¿Por qué el peso de los salarios en el PIB se estanca pese al crecimiento del empleo?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Carlos Victoria Lanzón, Associate professor, Universidad Pontificia Comillas

El porcentaje de la riqueza global correspondiente a los salarios de los trabajadores está en mínimos históricos. Este hecho, ampliamente documentado por organismos internacionales e investigaciones académicas, tiene consecuencias negativas en términos de bienestar: el aumento de la desigualdad, el estancamiento en el logro de los objetivos de desarrollo sostenible (ODS) o la falta de oportunidades de futuro para las personas jóvenes, entre otras.

Factores estructurales detrás de la caída

Desde hace varias décadas, ciertas macrotendencias han influido en la caída de la participación salarial en la renta. Entre ellas, están:

  • La revolución tecnológica, en particular la vinculada a los avances en automatización e inteligencia artificial, con la consiguiente sustitución de las tareas y ocupaciones más rutinarias.

  • El abaratamiento en el precio de los bienes de capital (por ejemplo, ordenadores, máquinas industriales, etc.) en comparación con el precio de contratar trabajadores.

  • La globalización y la deslocalización.

  • El aumento de la concentración y del poder de mercado de las empresas (la capacidad de influir en el precio y la cantidad de un producto o servicio ofertados).

  • La desregulación del mercado de trabajo, que ha provocado el debilitamiento del poder de negociación de los sindicatos.

  • Cambios normativos e institucionales que han reducido la protección de los derechos de los trabajadores.

El PIB según la renta

La contabilidad nacional mide la actividad económica de un país durante un periodo determinado. Uno de los indicadores más importantes dentro de este sistema contable es el producto interior bruto (PIB), que mide el valor total de los bienes y servicios producidos en una economía durante un período determinado (generalmente un mes, un trimestre o un año).

Hay tres enfoques posibles y equivalentes para calcularlo: el del gasto (“quiénes compran los bienes o servicios”), el del valor añadido (“qué bienes y servicios finales se producen en una economía y quién los produce”) y el método de las rentas. Este último responde a la cuestión de “quiénes reciben las rentas generadas por la producción nacional”.




Leer más:
Cómo medir el desarrollo de los países más allá del crecimiento económico


Si se calcula el PIB por el enfoque de la renta, se deben sumar los salarios (la “remuneración de los asalariados”, incluidas las cotizaciones sociales), la remuneración del factor capital (el “excedente de explotación bruto”, o sea, la rentabilidad generada tras cubrir los costes de producción: materias primas, personal, etc.) y la renta de los autónomos (“renta mixta bruta”, que combina la remuneración del trabajo y el rendimiento del capital, difíciles de separar en este caso), al margen de otros ajustes contables. De este modo, podemos calcular la proporción de los salarios sobre la renta como la remuneración de los asalariados respecto al PIB.

De dos tercios a la mitad del PIB

Esa proporción de los salarios en el PIB solía ser relativamente estable. De hecho, no hace tanto tiempo, en los cursos intermedios de Macroeconomía se explicaba, simplificando, que alcanzaba dos tercios, correspondiendo el tercio restante a las rentas del capital. Sin embargo, los últimos datos disponibles muestran que ahora esta cifra es mucho menor, situándose en torno al 50 %.

La tendencia a la caída de la participación salarial en la renta no es nueva, es generalizada y obedece a múltiples factores, algunos de los cuales se retroalimentan. Por ejemplo, la automatización, el mayor poder de mercado de las empresas, el abaratamiento de los bienes de producción y la pérdida de poder de negociación de los trabajadores.

Sin embargo, España parece ser una excepción a esta tendencia: según informaban los medios, y de acuerdo a la información proporcionada por el Instituto Nacional de Estadística, el peso de los salarios en el PIB ha alcanzado el máximo en 25 años.

Una métrica volátil según el ciclo económico

Si analizamos la evolución desde 2002 de la remuneración de los asalariados como porcentaje del PIB, lo primero que observamos es que esta métrica, aunque ha oscilado durante ese periodo en un intervalo de solo cinco puntos porcentuales (entre el 45 y el 50 %), es relativamente volátil: crece durante las recesiones y disminuye durante las expansiones. Así se ve, por ejemplo, en los años de la Gran Recesión y, más recientemente, durante la pandemia. Esto es debido a la incidencia de factores de corto plazo, como la reducción en el PIB durante las crisis, que hace aumentar el indicador.

Si descontamos los periodos de crisis observamos que, efectivamente, hemos recuperado los niveles de 2002, situándonos en torno al 48 %. Aunque esta cifra queda lejos del 54,3 % que se publicaba en medios (lo que puede deberse a discrepancias estadísticas o metodológicas sobre los precios e incluso sobre el tratamiento de las rentas del trabajo autónomo), se aprecia un cambio en la tendencia en el año 2024.

Entre los factores que impulsan este hecho, destaca el importante aumento del empleo (1,9 millones de personas ocupadas más desde antes de la pandemia), así como el papel de las subidas salariales pactadas en algunos convenios colectivos. Por otro lado, si bien se apunta a las recientes subidas del salario mínimo interprofesional como otro factor relevante, su efecto neto es más ambiguo: el aumento del salario se puede ver limitado por el menor crecimiento del empleo o por la reducción del número de horas trabajadas.

La gran paradoja: buenos datos macro, salarios reales estancados

Con todo, en este contexto de buenos datos macroeconómicos, la mayor paradoja sigue siendo por qué no hay un reflejo en la microeconomía: según datos de la OCDE, los salarios reales en España seguían, en el primer trimestre de 2025, un 4,2 % por debajo del nivel del primer trimestre de 2021, a diferencia de Francia o Alemania.

Los efectos de la inflación, pero, sobre todo, la tímida evolución del nivel general de los salarios (condicionada, en gran parte, por una productividad limitada), se siguen notando y suponen uno de los grandes retos de la economía española.

The Conversation

Carlos Victoria Lanzón no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. ¿Por qué el peso de los salarios en el PIB se estanca pese al crecimiento del empleo? – https://theconversation.com/por-que-el-peso-de-los-salarios-en-el-pib-se-estanca-pese-al-crecimiento-del-empleo-276938

‘Influencers’ de viajes: ¿qué publicaciones triunfan en TikTok e Instagram?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Sandra Lizzeth Hernández Zelaya, Profesor Contratado Doctor, Profesor Permanente Laboral, Universidad Pontificia de Salamanca

Una chica mira el móvil mientras tira de una maleta.

Cuando una recomendación de viaje aparece en su móvil suele presentarse como una experiencia personal (generalmente de un influencer): un paisaje, un hotel, una ruta o un restaurante en un vídeo breve o una foto. Es fácil que esa escena influya luego en decisiones reales de consumo de los usuarios de redes. Por eso importa entender qué formatos generan más respuesta del público y, al mismo tiempo, si se identifica con claridad cuáles publicaciones son promoción pagada por las marcas.

La investigación

Para entender cómo los creadores de contenidos de viaje comunican y promocionan los destinos turísticos, analizamos 1 143 publicaciones realizadas entre marzo y julio de 2025 (el periodo previo al verano) por con alta visibilidad en Instagram y TikTok. En nuestro estudio codificamos variables de formato y contenido, tipo de destino, presencia de marca e identificación explícita de colaboraciones, y relacionamos esos rasgos con métricas de interacción.

