fruits of economic activity are distributed?

For more than half a century, Milton Friedman’s doctrine The Social Responsibility of Business is to Increase its Profits provided a clear answer. Under this view, corporate governance should primarily serve shareholder interests, provided that the company complies with the law.

Today, however, this vision appears increasingly untenable. Edward Freeman’s stakeholder theory, often referred to as stakeholder capitalism, argues that since value is co-created by multiple actors, governance structures should incorporate their voices in decision-making.

Concrete proposals include:

• employee representation on boards, as in European codetermination models,

• stakeholder advisory councils,

• or even board seats reserved for environmental NGOs to represent the interests of nature and future generations.

The goal is not to exclude shareholders, but rather to rebalance their role within a broader community of legitimate beneficiaries.

At the same time, innovations in ownership models are gaining visibility.

In Denmark, foundation ownership structures hold significant stakes in companies such as Carlsberg, using dividends to finance scientific and cultural initiatives while ensuring stable, long-term governance.

In Spain, the Mondragon Group operates as a federation of worker cooperatives in which employees are both owners and decision-makers, benefiting from greater job security and higher wages than in comparable firms.

Moving towards a new social contract

Regulation is accelerating this shift. With the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD) and other frameworks, sustainability is becoming an issue of transparency, risk management, and accountability.

Publishing indicators on carbon emissions or diversity will no longer be enough. The next frontier may be a company’s ability to share value more fairly, more transparently, and in a more innovative way than its competitors, and create value through more just production systems.

Each time World day of Social Justice comes around it may be tempting to expect governments to correct inequalities. But if social justice is to be taken seriously, we must also look to the companies that structure employment, income, consumption, and social cohesion. Whether they like it or not, businesses now find themselves on the front line of a new social order.

In a world marked by declining labour income shares, rising living costs, and eroding trust, value sharing should move to the centre of public debate. It is one of the clearest tests of our economies’ ability to build prosperity that goes hand.


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The Conversation

Schneider Electric is a partner of HEC Paris’ Inclusive Economy Center.

ref. Why without value sharing, there is no social justice – https://theconversation.com/why-without-value-sharing-there-is-no-social-justice-278017

Les échographies prénatales et l’annonce du sexe du bébé : entre projection sociale et humanisation du fœtus

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Mouna El Gaied, Maîtresse de conférences en Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication, CREM, IAE Nancy School of Management; Université de Lorraine

L’annonce du sexe du fœtus aux parents puis aux proches, comme celle du prénom qui a été choisi, humanise d’emblée le bébé à naître, lui assigne un genre et l’inscrit dans l’histoire familiale. C’est ce qu’analysent des travaux de recherche originaux entre sciences sociales, médecine fœtale et maïeutique.


L’annonce du sexe du bébé pendant l’échographie du deuxième trimestre de grossesse constitue le point de départ à une projection humanisante, sexuée et genrée autour du fœtus, sur fond de représentations sociales et d’histoires familiales.

Le projet interdisciplinaire FASEP (pour « Fabrication d’un sujet sexué dans les échographies prénatales ») aborde la façon dont une analyse pluridisciplinaire entre sciences sociales, médecine fœtale et maïeutique informe sur les procédés de fabrication d’un sujet sexué. Dans ce cadre, des réponses ont pu être apportées à cette question, en observant et en analysant le moment de l’annonce du sexe par les parents à leurs proches, après l’échographie du second semestre.

Il est en effet, possible de voir comment, à partir de ce moment, le fœtus commence à être perçu comme un enfant en devenir, un être qui est tout à la fois collectif (membre de l’espèce humaine) et singulier (la matérialisation d’un projet individuel ou conjugal à inscrire dans une histoire familiale).

Selon une approche issue de la sociologie et des sciences de l’information et de la communication, cet article met en avant le moment de l’annonce du sexe par les parents à l’entourage avec ses temporalités et ses outils spécifiques.

Échographies prénatales et attribution du sexe

L’échographie du deuxième trimestre, qui coïncide avec l’annonce du sexe, permet une humanisation du fœtus par les parents qui s’autorisent à se projeter dans leur rôle de géniteurs, étant donné que les soignants considèrent le fœtus comme « viable ». Pour 31 des répondants (sur 32), les prénoms sont envisagés en fonction du sexe de l’enfant. Même lorsque le sexe n’est pas connu avant l’accouchement, deux prénoms sont envisagés (l’un pour une fille, l’autre pour un garçon).

En assignant un sexe qui, comme Thomas Laqueur le montre, est depuis le XIXᵉ siècle pensé comme fixe, stable, constitutif de l’identité de la personne, l’échographie participe de ce processus d’humanisation et de sexuation du sujet. L’attribution du sexe participe ainsi de la singularisation de l’enfant à naître, mais aussi de l’assignation à un genre et une identité sociale. Avant tout parce qu’il inscrit dans un groupe de sexe auquel vont être associés des attentes et des projets que le langage fait transparaître (de l’usage de pronom sexué au choix de la couleur de la peinture de la chambre, ou des premiers vêtements – y compris les cadeaux qui arrivent des proches).

Ce processus d’humanisation semble toutefois fragile et en perpétuelle construction. Une construction qui peut aussi échouer (par exemple, lorsque le sexe n’est pas identifiable avec l’échographie, ou encore lorsque la grossesse s’inscrit dans un parcours biographique impliquant des difficultés d’attachement à l’enfant à naître, la découverte de malformations congénitales pouvant susciter des mises à distance, ou encore tout simplement parce que les parents ne souhaitent pas identifier le sexe de l’enfant à naître avant sa naissance).

Sexuation, une histoire familiale

Cette sexuation s’inscrit aussi dans des projets conjugaux et familiaux qui définissent et redéfinissent la place de l’enfant : au sein de la fratrie par exemple (avec des tensions possibles lorsque le sexe n’est pas celui souhaité), mais aussi dans la lignée à travers les jeux de ressemblance démarrant autour du cliché échographique – inscription du fœtus dans un des « côtés » de la famille, recherche de ressemblances physiques et comportementales.

Les prénoms sont choisis en fonction de l’écosystème familial, croisés avec les prénoms des parents, grands-parents et frères et sœurs. Ainsi, un couple ayant appris qu’ils allaient avoir une troisième fille projette de garder le préfixe du prénom des aînées. Un autre couple justifie le choix du prénom de leur futur garçon comme un diminutif du deuxième prénom du papa (Mael, Ismael).

Un dernier couple ne donnera pas de prénom italien pour se démarquer du frère de la maman qui a donné des prénoms italiens à ses enfants. La famille (les grands-parents ou les frères et sœurs aînés) est parfois mobilisée pour proposer un prénom que les parents choisiront in fine. Le processus d’humanisation du fœtus consiste à inscrire déjà l’enfant à naître dans une filiation.

Groupes WhatsApp, « baby shower »… la temporalité d’une annonce sexuée

Dans notre échantillon, 29 couples sur 32 annoncent la grossesse et le sexe du bébé en même temps au reste des membres de l’entourage. Seul 1 couple sur 32 ne souhaitait pas connaître le sexe avant l’accouchement. Ce couple avait déjà une fille et projetait de faire quatre enfants. Deux autres couples souhaitaient ne pas divulguer le sexe du bébé à l’entourage avant l’accouchement.

Le cercle intime est privilégié et occupe une place centrale aux yeux des futurs parents au moment de l’annonce du sexe. Les premières annonces se font en face à face de préférence, ou par téléphone en direct (pendant l’échographie ou en en sortant). Arrivent ensuite les messages privés diffusés sur des groupes WhatsApp.

Est souvent observée une mise en scène visuelle. L’image, que ce soit celle de l’échographie montrée en présentiel ou une photographie de chaussons de bébé rose et bleu diffusée sur un groupe ou un réseau social numérique, ou encore une vidéo du grand frère Léon qui annonce que ses parents attendent une petite « Léonette », atteste du sexe du bébé.

L’organisation d’une baby shower ou d’un gender reveal party est envisagée tant comme une preuve d’accès à la parentalité que comme le moment où on présente le bébé à la famille et aux ami·es réuni·es pour l’occasion.

L’originalité de la fête organisée est recherchée sans doute pour singulariser le sujet en devenir. Néanmoins, elle est également porteuse de représentations très stéréotypées, le bleu et/ou le rose étant les couleurs mobilisées.

Ainsi, ce qui peut paraître à première vue une quête de singularité semble aussitôt se traduire en reproduction d’une norme largement partagée.

The Conversation

Le projet de recherche intitulé « Fabrication d’un sujet sexué dans les échographies prénatales », porté par Luca Greco, a été financé dans le cadre de l’Appel à projets – Interdisciplinarité Université de Lorraine.

Vulca Fidolini est membre associé du laboratoire « Sociologie des Territoires, du Travail, des Âges et de la Santé » (TETRAS), Université de Lorraine.

Julie Brusq ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Les échographies prénatales et l’annonce du sexe du bébé : entre projection sociale et humanisation du fœtus – https://theconversation.com/les-echographies-prenatales-et-lannonce-du-sexe-du-bebe-entre-projection-sociale-et-humanisation-du-foetus-278013

Religions en Afrique : déchiffrer un paysage en constante transformation

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos, directeur de recherches, Institut de recherche pour le développement (IRD)

Le continent africain est marqué par la grande diversité de ses expressions religieuses. Cependant, dans le débat international, il est souvent réduit à un affrontement simpliste entre islam et christianisme. Dans l’ouvrage l’Afrique des religions, à l’épreuve des chiffres et des catégorisations , qui vient de paraître aux éditions Maisonneuve & Larose-Hémisphères, et qu’il a co-dirigé avec Nathalie Bernard-Maugiron, juriste et directrice de recherche à l’Institut de recherche pour le développement, et Aurélien Dasré, démographe et maître de conférences à l’Université Paris Nanterre, Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos, politiste et directeur de recherche à l’Institut de recherche pour le développement, revient sur les histoires locales et les pratiques sociales qui ont forgé la pluralité religieuse du continent, en croisant anthropologie, démographie, droit et sciences politiques. Extrait de l’introduction.


Terre de mission par excellence, l’Afrique intéresse le religieux à bien des égards. Du fait de sa vitalité démographique, d’abord, elle fait l’objet de vifs débats sur l’ampleur, la nature et la profondeur de son islamisation et de son évangélisation, alors que les communautés de croyances des deux plus grosses religions abrahamiques sont elles-mêmes travaillées de l’intérieur par des contestations salafistes et pentecôtistes. L’Afrique subsaharienne, qui plus est, a toujours été une aire d’étude privilégiée pour les anthropologues des religions dites « traditionnelles », « fétichistes », « naturistes » ou « endogènes ». Historiquement, enfin, le continent a joué un rôle important dans le développement de l’islam et de la chrétienté.

Avant même l’hégire vers Médine du prophète Mohammed, l’Abyssinie copte a ainsi accueilli des musulmans persécutés par l’aristocratie mecquoise. Sur la péninsule arabique, le premier muezzin de l’islam, Bilal ben Rabah, était quant à lui un esclave noir éthiopien.

De leur côté, les pères fondateurs de l’Église comprenaient d’illustres figures comme saint Cyprien de Carthage, le théologien tunisien Quintus Tertullien ou bien encore Augustin d’Hippone, évêque de Numidie, dans l’actuelle Algérie. Pendant plusieurs siècles, le patriarcat d’Alexandrie a par ailleurs compté le plus grand nombre de chrétiens de l’Empire byzantin avant d’être officiellement détrôné par la « nouvelle Rome », Constantinople, au concile de Chalcédoine qui, en 451, le relégua au troisième rang dans la hiérarchie ecclésiastique.

De l’Abyssinie copte jusqu’au royaume du Kongo, n’oublions pas non plus que des christianismes africains ont pu se développer avant l’occupation coloniale, qui fut bien plus tardive qu’en Amérique du Sud ou en Asie.

L’arrivée des Européens a alors eu pour particularité de transposer les questionnements sur le religieux dans le registre d’un projet civilisationnel. Bien que leurs relations avec les autorités coloniales aient parfois été tendues, les missionnaires chrétiens ont ainsi précédé puis accompagné la conquête de territoires perçus comme « sauvages » et « arriérés ». Une fois passé le temps des résistances et des révoltes, les clercs musulmans ont, de leur côté, collaboré avec des puissances impérialistes qui, en dépit de craintes fort anciennes sur l’islam, ont fini par adopter des positions pragmatiques en vue de se concilier les bonnes grâces d’alliés de circonstances, notamment au Sahel. Parallèlement, le développement d’administrations étatiques et d’économies marchandes a bouleversé les cultes dits traditionnels ou agraires. L’ère coloniale a en effet consacré le grand basculement des populations d’Afrique subsaharienne dans le monothéisme en favorisant des conversions massives à l’islam ou à la chrétienté.

La période des indépendances a ensuite renouvelé les enjeux sociaux et politiques du religieux. Les catholiques et les anglicans, notamment, ont perdu leur position d’autorité face à la prolifération d’églises « indépendantes » puis « pentecôtistes » qui, pour certaines d’entre elles, existaient déjà depuis plusieurs décennies. En pleine guerre froide ont par ailleurs émergé de nouveaux acteurs du réveil islamique qui ont été qualifiés, tantôt de fondamentalistes, tantôt de réformistes.

Dans un premier temps, les salafistes se sont surtout opposés aux traditionalistes soufis et n’ont guère inquiété les pays occidentaux du fait de leur profonde hostilité au bloc communiste et à l’athéisme marxiste. Mais la guerre « globale » contre le terrorisme et le djihadisme a bientôt remis en cause certains des paradigmes qui avaient jusqu’alors dominé les analyses du religieux en Afrique. À l’orée du XXIe siècle, on a en effet assisté à une floraison d’études sur le salafisme et la « radicalisation de l’islam ».

Dans le même temps, les recherches sur l’Église catholique ou les protestants « orthodoxes » sont tombées en désuétude au profit d’un intérêt renouvelé pour des mouvements évangéliques, pentecôtistes et prophétiques parfois qualifiés de syncrétiques. Les termes du débat n’en ont pas moins continué d’être encadrés par des catégories d’analyse juridiques, démographiques et sociologiques qui dataient en grande partie de la période coloniale.

Un débat scientifique en plein renouvellement

Ce livre a pour ambition de revisiter les questions religieuses à l’épreuve des chiffres et des catégorisations, entendues ici comme des typologies dans les recensements et des listes de cultes reconnus sur le plan juridique. Dans le cadre d’une approche empirique et sans prétentions théoriques, l’objectif est notamment de confronter les catégories officielles des autorités étatiques avec les réalités du terrain et les diverses interprétations locales ou nationales des phénomènes qualifiés de religieux.

Les chapitres constitutifs de l’ouvrage portent non seulement sur les musulmans et les chrétiens, mais aussi sur des ensembles hybrides et difficilement définissables au regard des récits dominants sur les appartenances confessionnelles à une échelle globale. C’est donc dans le rapport aux autres communautés de croyances et dans les contours de chacune d’entre elles que les études qui suivent visent à comprendre les transformations religieuses en Afrique.

Résolument pluridisciplinaire et innovante, la démarche mobilise des spécialistes du droit, de la démographie, des sciences politiques, de l’anthropologie, de l’histoire et de la science des religions. Elle fait le pari qu’on peut effectivement comparer des systèmes de croyances. Dans le même temps, les auteurs de ce volume reconnaissent pleinement les spécificités des communautés qu’ils analysent. Ils ne cherchent nullement à soutenir que certains concepts d’ordre théologique seraient transposables d’une religion à l’autre. Ils n’ont pas non plus la prétention de produire une synthèse de nos connaissances à partir d’une littérature académique déjà très riche et fort abondante sur la définition des religions, des systèmes de croyances et des communautés de foi en Afrique et, d’une manière générale, dans le monde.

Plus modestement, les objectifs sont triples sur le plan heuristique. En premier lieu, l’idée est de combiner des méthodologies quantitatives et qualitatives pour identifier et mieux cerner les contours de communautés de croyances qui ne sont pas aussi clairement définies qu’on pourrait l’imaginer de prime abord. Pour cela sont exploitées des données statistiques tirées de recensements, d’enquêtes démographiques, de sondages et de sources utilisées par le Pew Research Center aux États-Unis. Sont également évoquées les normes et les modalités de quantification, de codification, de qualification juridique et de reconnaissance des ensembles confessionnels, légalisés ou non. Une telle approche permet de « déchiffrer » autrement les notions de laïcité, d’incroyance, d’islamisation, d’évangélisation et de conversion au prisme de statistiques qui obligent à questionner des définitions pour le moins polysémiques.