Como comparar cuentas muy grandes con otras más pequeñas requiere una medida proporcional, hemos cuantificado la eficacia mediante la tasa de interacción, un porcentaje que se calcula sumando likes, comentarios y compartidos que luego dividimos entre el número de seguidores. En el conjunto analizado, la tasa media de interacción alcanza el 5,72 %, lo que indica una capacidad elevada de movilización.

Este indicador no equivale a ventas ni a reservas. Mide las reacciones que se producen dentro de la plataforma. Aun así, es útil para identificar patrones de respuesta del público y para evitar un error frecuente: confundir tamaño de audiencia con eficacia comunicativa.

El vídeo domina y supera a la fotografía

En el material analizado, la presencia del influencer es casi universal: en el 99,6 % de las publicaciones aparece como eje narrativo y como fuente de autenticidad. Así se refuerza la idea de que la conexión emocional con sus seguidores se genera a través de la exposición personal. La presencia casi constante del creador de contenidos sugiere una estrategia de comunicación basada en la identificación “espectador-influencer” y en mostrar estilos de vida a los que aspirar.

El formato predominante es el vídeo: el 86 % de las publicaciones lo son, un 9,3 % son fotografías y un 4,7 % formatos mixtos, que combinan fotografía y vídeo. Los resultados acompañan esa estrategia. Los vídeos registran una tasa media de interacción del 5,93 %, claramente por encima de la fotografía (3,71 %). Los formatos mixtos alcanzan el valor más alto (6 %). En términos simples, el vídeo breve es más eficaz para activar reacciones rápidas que la imagen estática.

Lo que más se publica no siempre es lo que más genera reacciones

Los destinos urbanos son, claramente, los más frecuentes: un 62,5 % del contenido analizado. Muy por detrás, aparecen los entornos naturales (19,3 %) y el contenido asociado a eventos (15,9 %), mientras que los destinos culturales apenas tienen presencia (2,2 %). Sin embargo, cuando se observan las respuestas del público, los entornos naturales lideran la tasa de interacción (7,17 %), por encima de los urbanos (5,97 %) y de los culturales (4,45 %). Los eventos presentan el valor más bajo de interacción (3,15 %).

Este patrón sugiere que el público reacciona con especial intensidad a escenas vinculadas al bienestar, la desconexión y la belleza de los paisajes naturales aunque el volumen de publicaciones se concentre en entornos urbanos.

Un análisis cruzado entre el tipo de destino y la red social empleada muestra que Instagram maximiza la interacción en paisajes urbanos (0,97 %) y naturales (1,06 %), mientras que en TikTok predomina en los contenidos relacionados con eventos (1,21 %). Este patrón sugiere que Instagram potencia los destinos visualmente reconocibles, los paisajes y las experiencias instagrameables, mientras que TikTok favorece el contenido dinámico y orientado a la acción, típico de los eventos y las actividades sociales.

Más seguidores no equivale a más influencia

Otro resultado relevante es que el número de seguidores del influencer no sirve para predecir la eficacia del mensaje. Aquí la idea de que “más grande” implica, necesariamente, “más eficaz” no encaja.

La interacción en las redes sociales se rige principalmente por dinámicas rápidas y reactivas y dependen de factores como la coherencia narrativa, la estética y la credibilidad percibida.

Así, la eficacia comunicativa en redes depende de la capacidad de crear contenidos que provoquen respuestas inmediatas motivadas por las emociones. Muchas de las interacciones obtenidas por los influencers analizados son de bajo esfuerzo,sobre todo likes y, en menor medida, comentarios.

Transparencia: presencia de marca, colaboración poco identificada

Solo el 6,3 % de las publicaciones analizadas incluía una etiqueta avisando explícitamente la colaboración publicitaria. Un 36,3 % mostraba presencia o identificación de marca (por ejemplo, mediante elementos visuales o menciones de las marcas). Este comportamiento sugiere prácticas cercanas a la publicidad encubierta.

Aquí el problema no es la publicidad sino que el usuario pueda reconocer el carácter comercial del mensaje. De hecho, en España, el marco legal obliga a que los influencers identifiquen claramente sus publicaciones publicitarias, precisamente porque la frontera entre entretenimiento y promoción se difumina fácilmente.

Qué implican estos datos para usuarios, destinos y empresas

Para el usuario, el mensaje es meramente práctico: conviene reconocer qué publicaciones de los influencers son pagadas por las marcas antes de tomar decisiones de gasto.

Para destinos y empresas, los datos sugieren dos ajustes. El primero es seleccionar colaboradores por su capacidad de generar tasa de interacción y por su coherencia con el tipo de destino, no solo por seguidores. El segundo es diseñar la transparencia desde el inicio de la colaboración, integrándola en el contenido de forma clara. A medio plazo, la credibilidad es un activo: la transparencia ayuda a sostenerla.

Este análisis describe cinco meses, creadores españoles y perfiles de alta visibilidad. No mide conversiones en reservas ni pretende establecer reglas universales. Aun así, ofrece una fotografía útil de prácticas dominantes: el vídeo breve y la presencia del creador concentran la respuesta del público, los destinos naturales movilizan más interacción que los urbanos y la transparencia comercial sigue siendo el principal desafío para sostener la confianza.

The Conversation

Las personas firmantes no son asalariadas, ni consultoras, ni poseen acciones, ni reciben financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y han declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado anteriormente.

ref. ‘Influencers’ de viajes: ¿qué publicaciones triunfan en TikTok e Instagram? – https://theconversation.com/influencers-de-viajes-que-publicaciones-triunfan-en-tiktok-e-instagram-277138

The race to mine critical minerals for AI and clean energy is creating ‘sacrifice zones’ that harm water and health of world’s poor

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Abraham Nunbogu, Institute for Water, Environment and Health, United Nations University

An artisanal miner holds a cobalt stone at a mine near Kolwezi, Congo, in 2022. About 20,000 people work there among toxic materials. Junior Kannah/AFP via Getty Images

There is a troubling contradiction at the heart of the global transition to a cleaner, greener, tech-driven future: Modern technologies – everything from AI to wind turbines, as well as cellphones, electric vehicles and defense systems – depend on critical minerals. But many of the communities where those minerals are mined end up with polluted water and poorer health because of the mining.

Lithium powers batteries. Cobalt stabilizes them. Copper carries electricity. Rare earth elements make wind turbines and digital devices efficient and durable. Each of these are essential to the technologies of the fourth industrial revolution, but they are also toxic and require enormous amounts of water to extract.

As researchers at the United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health, we have been studying the impacts of critical mineral mining on communities around the world. Our new report shows why mining will end up worsening the lives of some of the world’s poorest people if critical mineral supply chains are not monitored and regulated.

One of us is from the Middle East, a region still suffering from the long-term consequences of supplying the fuel consumed for the remarkable economic developments of the 20th century. And one of us comes from Africa, the continent that is now serving as a major supplier of the critical minerals that fuel technological advancements in the 21st century.

Based on our experiences and our research, we believe that if there aren’t major changes in how countries, corporations and communities manage critical minerals, humanity risks reproducing the injustices of the oil extraction era, this time with the technological advancements meant to address the problems fossil fuels created.

Mining contributes to growing water bankruptcy

One of the most significant impacts of critical minerals extraction is its effect on water.

In 2024 alone, global lithium production required an estimated 456 billion liters of water. That is equivalent to the annual domestic water needs of roughly 62 million people in sub‑Saharan Africa. At the same time, much of the world is facing water bankruptcy, meaning people and industries are using more fresh water than nature can replenish, leading to irrecoverable ecosystem damages.

A worker in protective gear and a face mask drags a large hose beside brine pools.
Workers perform maintenance at pools where evaporation concentrates lithium-rich brine in Chile’s Atacama Desert in 2023. To extract lithium, mines pump water from beneath the salt flats.
AP Photo/Rodrigo Abd

In arid regions such as Chile’s Salar de Atacama, mining activities account for up to 65% of total regional water use, competing with agriculture and ecosystems. Groundwater levels have dropped, salt lagoons have shrunk, and freshwater aquifers are increasingly at risk of being depleted and contaminated.

Water pollution compounds problems like this. Mining generates large quantities of toxic waste and wastewater containing heavy metals, acids and radioactive residues.

Map shows critical mineral mine and deposit sites and areas with large numbers of them.

Source: United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health

Rare earth mineral production, for example, generates up to 2,000 metric tons of waste for every metric ton of usable material. Rare earth minerals are often extracted by creating leaching ponds and adding chemicals to separate the metals. When the effluent isn’t treated or is improperly stored, the chemicals can seep into groundwater and waterways, contaminating aquifers and rivers.

In some parts of the world, rivers near cobalt and copper mines have become so acidic that communities can no longer drink water from them. Fish stocks have collapsed, and farmlands have been poisoned. Water insecurity is no longer a side effect of mining; it is a systemic cost.

Health crises hidden in supply chains

Communities living near these extraction sites report people suffering from skin diseases, gastrointestinal illnesses, reproductive health problems and chronic health conditions associated with long‑term exposure to heavy metals in polluted water and soil.

Evidence from mining regions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is particularly stark.

Studies document high rates of miscarriages, congenital malformations and infant mortality among populations exposed to environments contaminated with cobalt and other metals. Maternity wards in southern Democratic Republic of the Congo that are close to mining operations report significantly more birth defects than those farther away.

In communities near mining operations, residents talk about how women and girls living near cobalt and copper mining sites have been experiencing gynecological health problems, including infections, menstrual irregularities, miscarriages and infertility. These risks are linked to prolonged contact with contaminated water, compounded by limited access to sanitation and healthcare.

In Chile’s Antofagasta region, cancer mortality is the highest in the country. Lung cancer rates there are nearly three times the national average. Physicians in the region also report rising cases of neurological and developmental disorders, which they link to early exposure to contaminated water and air.

Thousands of children are estimated to be employed in artisanal cobalt mines in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In the informal mines, they may be exposed to cobalt dust and other hazardous materials without protective gear.

These health risks are heightened by weak systems for water, sanitation and healthcare. As of 2024, only about one-third of people in the Democratic Republic of the Congo had at least basic drinking water services.

Food costs of the energy transition

The water problems caused by critical minerals extraction also pose a major threat to local food systems. In Peru, zinc mining has contaminated the Cunas watershed. Runoff pollutes water used to irrigate crops and provide water for livestock.

In Bolivia’s Uyuni region, lithium mining has led to persistent water shortages that are making it increasingly difficult to grow quinoa, a staple crop central to local diets and economies. Across the wider “lithium triangle” of Argentina, Chile and Bolivia, mining has reduced water availability for crops and farm animals.

Similar patterns are evident in parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia. In both countries, polluted rivers have contributed to declining fish stocks and livestock illnesses, harming households that are already struggling to feed themselves.

Ways to protect mining communities

Innovation and technological advances have the potential to do good. But we believe a fair and sustainable energy and digital transition requires deliberate actions to avoid creating “sacrifice zones,” places where human and ecological well-being are traded away for technological breakthroughs.

A man with dried mud on his bare arms stand near a water-filled mine where a child and woman are searching for minerals.
A family works at an artisanal cobalt and copper mine site in 2025 in Kolwezi, Democratic Republic of the Congo. These mines are often unregulated.
Michel Lunanga/Getty Images

One option is to create stronger international governance. Moving beyond voluntary guidelines toward binding international rules, such as treaties, enforceable supply chain due-diligence laws, mandatory environmental and human rights standards for mining operations, and potentially establishing a global mineral trust that would manage critical minerals as shared planetary assets, could improve water protection, pollution control and human rights across mineral supply chains.

Companies can also invest in less water-intensive mining technologies. Countries can tighten their wastewater controls and expand independent environmental monitoring and reporting.

A large retaining pond with ragged edges, roads along its sides and mountains in the background.
Copper-mining companies create huge tailings ponds, like this one in Chile in 2019, to store toxic byproducts of mining. Hundreds of these waste ponds exist across the country and carry the risk of leaking acidic water and heavy metals such as arsenic, copper and mercury into groundwater.
Martin Bernetti/AFP via Getty Images

Governance arrangements that give local and Indigenous communities a stronger voice, a fair share in the benefits and genuine co-governance of resources could further rebalance who has power and who bears risk.

On the consumption side, extending product lifespans, expanding recycling and encouraging less reliance on newly mined minerals would ease pressure on water‑stressed regions.

For the people who use these technologies, the social and environmental costs embedded in critical minerals supply chains are often out of sight and out of mind. Making these impacts visible can enable consumers to make informed choices and engage in greater scrutiny of corporate practices.

Critical minerals are essential to advancing sustainability. But if cleaner technologies are built in ways that result in polluted rivers, sick children and dispossessed communities, the transition will fall short of its promise.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The race to mine critical minerals for AI and clean energy is creating ‘sacrifice zones’ that harm water and health of world’s poor – https://theconversation.com/the-race-to-mine-critical-minerals-for-ai-and-clean-energy-is-creating-sacrifice-zones-that-harm-water-and-health-of-worlds-poor-281524

UAE’s OPEC exit has been long in the works – and may mark the beginning of a Gulf realignment

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Fellow for the Middle East at the Baker Institute, Rice University

The Emiratis are poised to turn their back on their oil cartel buddies. Karim Sahib/AFP via Getty Images

The United Arab Emirates’ decision to withdraw from the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries will leave the oil cartel weakened at a crucial time. It also illustrates the ongoing tensions between the UAE and Saudi Arabia, OPEC’s largest producer and de facto leader.

The UAE announced on April 28, 2026, that it will depart OPEC and OPEC+, an expanded grouping which includes Russia, on May 1, depriving the groups of their third- and fourth-largest oil producer, respectively.

Though the move may seem abrupt, as a close observer of the UAE and intra-Gulf politics, I believe Abu Dhabi’s decision to leave OPEC and go it alone was in the cards for a while and follows years of Abu Dhabi’s complaints about the cartel.

The announcement also follows years of divergence between Emirati and Saudi oil policies, as well as the growth of competitive rivalries between the two countries over wider regional questions. This rift between the two largest Sunni Gulf states burst into the open in December 2025, when competing visions for security in Yemen threatened to reignite civil conflict in the war-torn country.

Unity in the face of Iranian attacks since then should not mask that underlying split, of which the UAE’s OPEC decision is merely the latest manifestation.

The world’s most prominent cartel

OPEC formed in 1960 as a way for the main oil producers to set production limits and therefore control the price of crude around the world.

The UAE has been a member of OPEC since the seven-emirate federation was established in 1971, although Abu Dhabi – the emirate that holds 95% of Emirati oil reserves – has been a member since 1967.

A large building with 'Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries' written on it.
Exterior view of OPEC’s headquarters in Vienna.
Christian Bruna/Getty Images

At its height in the mid- and late-1970s, OPEC played a powerful role in reshaping the balance of power between oil producers and consumers, and countering Western dominance in a postcolonial setting of resource nationalization.