En second lieu, l’objectif est de confronter les données démographiques et juridiques disponibles avec les perceptions de l’évolution des appartenances confessionnelles en Afrique. De fait, il existe d’importants écarts entre les réalités objectivables et les représentations véhiculées par les médias, les décideurs politiques et les croyants eux-mêmes.

Un troisième objectif de ce livre est en conséquence de s’affranchir des approches purement quantitatives pour appréhender en finesse la complexité des dynamiques religieuses du continent par le biais d’entretiens semi-directifs et d’observations participantes. À partir de cas d’étude très localisés, l’analyse de l’hybridité et de la fluidité des communautés de croyances questionne en effet les frontières habituellement établies entre l’islam, la chrétienté et les religions dites traditionnelles. Elle interroge également le rapport du religieux au profane, au politique, aux conflits et, d’une manière générale, à l’insécurité spirituelle et matérielle.

The Conversation

Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos a reçu des financements de l’Université Paris Cité, Atrium Humanités et Sciences Sociales France 2030.

ref. Religions en Afrique : déchiffrer un paysage en constante transformation – https://theconversation.com/religions-en-afrique-dechiffrer-un-paysage-en-constante-transformation-278834

Démocratie et science : les deux piliers de la résilience européenne

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Dominic Rohner, Professor of Economics and André Hoffman Chair in Political Economics and Governance, Geneva Graduate Institute, Graduate Institute – Institut de hautes études internationales et du développement (IHEID)

Dans un monde bouleversé par les tensions géopolitiques et l’essor de l’intelligence artificielle, l’avenir de l’Europe repose sur deux piliers : le renforcement de ses institutions démocratiques et un investissement massif dans la recherche scientifique. Seule une Union européenne devenue superpuissance scientifique pourra relever les défis du XXIᵉ siècle.


Les événements récents révèlent l’accélération du passage d’un ordre multilatéral fondé sur des règles à un monde où prévaut la loi du plus fort. Au nom d’une approche que certains qualifient déjà de nouvelle doctrine « Don-roe » (contraction du prénom du locataire actuel de la Maison-Blanche et de doctrine Monroe, du nom de son lointain prédécesseur des années 1820), l’administration américaine a attaqué l’Iran, arrêté et incarcéré le président du Venezuela, adressé des avertissements à la Colombie et à Cuba, et menacé ouvertement d’annexer le Groenland – menace certes atténuée depuis, mais dont la simple formulation a suffi à ébranler les certitudes européennes.

Si les interventions états-uniennes en Amérique latine sont abondamment documentées, l’évocation d’une annexion du Groenland a constitué la première menace explicite de Washington contre le territoire d’un pays européen – le Danemark – depuis 1945. Pour un continent dont les libertés démocratiques doivent tant à l’intervention de l’US Army il y a quatre-vingts ans, ce franchissement d’un tabou par un allié centenaire marque un bouleversement géopolitique majeur.

Dans un monde où les grandes puissances se partagent les zones d’influence, les petits États situés aux marges des blocs de pouvoir voient leur avenir devenir particulièrement incertain. Un scénario dans lequel la Chine et la Russie accepteraient tacitement une suprématie américaine exclusive sur l’hémisphère occidental, tandis que Pékin revendiquerait une domination équivalente sur Taïwan et d’autres territoires asiatiques, et Moscou sur l’Europe de l’Est, apparaît désormais possible. L’intervention américaine à Caracas et en Iran pourrait non seulement encourager de nouvelles actions contre Cuba, mais aussi inciter la Russie et la Chine à agir dans les régions qu’elles considèrent comme relevant de leur propre sphère d’influence. Pour l’Europe, une telle évolution relèverait de la menace existentielle.

Les faits empiriques démontrent que le multilatéralisme appuyé sur un rôle important attribué aux institutions internationales favorise la paix et la prospérité tout en protégeant la souveraineté des petites démocraties. L’érosion de l’ordre multilatéral est donc de mauvais augure pour l’Europe. Pourtant, des raisons d’espérer subsistent : le continent dispose d’atouts stratégiques considérables qui, utilisés avec discernement, pourraient lui permettre de prospérer même dans un environnement hostile.

Le pluralisme démocratique, une force insoupçonnée

Si le pluralisme politique des pays européens est souvent présenté comme une faiblesse sur le plan militaire, la richesse des cultures démocratiques du continent constitue au contraire un rempart contre toute dérive autoritaire. La décentralisation du pouvoir entre de multiples centres de décision pourrait rendre la démocratie plus résiliente en Europe qu’ailleurs. Ce pluralisme démocratique profondément ancré pourrait également s’avérer décisif pour attirer les talents du monde entier.

L’histoire fournit un précédent éclairant : l’exode des meilleurs chercheurs allemands fuyant le fascisme dans les années 1930 a largement contribué à l’essor des États-Unis comme superpuissance académique. Or, depuis quelques années, le monde académique est redevenu, dans de nombreux pays un terrain de plus en plus politisé. Au-delà d’anecdotes particulières, des données rigoureuses démontrent que la liberté académique décline dans de nombreux pays. L’Indice de la liberté académique 2025 révèle que, ces dix dernières années, les libertés académiques ont nettement diminué dans 34 pays – y compris des poids lourds comme les États-Unis, l’Inde et la Russie – tandis qu’elles n’ont progressé que dans huit pays, bien plus petits.

Si dans les prochaines années et décennies, l’Europe se positionne comme un phare de liberté et de démocratie, elle pourrait à son tour attirer les esprits les plus brillants. Le monde académique fuit les environnements où circulent des listes noires de sujets de recherche bannis et où critiquer le gouvernement peut conduire au licenciement, voire à l’incarcération. À l’inverse, les scientifiques attachent une grande valeur à la liberté intellectuelle. La science doit rester suffisamment ouverte pour accueillir une pluralité de perspectives et de méthodes. Le progrès scientifique repose sur la confrontation d’idées diverses soumises à l’épreuve des faits. Un tel environnement, propice aux découvertes majeures et à la prospérité qui en découle, s’épanouit dans des sociétés profondément attachées à la démocratie et aux libertés civiles.

Attirer les talents : un défi crucial

Le « vieux continent » a déjà compris que le moment était propice pour attirer des vedettes désirant quitter les États-Unis. L’Université de Zurich a récemment réussi un coup d’éclat en engageant deux Prix Nobel d’économie, Esther Duflo et Abhijit Banerjee, en provenance du MIT. Au niveau du European Research Council (ERC), l’institution européenne qui finance des projets scientifiques de pointe, il existe un effort concerté pour créer des « super-subsides » sous le label « Sélectionne l’Europe pour la recherche », doublant de 2 à 4 millions d’euros le financement attribué aux nouveaux arrivants extra-européens désirant créer un laboratoire.

Recruter des « stars » venues d’autres horizons peut s’avérer important en termes de visibilité, mais il faut veiller à ne pas oublier la relève. Souvent, les prix Nobel récompensent des recherches menées plusieurs décennies auparavant. Concentrer notre manne financière sur quelques sommités ayant dépassé leur pic de productivité risque d’avoir moins d’impact à long terme qu’investir dans les prix Nobel du futur.

N’oublions pas qu’une grande partie des innovations sont actuellement réalisées par de brillants cerveaux européens ayant tenté leur chance aux États-Unis. Parmi les vingt-trois économistes ayant reçu le prix Nobel ces dix dernières années, presque 40 % sont d’origine européenne, mais tous étaient affiliés à une université d’élite américaine au moment de recevoir ce prix prestigieux.

Pendant des décennies, l’excellent système scolaire public européen a formé des cerveaux qui sont ensuite partis contribuer à la prospérité américaine. Plutôt que viser quelques vedettes vieillissantes, nous devrions améliorer les conditions-cadres pour que nos jeunes talents aient envie de rester en Europe. Cela implique non seulement une défense vigoureuse de la liberté académique, mais également un système de recrutement ouvert et méritocratique, ainsi que des conditions d’engagement attractives dans nos hautes écoles.

L’urgence d’une autonomie stratégique

Nous vivons une période charnière de l’histoire, caractérisée non seulement par des incertitudes géopolitiques, mais également par des transformations radicales causées par l’intelligence artificielle. Celle-ci pourrait remodeler nos économies à l’échelle de l’industrialisation ou de l’essor des ordinateurs, créant de nouvelles inégalités entre pays et au sein des pays. Les bouleversements du marché du travail et une perte de vitesse de la classe moyenne pourraient mettre davantage de pression sur nos institutions démocratiques et favoriser la montée de populismes de tout bord. Dans cette période, notre continent ne peut se permettre de perdre du terrain : nous devons être en tête du peloton.