While other members have withdrawn from OPEC in recent years – such as Qatar in 2019 and Angola in 2024 – the impact of the UAE’s departure is on a far greater scale, affecting about 12% of OPEC’s total oil output.

Furthermore, the exit of the UAE removes one of the few major swing producers from OPEC, weakening the organization’s ability to respond rapidly to changing market conditions in the future.

Diverging Gulf priorities

The UAE has been signaling a potential split for at least five years, when differences of opinion with Saudi Arabia on how to manage oil policy emerged ahead of a November 2020 OPEC+ summit. The rift became openly visible during a subsequent meeting of OPEC+ countries in July 2021.

In both cases, the UAE wished to increase oil production – which had been sharply curtailed by OPEC members during the COVID-19 pandemic – while the Saudis sought to maintain high prices by keeping output lower and prices higher.

In part, this reflects the different circumstances of the two Gulf nations. The Saudis are reliant on higher oil prices to drive the revenues needed to fund its lavish budget and pay for massive infrastructure projects like its Vision 2030 project. The Emirati economy, on the other hand, is more diversified and less directly dependent on oil revenues.

Instead, Abu Dhabi has invested heavily in recent years to expand capacity to be able to increase oil production from 3.4 million barrels a day before the U.S.-Israel war against Iran to 5 million barrels a day by 2027 – and potentially higher later on. This reflects a desire to monetize its reserves and move the oil to market to avoid the risk of stranded assets should global demand fall in any future transition away from fossil fuels.

Shorn of the constraints of OPEC quotas, which the Emiratis have chafed against for years, officials in Abu Dhabi will be able to increase production should it wish to do so once the impasse with Iran is broken and the Strait of Hormuz fully reopens.

Men in suits and traditional Gulf attire stand.
Energy ministers from Russia, Saudi Arabia and the UAE at an OPEC meeting in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on June 2, 2024.
Haitham El-Tabei/AFP via Getty Images

Post-Iran war regional shifts

It is clear that UAE leadership is first and foremost intent on doubling down on the pursuit of its national interests, with an emphasis on prioritizing ties with the U.S. – and likely also Israel – over those with countries that Abu Dhabi feels reflect an old world it is now seeking to leave behind.

While the war in Iran may have temporarily overshadowed the eruption of Saudi-Emirati tensions over Yemen and visions for the region, the rift had not been resolved prior to the U.S. and Israeli launch of military operations on Feb. 28.

Comments by prominent Emiratis have suggested tk: links to comments that officials in the UAE have paid close attention to which countries have, in their view, stepped up to assist the UAE in times of crisis, and which have not.

The OPEC decision thus reflects a calculation in Abu Dhabi that there is no longer any utility in remaining part of a Saudi-dominated organization. The UAE’s reconsideration of other memberships, such as the Arab League, Organization of Islamic Conference or even the Gulf Cooperation Council, may be next, as the UAE and other regional countries begin to think ahead to an uncertain post-war landscape.

The Conversation

Kristian Coates Ulrichsen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. UAE’s OPEC exit has been long in the works – and may mark the beginning of a Gulf realignment – https://theconversation.com/uaes-opec-exit-has-been-long-in-the-works-and-may-mark-the-beginning-of-a-gulf-realignment-281699

Another alleged attempt on Trump’s life: A political lifeline or a damaging display of weakness?

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By James K. Rowe, Associate Professor of Political Ecology, University of Victoria

United States President Donald Trump has apparently dodged yet another bullet.

If history is any indication, the latest alleged attempt on his life at the White House Correspondents dinner couldn’t have happened at a better time given his sagging popularity. But amid widespread skepticism and the Trump team’s efforts to promote the construction of a White House ballroom in the immediate aftermath of the shooting, it’s far from clear whether this incident will benefit the president.

Assassination attempts often make elected politicians more popular. In 1981, Ronald Reagan was shot in the same Washington Hilton Hotel that was the site of Trump’s latest assassination attempt. Reagan’s approval ratings jumped after he survived the attack.

Why does political violence help bolster approval ratings?

The obvious answer is that being subject to violence can humanize victims, softening criticism from supporters and critics alike.

The less obvious reason is that dodging or surviving bullets can super-humanize politicians, making them seem “touched” by God or like they have command over the vital powers of life and death.

Trump as superhero

When Trump lifted his fist in defiance, a trickle of blood on his face in Butler, Pa., a few months before the 2024 presidential election, he created an iconic image that bolstered his campaign and created a myth of invincibility.

This is the same man who claimed in 2016 that he “could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and…wouldn’t lose any voters.” Despite two impeachments, convictions on 34 felony charges, an admission of sexual assault on a hot microphone and multiple assault allegations, Trump was re-elected in 2024. Where others might have whithered, his forward march continued.




Read more:
Ego, hubris and narcissism: Where Donald Trump ranks among the other 45 American presidents


While Trump once claimed the ability to shoot people in downtown Manhattan and survive politically, the Butler shooting gave the impression that he himself could also be shot without losing his life, that he isn’t subject to normal vulnerabilities and that he is somehow superhuman. Trump himself has cited divine intervention as key to his ongoing survival despite multiple assassination attempts.

Terror management

Terror management theory (TMT) is a school of psychology that tracks how our relationships to life and death shape political outcomes.

According to TMT, we cope with our anxieties about death by pursuing “earthly heroism” — meaning we seek esteem according to our chosen world views. There is a growing body of experimental evidence to support this hypothesis.

Trump is walking confirmation of TMT.

He is a known germaphobe obsessed with perceptions of vitality. He obsesses over his hair since he sees baldness as weakness and defeat. By ruthlessly pursuing money — the measure of worth in capitalist economies — and by stamping his name on everything from buildings, vodka and Bibles, he has sought heroism. Even before he ran for president, you could buy a Trump-branded action figure.

According to American anthropologist Ernest Becker, whose Pulitzer Prize-winning book The Denial of Death laid the intellectual groundwork for TMT:

“The real world …tells man that he is a small trembling animal who will decay and die. Illusion changes all this, makes man seem important, vital to the universe, immortal in some way.”

From his fixation on gold, grandiosity and golden locks despite his age, Trump is a master of illusion, crafting a mirage of super heroism for his MAGA base.

Heroism can also be pursued vicariously. This is something many of us do with our preferred sport teams, celebrities and politicians, feeling their victories and losses like our own.

Good timing?

Trump’s victory over death in Butler two years ago — an incident that is now being questioned even by his MAGA supporters — helped carry him across the finish line. His chief of staff, Susie Wiles, said Butler was a “big part” of his victory in 2024.

And so what to make of the recent apparent attempt on his life? Will it help resuscitate his historically low approval ratings?




Read more:
Donald Trump’s US ratings fall to a record low amid Iran war


In crass political terms, historical precedent suggests the assassination attempt couldn’t have happened at a better time. Tarred by his association with deceased pedophile Jeffrey Epstein and prosecuting an unpopular war of choice against Iran that is costing billions while raising gas prices for voters, Trump needed a lifeline.

The timing is so good for him that conspiracy theories immediately began to swirl that the attack was an inside job aimed at bolstering Trump’s slumping approval ratings.

Avoiding political death?

It is unlikely, however, that this recent incident will stave off political death. After the political failures of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), the Epstein files and a risky war with no clear exit, Trump is politically weakened.




Read more:
Panicking scientists, canceled experiments – federal funding cuts turned my work as a research dean into crisis management


Influential members of his own base, including former Fox News pundit Tucker Carlson, are no longer lionizing him, instead musing whether he might be the anti-Christ.

Images from the recent shooting suggest weakness, not vitality. Secret service agents struggled to get him out of his seat likely due to ongoing mobility issues (though Trump claims his sluggishness was due to courageously overseeing the action).

Likewise, instead of lifting his fist triumphantly like in Butler, Trump fell down as he was rushed off stage (again, he claims he was told to get down, but his exit looks weak).

A report on the apparent assassination attempt in Washington, D.C. (CNN)

While his team will spin the latest shooting as further evidence of his super humanity, Trump is looking more politically and existentially mortal by the day.

Trump had his time in the sun, but like Icarus, his hubris and overreach are finally melting his wings. While illusion can obscure the inevitable for a while, what goes up must always come down.

The Conversation

James K. Rowe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Another alleged attempt on Trump’s life: A political lifeline or a damaging display of weakness? – https://theconversation.com/another-alleged-attempt-on-trumps-life-a-political-lifeline-or-a-damaging-display-of-weakness-281675

Fraude, coercition et torture dans les centres d’arnaques en ligne : un témoin raconte

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Randall Hansen, Professor, Canada Research Chair in Global Migration & Director of the Global Migration Lab, University of Toronto

Lors de mon récent séjour à Phnom Penh, au Cambodge, j’ai abordé un groupe de jeunes hommes devant l’ambassade de l’Inde. Je leur ai dit que j’étais chercheur à l’Université de Toronto.

Je leur ai demandé : « Venez-vous des centres d’arnaques ? » Ces centres sont des complexes à grande échelle dans lesquels des travailleurs victimes de traite sont enfermés et contraints de participer à des fraudes en ligne.

C’était bien le cas. Akshit, un homme d’une trentaine d’années, a accepté de me raconter son histoire.

Akshit n’est pas une victime typique de la traite des personnes. Son anglais est parfait, il est instruit et a travaillé dans des banques et des centres d’appel. Pourtant, il en a bel et bien été victime. En 2024, il a entendu parler d’un emploi au Cambodge, payé deux fois plus que son salaire en Inde, par un ami.

Après un bref entretien, il a déboursé 500 $ US pour acheter un billet d’avion à destination de Phnom Penh via Kuala Lumpur. Le vol et le trajet en voiture jusqu’à Sihanoukville, une ville côtière du sud-ouest du Cambodge, se sont déroulés sans encombre. À son arrivée dans un immeuble, on lui a remis une trousse d’accueil et offert une belle chambre. Tout semblait en règle.




À lire aussi :
Fraude amoureuse en ligne de type « Brad Pitt » : les victimes sont influencées par des mécanismes psychologiques complexes


En réalité, il se trouvait dans un complexe dédié à la fraude, où des centaines d’employés, assis devant des ordinateurs, tentaient de convaincre des Asiatiques et des Occidentaux d’investir dans de faux projets ou de se lancer dans une relation amoureuse. Les employés étaient répartis en équipes de huit, dirigées par un chef d’équipe, sous la supervision d’un responsable gérant plusieurs équipes. Le tout était chapeauté par une organisation criminelle chinoise. Son recruteur l’avait vendu pour 5 000 $ US.

Violations du droit du travail

Des centaines de milliers de personnes sont victimes de la traite rien qu’au Cambodge et en Birmanie. Les médias ont relatéles coups, les os brisés et les cris des employés auxquels on administre des décharges électriques dans les complexes de fraude. Ces atrocités sont bien réelles, mais elles ne sont que la forme la plus extrême de maltraitance qu’on y inflige.

Ces complexes reposent sur un système de travail rémunéré, mais forcé. Les victimes y effectuent des journées de 15 heures, sept jours sur sept, doivent avoir plusieurs fenêtres de discussion ouvertes en même temps où elles écrivent en anglais et dans leur langue maternelle.

Akshit travaillait en anglais et en hindi, ciblant les Indiens du sud. Les discussions commençaient à 10 h 30 — les retards étaient sanctionnés par une amende — et se terminaient à 2 h du matin.

Tout était parfaitement réglé : un « développeur » envoyait des messages à plusieurs victimes potentielles. Lorsqu’une personne mordait à l’hameçon, il la passait à un « chatteur » qui échangeait avec elle des messages pendant trois ou quatre jours afin de déterminer si elle était intéressée par une relation amoureuse ou un gain financier. Il la passait ensuite au « tueur » qui concluait l’affaire en lui expliquant comment transférer les fonds.

Akshit a alterné entre ces trois rôles.

Le montant initial était modeste (environ 250 dollars) et augmentait progressivement. Une fois que la victime avait versé suffisamment d’argent, tout s’arrêtait. Les montants variaient d’une personne à l’autre, mais les virements importants, de plusieurs centaines de milliers de dollars ou plus, étaient rares ; il s’agissait généralement de quelques milliers de dollars.

Le rôle de la pandémie

Les complexes d’arnaques ont pris leur essor au Cambodge pendant la pandémie de Covid-19. Des casinos fermés et des immeubles d’habitation de villes telles que Sihanoukville et des villes frontalières comme Bavet (Vietnam), Kaoh Kong et O’Smach (Thaïlande) ont alors été réaménagés pour accueillir des opérations frauduleuses. Ces activités se sont ensuite étendues au Myanmar, le long de la frontière avec la Thaïlande, et au Laos, en particulier dans le « Triangle d’Or », aux confins du Laos, du Myanmar et de la Thaïlande.

Les escroqueries de cette ampleur sont récentes, mais le modèle économique qui consiste à réaliser d’importants profits grâce à de faibles marges par transaction est bien plus ancien.

Des milliards sont soutirés aux victimes — en 2023, les fraudes liées aux cryptomonnaies ont causé des pertes de 5,6 milliards de dollars US aux États-Unis–, mais les gains par opération sont beaucoup moins impressionnants, car ils sont répartis entre des centaines de complexes et des centaines de milliers de travailleurs.

Une feuille de paie provenant d’un centre d’arnaques

Chaque membre de l’équipe d’Akshit avait un objectif de 10 000 dollars par mois, pour lequel il recevait 800 dollars. Au-delà de ce montant, la part augmentait progressivement. Mais tout le monde n’atteignait pas cet objectif.

Les fiches de paie qu’Akshit m’a montrées indiquaient quelques versements supérieurs à 5 000 dollars, mais la plupart ne dépassaient pas quelques centaines de dollars, et les gains n’étaient que de quelques milliers de dollars par mois. Ceux qui n’atteignaient pas l’objectif recevaient moins d’argent, et parfois rien du tout. Ceux qui refusaient de travailler étaient maltraités, menacés ou même torturés.

Une nuit, Akshit a été réveillé par des cris. Un ressortissant pakistanais avait refusé d’obéir et demandé de l’aide par texto à ceux qu’il était censé escroquer. Un chef d’équipe l’a dénoncé. Ses supérieurs et le personnel de sécurité l’ont frappé avec des matraques électriques.

Des fermetures réelles ?

Les coûts fixes d’un complexe de fraude sont élevés, avec les frais de logement, de nourriture, de sécurité, de transport, ainsi que les salaires des chefs d’équipe et des responsables. C’est le recours au travail forcé qui rend l’activité rentable. En offrant une main-d’œuvre bon marché, la traite de personnes dans ces complexes illégaux présente des similitudes avec celle pratiquée dans les secteurs légaux de la transformation du poisson ou du vêtement.