Comme de nombreuses études le démontrent de manière convaincante, la démocratie favorise la prospérité à long terme, laquelle se traduit généralement par une puissance politique et militaire accrue. Pour promouvoir ce qu’Emmanuel Macron appelle une « Renaissance » européenne, le continent doit atteindre une véritable autonomie stratégique : être suffisamment solide sur les plans économique, politique et militaire pour faire face à n’importe quelle superpuissance sans accepter des « accords » déséquilibrés imposés sous la contrainte.

Si les investissements de défense à court terme sont indispensables, la voie la plus sûre vers une paix solide et une prospérité durable consiste à renforcer les fondements démocratiques – libertés civiles, liberté de la presse et indépendance de la justice – tout en investissant massivement dans les infrastructures de recherche : financement, liberté académique et reconnaissance par le mérite. Comme l’avait déjà compris Napoléon, « le sabre est toujours vaincu par l’esprit ». Pour assurer l’avenir de l’Europe, nous devons en faire une superpuissance scientifique — condition essentielle de sa force économique, politique et militaire.

The Conversation

Dominic Rohner a dans le passé reçu des financements de recherche du European Research Council (ERC) et du Fonds national suisse (FNS) dont il siège actuellement dans le Conseil national de recherche.

ref. Démocratie et science : les deux piliers de la résilience européenne – https://theconversation.com/democratie-et-science-les-deux-piliers-de-la-resilience-europeenne-277179

Bad rural roads in South Africa aren’t just a technical problem – they block people’s rights: report

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Siyabulela Christopher Fobosi, Senior Researcher, UNESCO ‘Oliver Tambo’ Chair of Human Rights, University of Fort Hare, University of Fort Hare

In many rural parts of South Africa, getting to a hospital, school or workplace depends on the condition of a gravel road. When that road collapses during rain or potholes make it impassable, the consequences are immediate: ambulances cannot reach patients, children miss school, workers lose income.

This is the reality for many communities in the Eastern Cape, one of South Africa’s poorest provinces. Here, four out of every five children live in households whose monthly income isn’t enough to meet their basic needs. In 2024, nearly 50% of children in the Eastern Cape lived in households without a single employed adult – the highest rate in the country.

A recent study in one Eastern Cape community documents that the roads are so degraded – from poorly maintained gravel to crumbling asphalt – that they actively cut residents off from healthcare, education and markets.

The problem is often described simply as a failure of service delivery. But this explanation is incomplete. My research as a sociologist with a particular interest in the transport sector suggests that the decay of rural roads reflects something deeper. It is not a breakdown, but a continuation. A regime of inequality continues to shape infrastructure development long after the end of apartheid.

The poor infrastructure is a direct legacy of apartheid’s spatial planning, which from 1948 to 1994 systematically underdeveloped rural “homelands” like the former Transkei (now in the Eastern Cape) to confine and control the Black majority.

Today’s neglected roads still physically isolate communities, restrict their access to markets and services, and demonstrate how the state, through inaction and underfunding, maintains the barriers established by its predecessor.

In my study, I drew on the 2023 inquiry conducted by the South African Human Rights Commission into the state of rural roads in the province. The inquiry was convened in response to a pattern of complaints received by the Commission from rural communities over several years. I served on the panel for this inquiry, which heard oral testimonies from affected community members and farmers, and received detailed written submissions from key stakeholders.

A key finding was that only 9% of the province’s roads are paved, compared to a national average of 25%. The inquiry found that poor road infrastructure limits people’s ability to access essential services enshrined as constitutional rights, such as healthcare, education and social support.

Roads as a system of power

Infrastructure is often seen as neutral – roads, bridges and railways that simply allow people and goods to move. But infrastructure also reflects political choices about who receives investment and who is left behind.

A snapshot of this is evident in the provincial budget for roads in the Eastern Cape. The human rights inquiry report reveals that the Eastern Cape Department of Transport receives an annual allocation of about R2.5 billion (almost US$150 million) for its road network. But the department itself estimates a capital backlog of R30.5 billion just to bring roads up to an acceptable standard.

While the annual budget allows for upgrading only about 42km of road per year (at an average cost per kilometre of R18 million, or over US$1 million), the province has over 36,000km of unpaved roads – a legacy of apartheid-era neglect.

This is not a technical failure. It is a political choice to perpetuate a system where the most vulnerable communities remain isolated.

Three decades after democracy, many of these patterns remain visible. And the effects continue to ripple through everyday life.

The everyday harm of infrastructure decay

For rural residents, road deterioration is not just an inconvenience. It produces what scholars call slow, everyday harm.

Ambulances struggle to reach remote villages, delaying medical care. School transport is disrupted when buses cannot travel on damaged roads. Farmers face difficulties transporting goods to markets. Public transport services often avoid areas where roads are impassable.

These impacts accumulate over time, affecting livelihoods, health and dignity.

In some cases, residents must walk long distances because vehicles cannot reach their communities. During heavy rains, entire villages can become temporarily isolated.

This situation highlights how infrastructure shapes social inequality. When roads deteriorate, the burden falls disproportionately on people who already face economic and geographic marginalisation.

Why the problem persists

Several factors contribute to the continued deterioration of rural roads.

The first is the massive historical backlog.

Second, the funding model is fundamentally inadequate. The inquiry report details that the Eastern Cape relies almost entirely on the Provincial Roads Maintenance Grant. Provincial Treasury itself argued that the national funding formula, based on population, fails to account for the province’s vast geography and historical infrastructure deficit.

Third, governance and capacity issues are rife. Submissions from the Auditor General highlighted repeated financial mismanagement within the Department of Transport, including fruitless and wasteful expenditure on contracts. Municipalities, tasked with maintaining local roads, often lack the resources and the technical capacity to effectively use management systems.

Fourth, the impact of climate change is accelerating decay. The inquiry heard from multiple municipalities about how increasingly severe weather events overwhelm their ability to respond.

Finally, a lack of coordination and accountability. The report notes that despite clear legal mandates, there is often poor planning between the provincial department, the national roads agency and municipalities, leading to misaligned priorities and slow project implementation.

Urban areas and major highways receive priority funding because they are economically strategic. This is not a uniquely South African phenomenon – it is a global pattern. The World Bank estimates that 80% of the world’s poorest people reside in rural areas.




Read more:
Land reform in South Africa is failing. Ignoring the realities of rural life plays a part


Rural roads tend to receive less consistent maintenance. When maintenance is consistently deferred, costs climb.

Meanwhile, funds that could be used for this upkeep are often tied up elsewhere. A recent Auditor-General’s report found that municipal infrastructure projects nationally face average delays of 17 to 26 months, and all South African municipalities combined spend only 4% of the total value of their assets on maintenance.

These numbers show that the deterioration of rural roads is not an accident, but the predictable outcome of political choices not to invest in marginalised communities.

Communities stepping in

Despite these challenges, rural residents are not passive victims of infrastructure neglect.

Across parts of the Eastern Cape, communities have organised to repair roads themselves. Residents fill potholes, clear drainage channels and use local materials to stabilise damaged sections of road.

These efforts are often informal and rely on collective labour rather than state support. They reflect what scholars sometimes call “insurgent infrastructure” – grassroots initiatives that emerge when the state fails to maintain essential services.

While such actions demonstrate community resilience, they also highlight the scale of the problem. Road infrastructure is expensive and technically complex to maintain. Community efforts cannot substitute for sustained public investment.

Rethinking infrastructure policy

Addressing rural road deterioration requires more than occasional repairs. It demands a broader rethinking of infrastructure governance.

First, rural infrastructure should be treated as a development priority, not a secondary concern. Reliable roads are essential for economic participation, access to services and social inclusion.

Second, government agencies need stronger coordination to ensure that road maintenance responsibilities are clearly defined and effectively implemented.

Finally, policymakers should recognise the knowledge and experience of rural communities themselves. Residents often understand the local terrain and infrastructure challenges better than distant administrators.

Beyond service delivery

If rural roads continue to deteriorate, the consequences will extend far beyond transport. They will reinforce social and economic exclusion for already marginalised communities.

Recognising infrastructure as part of a broader regime of inequality is an important step towards addressing these challenges.