Le fait qu’un si grand nombre de victimes proviennent de pays riches d’Occident et d’Asie de l’Est explique la pression immense qui pèse sur le gouvernement cambodgien. Des centaines de centres d’arnaques ont fermé leurs portes depuis janvier 2026, et des milliers de travailleurs chinois, sud-asiatiques, africains et indonésiens se sont retrouvés à la rue à Phnom Penh où ils cherchent désespérément à regagner leur pays.

Les apparences sont cependant trompeuses. Le complexe dans lequel travaillait Akshit n’a fait l’objet d’une descente de police qu’après que les propriétaires en ont été avertis et qu’ils ont transféré les employés dans un hôtel. Danielle Keeton-Olsen, une journaliste d’investigation, m’a confié que les personnes libérées occupaient généralement des emplois au bas de l’échelle. Plusieurs autres sources ont confirmé cette information.

En outre, comme me l’a expliqué Nathan Paul Southern, d’Eyewitness Project :

Il y a une énorme différence entre faire l’objet d’une descente de police et être contraint de fermer. La plupart des fermetures du complexe Prince Group n’étaient pas le résultat d’une descente de police ; les activités ont simplement cessé. Les policiers ont dit : “Vous devez partir, mais continuez à nous payer.” Et les portes se sont fermées.

Il a fait remarquer qu’une grande partie des infrastructures était toujours en place et que certains complexes étaient en train de se remplir à nouveau. Les bénéfices, générés grâce à une main-d’œuvre bon marché, sont trop importants.

Une entreprise lucrative

En 2023, le chiffre d’affaires annuel total généré par les fraudes au Cambodge s’élevait à 12,9 milliards de dollars US, soit environ 40 % du PIB du pays. Partout au Cambodge, les autorités — policiers, gardes-frontières et fonctionnaires — acceptent des pots-de-vin pour fermer les yeux.


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De nombreuses entités puissantes, telles que des organisations criminelles, des entreprises et des responsables politiques, ont tout intérêt à ce que ce système perdure. Si des centres d’arnaques cessent leurs activités au Cambodge, ils réapparaissent ailleurs.

Il faut également tenir compte des souhaits des travailleurs. Akshit estime que 40 % des personnes de son complexe travaillaient de leur plein gré et gagnaient environ 5 000 dollars par mois. Ce chiffre peut être exagéré, mais il est indéniable que certains ont intérêt à ce que le système reste en place.

À l’échelle mondiale, des millions de personnes sont suffisamment désespérées pour accepter ce risque. Sous une forme ou une autre, les complexes de fraude, et le trafic qui les alimente, ne sont pas près de disparaître.

La Conversation Canada

Randall Hansen bénéficie d’un financement au titre de sa Chaire de recherche du Canada sur les migrations mondiales.

ref. Fraude, coercition et torture dans les centres d’arnaques en ligne : un témoin raconte – https://theconversation.com/fraude-coercition-et-torture-dans-les-centres-darnaques-en-ligne-un-temoin-raconte-280867

La génération des boomers vit sa sexualité librement, sans tabous. Mais les normes âgistes persistent

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Isabelle Wallach, Professeure de sexologie, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM)

La génération des boomers vit sa sexualité librement, sans tabous. Mais les normes âgistes persistent

Les boomers font diminuer le tabou associé à la sexualité des aînés. Toutefois, du chemin reste à parcourir pour que les aînés puissent bénéficier d’une vie sexuelle épanouie.

Les boomers ont brisé de nombreux tabous et révolutionné les mœurs, notamment sexuelles. Alors que les hommes et les femmes de cette génération vieillissent, le regard que porte la société sur la sexualité des aînés change-t-il? Deux recherches confirment que oui, même si des tabous persistent.


Longtemps tabou, la sexualité des aînés gagne en visibilité dans les sociétés occidentales et leurs médias. Spécialiste de la sexualité en contexte de vieillissement, je travaille sur ce sujet depuis près d’une quinzaine d’années et je constate une évolution de l’intérêt pour ce sujet. Cela s’explique par la présence massive des baby-boomers au sein de la population âgée, et au plus grand confort de cette génération avec la sexualité.

Cette ouverture apparente, tant dans la société que dans les mœurs sexuelles des baby-boomers, pourrait masquer les effets plus insidieux de l’âgisme sur les possibilités de vivre une sexualité épanouie à un âge avancé.


Cet article fait partie de notre série La Révolution grise. La Conversation vous propose d’analyser sous toutes ses facettes l’impact du vieillissement de l’imposante cohorte des boomers sur notre société. Manières de se loger, de travailler, de consommer la culture, de s’alimenter, de voyager, de se soigner, de vivre… découvrez avec nous les bouleversements en cours, et à venir.


Une sexualité plus ouverte et permissive

Les baby-boomers ont été témoins et acteurs de changements sociaux et culturels majeurs dans la sphère intime, à la suite des mouvements de lutte pour les droits des femmes et des minorités sexuelles et de la révolution sexuelle qui ont marqué les années 1960 et 1970.

Alors que les générations précédentes pensaient que la sexualité devait se vivre dans le cadre d’une relation maritale hétérosexuelle, centrée sur la pénétration et avec pour but la procréation, les baby-boomers ont forgé de nouvelles valeurs sexuelles. La sexualité est devenue une expérience pouvant se vivre en dehors du contexte conjugal et de l’hétérosexualité et ayant pour objectif le plaisir.

Alors que les générations précédentes pensaient que la sexualité devait se vivre dans le cadre d’une relation maritale hétérosexuelle, les boomers ont forgé de nouvelles valeurs sexuelles.
(Unsplash), CC BY-NC-SA

Ces transformations majeures ont eu des effets au long cours: les études comparant les conduites et attitudes sexuelles des aînés de différentes générations montrent que celle issue du baby-boom accorde plus d’importance à la sexualité et est plus permissive que celles qui l’ont précédée.

L’obligation de performance, une pression sans précédent sur les aînés

Pour mieux comprendre le nouveau rapport à la sexualité des aînés, il faut tenir compte de l’influence du mouvement du vieillissement réussi, aussi appelé «bien vieillir» au Québec et traduit de l’anglais successful aging.

En voulant combattre l’âgisme et encourager un vieillissement actif, ce mouvement a diffusé de nouvelles normes dans la sphère intime, qui se sont notamment manifestées à travers la commercialisation de stimulants érectiles (comme le Viagra) et le développement de l’industrie des produits anti-vieillissement.

Loin d’être sans impacts, ces nouvelles normes relatives à la sexualité aux âges avancés exercent une pression sans précédent sur les aînés. Car si leur droit à vivre une sexualité est davantage reconnu, il s’accompagne aussi d’une obligation tacite de performance et d’une lutte sans relâche pour conserver un corps jeune et séduisant.

Un âgisme déguisé

De telles injonctions peuvent être considérées comme une forme d’âgisme déguisé : la sexualité des aînés est désormais encouragée, mais elle n’a de valeur que si elle correspond aux normes de jeunesse. La reconnaissance du droit à la sexualité des aînés fait par ailleurs l’objet d’un double standard : les femmes subissent plus d’âgisme que les hommes dans le domaine de la séduction.

Les baby-boomers pourraient donc faire face à des tensions entre une vision ouverte de la sexualité héritée de leur jeunesse et des normes sexuelles âgistes. Mais est-ce que ces normes se manifestent réellement dans le vécu sexuel des aînés, et si oui de quelles façons?

Afin d’apporter quelques éléments de réponse à cette question, voici les résultats tirés de deux projets de recherche que j’ai menés au Québec.