The Conversation

Siyabulela Christopher Fobosi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Bad rural roads in South Africa aren’t just a technical problem – they block people’s rights: report – https://theconversation.com/bad-rural-roads-in-south-africa-arent-just-a-technical-problem-they-block-peoples-rights-report-278337

African cities are diverse and thriving, but face many challenges. How to make them healthier

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Elaine Nsoesie, Assistant Professor, Department of Global Health, Boston University School of Public Health, Boston University

A new book called Urban Health in Africa explores how rapid urbanisation across the continent shapes public health and wellbeing. Drawing on diverse research and case studies, the book reframes African cities not just as sites of challenge, but as places of innovation, resilience and opportunity.

We spoke to global health researcher Elaine Nsoesie and urbanisation and wellbeing sociologist Blessing Mberu, co-editors of the book, to explore why the stories of African cities matter, and what it will take to build inclusive, healthy urban futures.

What’s one thing about urban life in Africa that you think more people should appreciate?

African cities work, but not always like cities in other regions. In the book, we quote the following text by AbdouMaliq Simone, who works on issues of spatial composition in urban regions:

In city after city, one can witness an incessant throbbing produced by the intense proximity of hundreds of activities: cooking, reciting, selling, loading and unloading, fighting, praying, relaxing, pounding, and buying, all side by side on stages too cramped, too deteriorated, too clogged with waste, history, and disparate energy, and sweat to sustain all of them. And yet they persist.

That persistence matters. Too often, discussions about African cities focus only on their problems. These include inadequate infrastructure, rapid urbanisation and informal settlements. What gets lost is their remarkable functionality and their diversity. No single city can represent the entire continent. Lagos is not Nairobi; Accra is not Dakar. Each has its own history, governance structures and contemporary challenges. Treating them all the same flattens this complexity.

Yes, these cities face serious challenges. But they’re also home to innovative urban experts, effective policy solutions and technological breakthroughs designed for their specific contexts. The question isn’t whether African cities work. It is whether we’re paying attention to how they work, documenting how they are addressing challenges related to health and learning from their solutions.

Was there a story or example that really stayed with you?

When we set out to write this book, we knew we had to start with history. You can’t understand health in African cities today without understanding how colonialism shaped the built environment and urban citizenship. We wanted readers to see how historical forces combined with rural-urban migration, population growth and policies created the urban landscapes affecting millions of lives today.




Read more:
Harare’s street traders create their own system to survive in the city


Our second goal was to map the social determinants of health – the conditions of the environments in which people are born, live, play, work and learn – shaping African cities. We focused on informal settlements and slums because they’ve become defining features of urban Africa. We examined how residents navigate daily struggles: inadequate housing, water and sanitation; air pollution; transportation; food insecurity. We didn’t want to present these as isolated problems. We wanted to show how they’re interconnected challenges that affect many communities.

One of our favourite chapters is in this section. The chapter explores how transport affects health in African cities – both the risks and the benefits. For example, the availability of transportation increases access to hospitals and schools, while vehicles also cause traffic injuries and air pollution. The authors also discuss distinctive forms of public transport that African cities share that you won’t find in most other parts of the world.

Motorcycle taxis, for example, have different names. They are called boda bodas in Kampala, okadas in Lagos. Commuter minibuses are referred to as poda-poda in Freetown, trotro in Accra, daladala in Dar es Salaam, matatu in Kenya, car rapides in Dakar, kamuny in Kampala, gbaka in Abidjan, esprit de mort in Kinshasa, candongueiros in Luanda, sotrama in Bamako, songa kidogo in Kigali.

The chapter captures a major theme in the book; while these cities are different, policies that have been effective in one city can be adopted to address the needs of residents in another city.




Read more:
South Africa’s minibus taxi industry runs on social bonds – reform must accept this


In addition to the social determinants of health, we had another section that addressed Africa’s unique demographic reality: these cities are young. We dedicated sections to how urban environments shape young lives, particularly around sexual and reproductive health. We also highlighted the growing epidemic of chronic diseases like obesity, diabetes and hypertension. Studies have shown an association between the rate of urbanisation in Africa and an increase in chronic diseases because of issues such as adoption of unhealthy western diets, lack of spaces to exercise, and sedentary behaviours.

To showcase how some cities are addressing the challenges related to the social determinants of health, we included case studies on air quality in Kampala, new mental health initiatives in Yaoundé, an approach to reducing school dropouts in Arusha, integrated planning transforming informal settlements in Nairobi, and digital health innovations. The case studies demonstrate that effective solutions incorporate community voices and the local context.

Your book outlines a future for urban health in Africa. What do you see?

Our final chapters make explicit what we believe must happen next. We need public health professionals, urban planners, physicians, nurses, community health workers, policy advocates and water and waste managers working together. We need educational programmes focused specifically on urban health. Most critically, we need strong local, national and regional governance to turn plans into reality.




Read more:
Youth workers are spreading health messages on social media: how to support what they do in South Africa


But we also need to elevate youth voices, ideas and innovations across the continent. According to United Nations estimates, about 40% of Africans were under 15 in 2020, and nearly 60% were under 25 – the largest proportion of young people of any region worldwide.

Young people are shaping African cities and they will live with the consequences of whatever decisions are made today.

What motivated the publication of this book, and why now?

When we started this project there weren’t any books on urban health in Africa written by Africans working to address the various challenges faced by urban residents. An estimated 46% of Africa’s 1.3 billion people live in urban areas. Africa is also the continent with the fastest urbanisation rate, with 50% to 65% of the population projected to live in urban areas by 2050. Despite having urban challenges similar to those in other regions, some of the issues that cities in Africa face are unique.

We wanted to bring together researchers and practitioners with diverse expertise and deep knowledge of the challenges people face in cities. We wanted to look at these challenges, the policies that have been effective and recommendations about what must be done to improve the health of residents.

The Conversation

Elaine Nsoesie receives funding from the Gates Foundation to support a fellowship program for early career researchers in Africa.

Blessing Mberu works for the APHRC, an organization that previously received funding for urbanization research, but not for the specific book on urban health in Africa, nor this submission to The Conversation Africa.

ref. African cities are diverse and thriving, but face many challenges. How to make them healthier – https://theconversation.com/african-cities-are-diverse-and-thriving-but-face-many-challenges-how-to-make-them-healthier-274647

Voici pourquoi il faut valoriser les vendeurs ambulants et les récupérateurs de déchets dans les villes

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Gisèle Yasmeen, JW McConnell Professor of Practice, Max Bell School of Public Policy, McGill University

Les villes abritent aujourd’hui près de la moitié (45 %) des 8,2 milliards d’habitants de la planète, et ce chiffre devrait atteindre 68 % d’ici 2050. Avec leur croissance, les villes deviennent des acteurs clés pour bâtir un avenir durable. Partout dans le monde, l’urbanisation influence la production, la distribution et la consommation alimentaires, et les villes sont des moteurs essentiels de l’évolution des systèmes alimentaires.

Le Pacte de Milan pour une politique alimentaire urbaine a récemment renouvelé les engagements mondiaux en faveur de systèmes alimentaires urbains durables et équitables. Signé par 330 villes à travers le monde, le plan d’action de ce pacte vise à améliorer la production et la distribution alimentaires et à réduire le gaspillage.


Cet article fait partie de notre série Nos villes d’hier à demain. Le tissu urbain connait de multiples mutations, avec chacune ses implications culturelles, économiques, sociales et politiques. Pour éclairer ces divers enjeux, La Conversation invite les chercheuses et chercheurs à aborder l’actualité de nos villes.

Comme le Comité de la sécurité alimentaire mondiale a affirmé en octobre 2025, sans politique intentionnelle, cette croissance ne permettra pas d’alimenter la transformation nécessaire pour assurer la durabilité des systèmes alimentaires.

La restauration de rue et ses vendeurs sont un élément essentiel du paysage alimentaire urbain, offrant une alimentation abordable et un revenu vital à de nombreux citadins. Cependant, ces vendeurs se heurtent fréquemment à l’hostilité des autorités municipales qui invoquent des problèmes de circulation et de santé publique.

De plus, au moins un tiers des aliments produits dans le monde se perdent, finissant dans les décharges et entraînant un gaspillage de ressources précieuses, d’énergie et de main-d’œuvre. Les récupérateurs de déchets urbains peuvent jouer un rôle essentiel dans la réduction de ces déchets.

Pour remédier à ces problèmes, il faut une volonté politique et des investissements afin d’améliorer nos systèmes alimentaires et de les rendre plus durables à l’avenir.