Le vécu sexuel des hommes : entre liberté et pression âgiste

Le premier projet porte sur la vie sexuelle d’hommes aînés ayant déjà utilisé un stimulant érectile pharmaceutique, comme le Viagra. Il est basé sur des entrevues individuelles avec 27 hommes âgés de 65 à 84 ans, hétérosexuels et gais.

Cette étude met tout d’abord en évidence une grande diversité dans le vécu sexuel des hommes et leur façon d’exprimer leur sexualité. Ainsi, alors que certains évoquent une expression sexuelle centrée sur la connexion et la tendresse, d’autres décrivent une sexualité axée sur des pratiques génitales en solo ou avec partenaire. Plusieurs participants rapportent également avoir des pratiques sexuelles libérales, telles que l’usage de pornographie ou le BDSM.

Les pratiques sexuelles libérales sont plus fréquentes chez les hommes gais, mais le fait d’accorder davantage d’importance à l’intimité en vieillissant s’observe autant chez les participants hétérosexuels que gais.

En ce qui concerne l’usage des stimulants érectiles, deux attitudes prédominent. Un certain nombre de participants les utilisent dans un objectif d’exploration de leur sexualité et d’augmentation du plaisir. D’autres y ont recours dans l’intention de restaurer leurs capacités érectiles qu’ils considèrent comme des emblèmes de la masculinité et de la jeunesse.

Ce désir de conserver une sexualité performante peut être source d’émotions négatives dans les situations où les médicaments sont inefficaces ou ne donnent pas les résultats escomptés. Enfin, pour les hommes gais, le recours aux stimulants érectiles peut constituer un moyen de lutter contre l’âgisme qui sévit de façon marquée au sein de leur communauté.

La sexualité des femmes : entre tabou et bienfaits

Le projet sur la sexualité des femmes aînées que je réalise actuellement en collaboration avec d’autres chercheuses et en partenariat avec des Centres de femmes du Québec repose sur une double méthode de collecte de données : des entrevues individuelles et le photovoix.

Parmi les 22 participantes de 60 ans et plus, la moitié a pris part au photovoix. Deux groupes ont été formés, l’un composé d’hétérosexuelles et l’autre de lesbiennes. Chaque groupe a décidé collectivement de 6 à 8 thèmes en lien avec la sexualité sur lesquels seraient prises des photographies. Toutes les deux semaines, les participantes étaient invitées à prendre des photos individuellement pour ensuite les partager au groupe.

L’influence des valeurs sexuelles religieuses conservatrices qui ont marqué la jeunesse des femmes a parfois laissé des traces, notamment pour les participantes lesbiennes, à travers des expériences de lesbophobie.
(Unsplash), CC BY-NC-ND

Quatre rencontres de groupe ont été consacrées à la présentation de ces photos et à des échanges entre les participantes sur les enjeux qui en ressortaient. Une partie de ces photos a été diffusée sous forme d’exposition numérique afin de sensibiliser le grand public à aux enjeux vécus par les femmes aînées en lien avec la sexualité.

Les analyses préliminaires des données permettent de tirer plusieurs constats. D’abord, les femmes aînées manquent d’espaces qui leur permettent de parler de sexualité. Elles disent qu’il est essentiel de briser le silence entourant ce sujet.


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L’influence des valeurs sexuelles religieuses conservatrices qui ont marqué leur jeunesse a parfois laissé des traces, que ce soit à travers le déni de leur droit au désir et au plaisir ou, pour les participantes lesbiennes, à travers des expériences de lesbophobie.

Enfin, plusieurs femmes ont évoqué l’impact négatif des normes de beauté âgistes sur leur sentiment d’être désirable et leur capacité à trouver un ou une partenaire intime.

Cependant, en dépit de ces défis, la plupart des participantes ont témoigné d’une vie sexuelle active, d’une ouverture à explorer de nouvelles pratiques à un âge avancé et des bienfaits physiques mais aussi psychologiques qu’elles retirent de leurs activités sexuelles avec partenaire ou en solo.

La génération des boomers contribue, sans aucun doute, à diminuer le tabou associé à la sexualité des aînés. Toutefois, du chemin reste encore à parcourir pour que ces hommes et ces femmes puissent bénéficier d’une vie sexuelle épanouie, à l’abri des normes âgistes et des effets du contexte historique de leur jeunesse.

La Conversation Canada

Isabelle Wallach a reçu des financements du Fonds de recherche du Québec – Société et Culture.

ref. La génération des boomers vit sa sexualité librement, sans tabous. Mais les normes âgistes persistent – https://theconversation.com/la-generation-des-boomers-vit-sa-sexualite-librement-sans-tabous-mais-les-normes-agistes-persistent-249688

Women who expand their freelance careers hit a different kind of glass ceiling — the glass wall

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Christy Zhou Koval, Professor, Smith School of Business, Queen’s University, Ontario

Most people know about the glass ceiling: the invisible barrier that keeps women from reaching top leadership positions. Researchers have also identified the glass cliff, where women are placed in leadership roles during times of crisis, and the glass escalator, where men in female-dominated fields get fast-tracked into management.

These concepts all assume careers move up. Increasingly, however, they do not. More people are building careers sideways — taking on extra gigs, branching into new skill areas or negotiating customized roles within their organizations. We call this lateral work.

As companies flatten their hierarchies and organize around project-based work, lateral moves have become the new career ladder. According to Statistics Canada, roughly 2.4 million Canadians — nearly nine per cent of the working-age population — engaged in some form of gig work in 2022.

This is especially true for freelancers, who must constantly seek out new clients and new income streams to advance. For women, advancing this way comes with added challenges. Our research shows that they hit a different kind of invisible barrier — the “glass wall.”

The freelancing catch-22

Freelancers face a well-documented dilemma: you need experience to get hired, but you need to get hired to gain experience.

The standard advice is to start as a specialist, build a reputation, then gradually branch out into new areas of work. A songwriter may focus on specializing in writing top lines but later take on writing lyrics. A cinematographer might move into production design. This kind of lateral expansion is meant to signal ambition and versatility.

In our research, we tested whether this advice works equally for men and women by tracking the careers of more than 8,000 K-pop songwriters.

When men expanded into new work roles, they were seen as strategic and ambitious, and their career prospects improved. But when women made the exact same move, they were perceived as less in control of their careers, and their prospects did not improve. This is the glass wall in action: the invisible barrier that limits women’s career opportunities when they try to expand into new roles.

In two follow-up experiments with participants from South Korea and the United States, we found that these patterns stem from gender stereotypes about agency. Agency — the sense that a person is acting deliberately and on their own terms — is a trait that is historically associated with men more than women.

Men’s lateral moves are read as deliberate career moves, while women’s are read as reactions to circumstance — signs they are impulsive, accommodating or that they failed in their original role. That gap in perceived agency, in turn, lowers how competent and committed women are seen to be.

Not just a freelancing problem

Although we identified the glass wall in freelancing, the dynamic almost certainly extends into conventional workplaces as well. The modern workplace increasingly expects employees to manage their own career trajectories.

Employees are expected to negotiate customized work arrangements, take on responsibilities outside their original job descriptions and signal their versatility through lateral moves.

In all of these cases, workers are doing something similar to the role expansion we studied: branching into new areas under conditions of ambiguity, where it is hard for others to evaluate their competence upfront.

Our theory predicts that in these situations — where workers have autonomy and evaluations are uncertain — gender stereotypes can creep in.