Vendeurs ambulants et les kiosques de nourriture

De nombreuses villes à travers le monde proposent une scène culinaire de rue dynamique qui assure des moyens de subsistance aux vendeurs et offre à leurs clients une cuisine variée, savoureuse et de grande qualité. Des chercheurs et des défenseurs de la cuisine de rue affirment qu’elle constitue un élément essentiel du système alimentaire urbain et souvent une alternative plus saine aux aliments ultra-transformés de type fast-food.

Cependant, les tensions avec les autorités municipales peuvent perturber ce paysage alimentaire. Par exemple, à Bangkok, des dizaines de milliers de vendeurs ont été déplacés en raison d’une campagne municipale décongestionner des trottoirs.

De plus, il y a une récente initiative controversée visant à créer des centres de restauration ambulante à la manière de Singapour afin de créer une apparence d’ordre et d’améliorer l’hygiène.

À New York, une organisation appelée le Street Vendor Project vise à équilibrer la sécurité de la circulation et des piétons avec la nécessité de maintenir ces services urbains et moyens de subsistance essentiels. Le groupe a joué un rôle déterminant dans la campagne menée par le Conseil municipal de New York pour l’abrogation des sanctions pénales pour délits mineurs en faveur des vendeurs ambulants de nourriture en septembre 2025. Une politique et une planification équitables impliquent de soutenir les vendeurs de nourriture plutôt que de les marginaliser davantage.

Récupérateurs de déchets urbains

Dans de nombreuses villes, des récupérateurs de déchets collectent, trient et vendent des matériaux mis au rebut comme le plastique, le métal et le papier en vue de leur recyclage ou de leur réutilisation. Si les récupérateurs de déchets sont plus fréquents dans les villes des pays à revenu faible ou intermédiaire, on les retrouve également dans les zones urbaines des pays riches.

Les pertes et le gaspillage alimentaires sont responsables de 8 à 10 % des émissions de gaz à effet de serre. Ce gaspillage est largement dû à de mauvaises pratiques de stockage, à des chaînes d’approvisionnement défaillantes, à la logistique du dernier kilomètre, à des réglementations trop restrictives et aux pratiques de consommation excessives des ménages aisés. Une étude de 2020 a estimé que près de 60 % du plastique collecté pour le recyclage l’était par des récupérateurs de déchets informels.

Une grande partie de ce plastique provient d’emballages alimentaires et de boissons jetés dans les zones urbaines. Le Programme des Nations unies pour l’environnement recommande que les quelque 20 millions de récupérateurs de déchets dans le monde soient pleinement intégrés à la gestion des déchets municipaux.

L’amélioration de la gestion des déchets, notamment dans les villes des pays du Sud, exige des investissements importants dans les infrastructures. Toutefois, les systèmes de gestion des déchets ne doivent pas se contenter de copier les modèles des pays du Nord.

Une analyse des approches et des résultats menée à travers le monde en vue de l’intégration des récupérateurs de déchets dans les systèmes municipaux de gestion des déchets a formulé plusieurs recommandations. Toutefois, la stigmatisation de ces moyens de subsistance demeure un obstacle.


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Néanmoins, un nombre croissant d’organisations de récupérateurs de déchets — ainsi qu’une coalition mondiale — offre une lueur d’espoir quant à la reconnaissance de ces héros méconnus du recyclage urbain. Parmi ces initiatives, on peut citer les partenariats entre les récupérateurs de déchets et les collectivités locales brésiliennes, le Binners Project à Vancouver, qui s’appuie sur le dépôt United We Can, Les Valoristes à Montréal, la National Street Vendor Association of India et l’initiative Linis-Ganda à Manille, qui collabore avec des établissements d’enseignement et des entreprises. Ces exemples illustrent comment l’intégration des recycleurs informels peut contribuer à la gestion des déchets et à la création d’une économie alimentaire plus circulaire.

Face à l’urbanisation croissante, nous serons de plus en plus nombreux à dépendre du rôle essentiel des vendeurs ambulants et des récupérateurs de déchets. Des politiques et une planification inclusives, reconnaissant la contribution de ces deux moyens de subsistance, sont indispensables pour garantir un avenir alimentaire urbain durable pour tous.

La Conversation Canada

Cet article est basé en partie sur des documents de breffage que Gisèle Yasmeen a préparé pour une étude par la Banque Mondiale.

Julian Tayarah et Umme Salma ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur poste universitaire.

ref. Voici pourquoi il faut valoriser les vendeurs ambulants et les récupérateurs de déchets dans les villes – https://theconversation.com/voici-pourquoi-il-faut-valoriser-les-vendeurs-ambulants-et-les-recuperateurs-de-dechets-dans-les-villes-274942

How dolphins communicate – new discoveries from a long-term study in Sarasota, Florida

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Laela Sayigh, Senior Research Specialist, Cetacean Communication, Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution

Bottlenose dolphins are social creatures that use whistles and clicks to communicate with each other. Brookfield Zoo Chicago’s Sarasota Dolphin Research Program, taken under NMFS MMPA Scientific Research Permit

Human fascination with bottlenose dolphins goes back thousands of years, at least as early as Greek mythology.

But it wasn’t until the 1960s that methodical research into dolphin communication began. Scientists like John Lilly and the husband-and-wife team of Melba and David Caldwell tried various experiments to decipher the sounds dolphins can make.

The Caldwells figured out a way to record isolated animals in human care. They discovered that each individual dolphin communicated mostly with one unique whistle, which they called the “signature whistle.” Researchers now know that these whistles convey identities much like human names do. Dolphins use them to stay in touch with each other in their murky habitat, where vision is limited. It’s like announcing “I’m over here!” when someone can’t see you.

This discovery is foundational to my own research. I’ve been studying communication in wild dolphins since the mid-1980s, when I joined my mentor Peter Tyack in documenting signature whistles in wild dolphins for the first time. Our team’s research focused on a resident community of free-ranging bottlenose dolphins in waters near Sarasota, Florida, where I continue to work today.

This collaborative study, led by Randall Wells of Brookfield Zoo Chicago’s Sarasota Dolphin Research Program, involves numerous researchers from a variety of institutions, who study different aspects of dolphin biology, health, ecology and behavior. Begun in 1970, this is the longest-running research project on a population of wild cetaceans – whales, dolphins and porpoises – in the world.

one dolphin surfaces next to another's dorsal fin, which has a jagged edge at the top
Each dolphin has distinctive markings on its dorsal fin. Experienced researchers can sometimes identify them by sight in the field, and they photograph them to confirm their identity in the lab.
Photo by Brookfield Zoo Chicago’s Sarasota Dolphin Research Program, taken under NMFS MMPA Scientific Research Permit

Recording and observing

Researchers know the age, sex and maternal relatedness of almost all of the approximately 170 dolphins in the Sarasota community. This depth of knowledge provides an unprecedented opportunity to study communication in a wild cetacean species.

The dolphins in the Sarasota project are periodically subject to brief catch-and-release health assessments, during which researchers, including me, briefly handle individual dolphins.

Our team attaches suction-cup hydrophones directly onto each dolphin’s melon – that is, its forehead. We then record the dolphins continuously throughout the health assessments, taking notes on who is being recorded when, and what is happening at the time.

This is how my colleagues and I were able to confirm that wild dolphins, like captive animals, produced large numbers of individually distinctive signature whistles when briefly isolated from other dolphins. Through observations and recordings of known free-swimming dolphins, we were further able to confirm that they produced these same signature whistles in undisturbed contexts.

We have organized these recordings into the Sarasota Dolphin Whistle Database, which now contains nearly 1,000 recording sessions of 324 individual dolphins. More than half of the dolphins in the database have been recorded more than once.

We identify each dolphin’s signature whistle based on its prevalence: In the catch-and-release context, about 85% of the whistles that dolphins produced are signature whistles. We can identify these visually, by viewing plots of frequency vs. time called spectrograms.

Spectrograms of signature whistles of 269 individual bottlenose dolphins recorded in Sarasota.
Figure created by Frants Jensen, with sound files from Laela Sayigh

Signature whistles and ‘motherese’

The Sarasota Dolphin Whistle Database has proved to be a rich resource for understanding dolphin communication. For instance, we have discovered that some calves develop signature whistles similar to those of their mothers, but many do not, raising questions about what factors influence signature whistle development.

We have also found that once developed, signature whistles are highly stable over an animal’s lifetime, especially for females. Males often form strong pair bonds with another adult male, and in some instances, their whistles become more similar to one another over time. We are still trying to understand when and why this occurs.

Dolphin mothers modify their signature whistles when communicating with their calves by increasing the maximum frequency, or pitch. This is similar to human caregivers using a higher-pitched voice when communicating with young children – a phenomenon known as “motherese.”

Slowed recording of a bottle-nosed dolphin without her calf, then with her calf.
Courtesy of Laela Sayigh of Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, and Brookfield Zoo Chicago’s Sarasota Dolphin Research Program. These sounds were obtained under a federal scientific research permit issued to R. Wells of SDRP.72 KB (download)

Also similar to humans is how dolphins will initiate contact with another dolphin by imitating their signature whistle – what we call a signature whistle copy. This is similar to how you would use someone’s name to call out to them.

Our team is interested in finding out if dolphins also copy whistles of others who aren’t present, potentially talking about them. We have seen evidence of this in our recordings of dolphins during health assessments, which provide a rare context to document this phenomenon convincingly. But we still have more work to do to confirm that these are more than chance similarities in whistles.

Shared whistle types

Another exciting development has been our recent discovery of shared whistle types — ones that are used by multiple animals and that are not signature whistles. We call these non-signature whistles.

I could hardly believe my ears when I first discovered a repeated, shared non-signature whistle type being produced by multiple dolphins in response to sounds we play back to them through an underwater speaker. We had previously believed that these non-signature whistles were somewhat random, but now I was hearing many different dolphins making a similar whistle type.

Our team originally had been using the playbacks to try to determine whether dolphins use “voice cues” to recognize each other – similar to how you can recognize the voice of someone you know. Although we found that dolphins did not use voice cues, our discovery of shared non-signature whistle types has led to an entirely new research direction.

A woman on a boat wearing headphones and looking at a laptop
The author listens to dolphin whistles on a boat in Sarasota.
Jonathan Bird from the film ‘Call of the Dolphins’/Oceanic Research Group, Inc.

So far, I’ve identified at least 20 different shared non-signature whistle types, and I am continuing to build our catalog. We are hoping that artificial intelligence methods may help us categorize these whistle types in the future.

To understand how these shared non-signature whistle types function, we are carrying out more playback experiments, filming the dolphins’ responses with drones. We’ve found that one such whistle often leads to avoidance of the drones, suggesting a possible alarm-type function. We have also found that another type might be an expression of surprise, as we have seen animals produce it when they hear unexpected stimuli.

More difficult, more interesting

So far, the main takeaway from our experiments has been that dolphin communication is complex and that there are not going to be one-size-fits-all responses to any non-signature whistle type. This isn’t surprising, given that, like us, these animals have complicated social relationships that could affect how they respond to different sound types.

For instance, when you hear someone call your name, you may respond differently if you are with a group of people or alone, or if you recently had an argument with someone, or if you’re hungry and on your way to eat.

Our team has a lot more work ahead to sample as many dolphins in as many contexts as possible, such as different ages, sexes, group compositions and activities.

This makes my job more difficult – and far more interesting. I feel lucky every day I am able to spend working on the seemingly infinite number of fascinating research questions about dolphin communication that await answers.

Read more stories from The Conversation about Florida.

The Conversation

Laela Sayigh works for the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution. She receives funding from various government and philanthropic organizations. She is on the board of the non-profit Cetacean Communication Research, Inc. She closely collaborates with the Brookfield Zoo Chicago’s Sarasota Dolphin Research program.

ref. How dolphins communicate – new discoveries from a long-term study in Sarasota, Florida – https://theconversation.com/how-dolphins-communicate-new-discoveries-from-a-long-term-study-in-sarasota-florida-271276

50 years ago, Karen Quinlan’s coma sparked the movement for patients’ rights near the end of life

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Robert S. Olick, Associate Professor Emeritus of Bioethics and Humanities, SUNY Upstate Medical University

Karen Ann Quinlan’s case has remained a touchstone for other debates about end-of-life care. ljubaphoto/E+ via Getty Images

March 31, 2026, marks 50 years since a landmark decision
that shapes American patients’ rights every day: the New Jersey Supreme Court ruling in the case of Karen Ann Quinlan, who had suffered an irreversible coma.

Quinlan’s case established for the first time that decisions near the end of life should be made by patients and families, not by doctors and hospitals alone. As a bioethicist, I have taught and written extensively about the profound impact the Quinlan case has had on law, bioethics and the pursuit of death with dignity.

The Quinlan story

In April 1975, at the age of 21, Karen Ann Quinlan suffered a cardiac arrest and loss of oxygen to the brain while at a friend’s party. After she had gone to bed, friends discovered that she had stopped breathing, and she was rushed to the hospital.

After a while, doctors determined that Quinlan was in a persistent vegetative state: a condition in which all cognitive functions of the brain have been lost and the patient has no awareness of themselves or their environment. People in a persistent vegetative state retain some brain stem functions that regulate involuntary bodily activities, such as heart rate, blood pressure and digestion, but cannot live without continuous care and treatment. Some patients breathe independently with a feeding tube and other care. Quinlan needed both a respirator and a feeding tube.

When a persistent vegetative state is properly diagnosed, recovering cognitive ability is extremely rare.

After months of agonizing over their daughter’s plight, the Quinlans decided she would not want her biological life prolonged indefinitely in this condition and that it was not in her best interests. The family knew Karen as a very active, athletic and energetic young woman, who, when terminally ill people she knew had received aggressive treatments, had said she would not want similar measures.

A black and white portrait of a young woman with long, straight brown hair.
Karen Ann Quinlan went into a coma in 1975.
Bettmann/Getty Images

Joseph and Julia Quinlan were devout Catholics who met often with their parish priest. He explained that Catholic teachings permitted removal of extraordinary treatments, like the respirator, that impose pain, suffering and excessive burdens without possibility of recovery. Many Catholic theologians believe that ordinary care and treatment such as feeding tubes, on the other hand, should be continued.

The parents requested the respirator be removed and that their daughter be allowed to die. But the doctor and hospital refused, prompting her family to go to court.

At trial

The Quinlans were represented by Paul Armstrong. He became their champion both in a court of law and in the court of public opinion amid the onslaught of press coverage.

At the heart of the case was the argument that patients have a constitutional right of privacy to refuse treatment, including life-sustaining treatment.

The Quinlans argued that Joseph should be appointed Karen’s guardian to exercise this right on her behalf, with authority to decide to remove the respirator. They contended that this should be understood as allowing a natural dying process to take its course, not as an act of suicide or homicide. No case had ever presented these principles to a court of law.

The doctors and hospital, along with local and state prosecutors, argued that there was no such right to die and that preservation of life was paramount. Two of the medical professionals’ claims stand out. First, that to continue the respirator was for medical experts to decide, not the patient or family. Second, that accepted norms of the profession required aggressive interventions to sustain life. Extending the patient’s life mattered more than its quality.

On Nov. 10, 1975, the trial court ruled against the family and held that the doctors and hospital had no obligation to comply with the family’s request. They could continue the respirator and decide whether and when it should be removed.

The Quinlans appealed to the state Supreme Court.

Landmark decision

On March 31, 1976, the New Jersey Supreme Court issued a unanimous opinion in favor of the Quinlans. The justices held that patients have a constitutional right of privacy to refuse unwanted life-sustaining treatments and that this right should not be lost when illness, disease or disability take away our ability to choose for ourselves. Family members may decide on behalf of incompetent loved ones, basing decisions on what the patient would want and acting in their best interests.

A black and white photograph shows a middle-aged woman in a white dress and a middle-aged man in a suit jacket, speaking with a man in a black clerical uniform.
The Rev. Thomas Trepasso speaks with Joseph and Julia Quinlan, whose Catholic faith guided their decisions about their daughter’s care.
Bettmann/Getty Images

Stating the broader principles of the case, Chief Justice Richard Hughes wrote that the patient’s wishes are “predominant” even when doctors disagree, and these decisions must “be responsive not only to the concepts of medicine but also to the common moral judgment of the community at large.” With these words, the decision rejected centuries of physician paternalism – of “doctor knows best.” It ushered in the era of patient autonomy that puts patients and families first at the bedside.

The case would transform how decisions near the end of life are made and by whom. It also planted the seeds for hospital ethics committees and consultants who today serve to ensure sound decision-making and to help resolve disagreements privately without going to court.

The decision did not bring an end to the family’s painful journey, nor to public interest in the case. After the decision, the physicians removed and reattached the respirator, taking it away for progressively longer periods of time. Eventually, Quinlan was able to breathe on her own, while still in a vegetative state.

True to their Catholic faith, the Quinlans believed the feeding tube sustaining Karen’s life to be ordinary care that should be continued and that it was not causing her pain. They never asked that it be removed. Their daughter died from pneumonia nine years later on June 11, 1985.

End-of-life consensus

In the 15 years or so after the New Jersey ruling, courts across the nation saw their own end-of-life controversies and followed the core principles of the Quinlan decision to resolve them.

Meanwhile, state legislatures had another answer for the essential question: What would the patient want?

A decade after the Quinlan case, New Jersey created a Bioethics Commission to study advancing health care technology in light of the decision’s principles. The commission’s proposed legislation establishing advance directives was enacted on July 11, 1991. I was privileged to lead this project, as staff to the commission.

Today, all 50 states have advance directive laws that allow competent adults to plan ahead and put their wishes for end-of-life care in writing.

The rapid emergence of a national judicial and legislative consensus added several principles to the Quinlan framework: Treatment refusal rests on the inherent right of self-determination and does not depend on how the Constitution is interpreted. These same rights belong to those suffering from advanced cancer, heart disease or other terminal conditions. And patients may refuse any and all medical interventions, including feeding tubes.

These are all pillars of today’s legal, ethical, medical and social consensus around end-of-life care.

Put it in writing

Today, many Americans take the fundamental right to refuse unwanted treatments for granted and put off planning for life’s end. These are not easy conversations to have. According to a 2020 University of Michigan study, only 59% of adults ages 50-80 have discussed their treatment preferences with family members or another trusted person, and less than 50% have completed an advance care planning document.

I believe this anniversary is an occasion to appreciate these important rights and to consider putting wishes for end-of-life care in writing.

The Conversation

Robert S. Olick does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. 50 years ago, Karen Quinlan’s coma sparked the movement for patients’ rights near the end of life – https://theconversation.com/50-years-ago-karen-quinlans-coma-sparked-the-movement-for-patients-rights-near-the-end-of-life-277318

What Betsy Ross’ real story tells us about women’s work in the Revolution − and why it still matters 250 years later

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Marla Miller, Distinguished Professor of History, UMass Amherst

According to the legend, Betsy Ross showed George Washington how a five-pointed star instead of a six-pointed star would speed up production. GraphicaArtis/Archive Photos Collection via Getty Images

For generations, most Americans knew – and maybe believed – a story about upholstery seamstress Betsy Ross and the making of the nation’s first flag.

In the account passed down through her family, Ross was a young Philadelphia widow when George Washington and a congressional committee asked her to make a flag for the Colonies uniting in rebellion against England.

A sketch showed what they envisioned: red and white stripes and a constellation of six-pointed stars across a blue field.

But, the story continues, Ross folded a piece of paper “just so,” made a single cut, and voila! She produced a perfect five-pointed star. The men approved, she stitched a flag, Congress cheered and history was made.

As a historian of early American craftswomen, including Ross, I have often seen how mythologies – history’s sound bites – can bury richer and deeper understandings of the past. That’s the case with Betsy Ross, whose story was never about designing one flag but about producing many – and being one of thousands of women whose labor was essential to the nation’s origins.

Making of a legend

In 1870, Ross’ grandson William J. Canby recounted the family’s story about Betsy Ross and the making of the first flag in a speech to the Pennsylvania Historical Society. Historians and members of the public greeted the tale with skepticism.

Canby’s best efforts notwithstanding, no archival evidence then – or since – has confirmed that Ross fabricated the first U.S. flag.

Still, the story gained traction. For a long while, Ross was a popular historical figure in U.S. culture, up there with the likes of Martha Washington and Abigail Adams. One of the earliest biopics imagined her life story, and her name graced everything from dolls to decanters. Over time, thousands of people began visiting her supposed home at 239 Arch St. in the Old City neighborhood of Philadelphia. The landmark is preserved as a house museum.

As late as the 1980s, history professor Michael Frisch reported that “college students asked to name any person from pre–Civil War America who is not a politician or military figure” included Ross “year after year.”

But in the years following the 1976 U.S. bicentennial, Ross’ fame was already cresting. Today many Americans aren’t entirely sure whether she was real or fictional.

A brick rowhome with a white door and a US flag
The Betsy Ross House museum in Philadelphia.
Gilbert Carrasquillo via Getty Images

Widow turned aspiring government contractor

Elizabeth Griscom Ross was indeed real. She was an upholstery worker who lived in Philadelphia from the 1750s to the 1830s. While no written record confirms the flag story, ample evidence survives to document the successful multigenerational flagmaking enterprise that she launched and then sustained with her daughter and granddaughters.

According to an oral history recorded with Ross’ youngest daughter, sometime in the 1760s a young Elizabeth Griscom, who was born in 1752, joined a sister employed by Philadelphia upholsterer John Webster. Ross learned the craft of upholstery as well as the making of tassels and fringe from Ann King, who oversaw women’s work there.

Ross married upholstery apprentice John Ross in 1773, and the pair launched a small shop. John died in January 1776. Ross’ second husband, mariner Joseph Ashburn, served the Revolution as a privateer and died in an English prison. In 1783, another privateer, John Claypoole, became Ross’ third husband, and the couple raised a large family and lived full lives in the city.

My take on the legend’s veracity is that it is partly accurate, partly not, and there isn’t really any “first” flag.

What is certainly true is this: Ross found herself widowed in 1776 just as Philadelphia braced for British forces, an effort that required the building of a navy and new flags representing the Americans. Women all around the seaport were getting contracts to stitch flags, and Ross surely wanted in.

The “Did she or didn’t she sew the ‘first flag’?” question is usually framed as a story of design, but it’s not: It’s a story of production.

Ross, drawing on years of experience, was saying to these potential clients, “If you want a lot of these flags, and fast, five-pointed stars work better.”

Women’s massive wartime effort

When Betsy Ross told this story later to her children and grandchildren, at the heart of the story is a young craftswoman who met the “Father of Our Country” – and believed she taught him something.

Understanding Ross’ real life is important because her story offers a view of women’s massive wartime production of flags, uniforms, tents, knapsacks and more – and because of the deep pride she and women like her felt in their contributions to the independence movement.

Hundreds of Philadelphia women – including, briefly, Ross – manufactured ordnance for the Schuylkill arsenal. White, Black, Indigenous, enslaved and free women provided labor in the form of nursing, cooking, and making and maintaining clothes that was essential to military encampments. Women shaped diplomacy directly, especially among Indigenous peoples, and indirectly as they shared their perspectives with husbands, fathers and sons. They also managed affairs for absent family and stretched scarce resources to sustain wartime households.

Whatever she did or did not offer to the making of the first U.S. flag, Elizabeth Griscom Ross Ashburn Claypoole certainly enjoyed a long career in flagmaking.

The best documentation for this came just before the War of 1812. When Purveyor of public supplies Tench Coxe needed flags, he steered contracts to the onetime Elizabeth Ross, now known as Elizabeth Claypoole. In 1808, for instance, Coxe recorded that yards of blue fabric were en route to her; weeks later, the craftswoman submitted a bill for two garrison flags, two silk flags and seven regimental colors.

In 1810, she was contracted for six 18-by-24-foot garrison flags for a military installation at New Orleans. These flags unfolded to 432 square feet and required more than 100,000 stitches. They must have been well received because another order followed, for 46 garrison flags, which she was to deliver “with all dispatch” to the arsenal. Orders also came in from the Indian Department to produce dozens of flags used in diplomatic exchanges with Native nations.

By the time the U.S. went to war with England a second time in 1812, flags by Elizabeth Claypoole, aka “Betsy Ross,” flew all around the United States.

Over her long career, Betsy Ross produced an unknown number of flags – the hundred or so recorded in archival sources represent a fraction of her total output. As the U.S. observes the 250th anniversary of its independence, Ross’ real life – today fully interpreted by the dedicated staff of the Betsy Ross House – offers a view into the lives of working women across America whose wartime labor helped build a nation.

Read more of our stories about Philadelphia, or sign up for our Philadelphia newsletter on Substack.

The Conversation

Marla Miller receives funding from the National Park Service as a consultant providing expertise on women and the the American Revolution.

ref. What Betsy Ross’ real story tells us about women’s work in the Revolution − and why it still matters 250 years later – https://theconversation.com/what-betsy-ross-real-story-tells-us-about-womens-work-in-the-revolution-and-why-it-still-matters-250-years-later-276582