The presence of a glass wall matters now more than ever. The McKinsey Women in the Workplace report found that up to 19 per cent of organizations have scaled back flexible work options and up to 17 per cent have reduced diversity and inclusion resources.

The pay data tells a similar story. Statistics Canada data from 2025 shows that women aged 15 and older earned 88 cents for every dollar earned by men, and the gap is wider still for racialized and Indigenous women. In the United States, women now earn 82 cents per dollar.

Among freelancers, the gap is larger still. A 2024 analysis found that women quote approximately 10 per cent lower hourly rates than men. With fewer structures governing how lateral moves are evaluated, gender stereotypes are more likely to shape who gets the next opportunity.

What can be done

Addressing the glass wall requires action on several fronts. Most companies track whether men and women are promoted at equal rates. However, few track what happens when employees move sideways. Auditing lateral move outcomes by gender would be a practical first step.

For clients and hiring managers, the glass wall represents a missed opportunity. Women with multiple skill sets are, in effect, an undervalued talent pool; they are likely to be discounted not because of ability, but because of bias.

Freelancers themselves can take steps too. In our interviews with K-pop songwriters, several women told us that presenting under an incorporated business name, rather than their personal name, helped redirect clients’ attention from gender cues to their portfolio alone. This small shift can change the frame substantially.

Finally, for policymakers, accredited certification schemes for skill expansion could help all freelancers, especially women, to credibly signal their investment in new roles. When credentials carry real weight, evaluators have less reason to fall back on gut feelings shaped by stereotypes.

The rise of freelancing and flexible work was supposed to free people from the biases embedded in corporate bureaucracy. Research on gender stereotypes has long suggested that bias does not disappear when formal structures are removed, but rather expands into the space left behind. Our findings bear that out.

As careers become more fluid and self-directed, we need to pay attention not just to who gets promoted, but to who gets credit for growing sideways. The glass wall may be invisible, but its consequences are not.

The Conversation

Yonghoon Lee received funding from Hong Kong Research Grants Council (ECS:26504918), which was completed on 2021

Christy Zhou Koval and Susie Lee do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Women who expand their freelance careers hit a different kind of glass ceiling — the glass wall – https://theconversation.com/women-who-expand-their-freelance-careers-hit-a-different-kind-of-glass-ceiling-the-glass-wall-280416

Another alleged attempt on Trump’s life: Is it a political lifeline or a damaging sign of weakness?

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By James K. Rowe, Associate Professor of Political Ecology, University of Victoria

United States President Donald Trump has apparently dodged yet another bullet.

If history is any indication, the latest alleged attempt on his life at the White House Correspondents dinner couldn’t have happened at a better time given his sagging popularity. But amid widespread skepticism and the Trump team’s efforts to promote the construction of a White House ballroom in the immediate aftermath of the shooting, it’s far from clear whether this incident will benefit the president.

Assassination attempts often make elected politicians more popular. In 1981, Ronald Reagan was shot in the same Washington Hilton Hotel that was the site of Trump’s latest assassination attempt. Reagan’s approval ratings jumped after he survived the attack.

Why does political violence help bolster approval ratings?

The obvious answer is that being subject to violence can humanize victims, softening criticism from supporters and critics alike.

The less obvious reason is that dodging or surviving bullets can super-humanize politicians, making them seem “touched” by God or like they have command over the vital powers of life and death.

Trump as superhero

When Trump lifted his fist in defiance, a trickle of blood on his face in Butler, Pa., a few months before the 2024 presidential election, he created an iconic image that bolstered his campaign and created a myth of invincibility.

This is the same man who claimed in 2016 that he “could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and…wouldn’t lose any voters.” Despite two impeachments, convictions on 34 felony charges, an admission of sexual assault on a hot microphone and multiple assault allegations, Trump was re-elected in 2024. Where others might have whithered, his forward march continued.

While Trump once claimed the ability to shoot people in downtown Manhattan and survive politically, the Butler shooting gave the impression that he himself could also be shot without losing his life, that he isn’t subject to normal vulnerabilities and that he is somehow superhuman. Trump himself has cited divine intervention as key to his ongoing survival despite multiple assassination attempts.

Terror management

Terror management theory (TMT) is a school of psychology that tracks how our relationships to life and death shape political outcomes.

According to TMT, we cope with our anxieties about death by pursuing “earthly heroism” — meaning we seek esteem according to our chosen world views. There is a growing body of experimental evidence to support this hypothesis.

Trump is walking confirmation of TMT.

He is a known germaphobe obsessed with perceptions of vitality. He obsesses over his hair since he sees baldness as weakness and defeat. By ruthlessly pursuing money — the measure of worth in capitalist economies — and by stamping his name on everything from buildings, vodka and Bibles, he has sought heroism. Even before he ran for president, you could buy a Trump-branded action figure.

According to American anthropologist Ernest Becker, whose Pulitzer Prize-winning book The Denial of Death laid the intellectual groundwork for TMT:

“The real world …tells man that he is a small trembling animal who will decay and die. Illusion changes all this, makes man seem important, vital to the universe, immortal in some way.”

From his fixation on gold, grandiosity and golden locks despite his age, Trump is a master of illusion, crafting a mirage of super heroism for his MAGA base.

Heroism can also be pursued vicariously. This is something many of us do with our preferred sport teams, celebrities and politicians, feeling their victories and losses like our own.

Good timing?

Trump’s victory over death in Butler two years ago — an incident that is now being questioned even by his MAGA supporters — helped carry him across the finish line. His chief of staff, Susie Wiles, said Butler was a “big part” of his victory in 2024.

And so what to make of the recent apparent attempt on his life? Will it help resuscitate his historically low approval ratings?




Read more:
Donald Trump’s US ratings fall to a record low amid Iran war


In crass political terms, historical precedent suggests the assassination attempt couldn’t have happened at a better time. Tarred by his association with deceased pedophile Jeffrey Epstein and prosecuting an unpopular war of choice against Iran that is costing billions while raising gas prices for voters, Trump needed a lifeline.

The timing is so good for him that conspiracy theories immediately began to swirl that the attack was an inside job aimed at bolstering Trump’s slumping approval ratings.

Avoiding political death?

It is unlikely, however, that this recent incident will stave off political death. After the political failures of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), the Epstein files and a risky war with no clear exit, Trump is politically weakened.




Read more:
Panicking scientists, canceled experiments – federal funding cuts turned my work as a research dean into crisis management


Influential members of his own base, including former Fox News pundit Tucker Carlson, are no longer lionizing him, instead musing whether he might be the anti-Christ.

Images from the recent shooting suggest weakness, not vitality. Secret service agents struggled to get him out of his seat likely due to ongoing mobility issues (though Trump claims his sluggishness was due to courageously overseeing the action).

Likewise, instead of lifting his fist triumphantly like in Butler, Trump fell down as he was rushed off stage (again, he claims he was told to get down, but his exit looks weak).

A report on the apparent assassination attempt in Washington, D.C. (CNN)

While his team will spin the latest shooting as further evidence of his super humanity, Trump is looking more politically and existentially mortal by the day.

Trump had his time in the sun, but like Icarus, his hubris and overreach are finally melting his wings. While illusion can obscure the inevitable for a while, what goes up must always come down.

The Conversation

James K. Rowe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Another alleged attempt on Trump’s life: Is it a political lifeline or a damaging sign of weakness? – https://theconversation.com/another-alleged-attempt-on-trumps-life-is-it-a-political-lifeline-or-a-damaging-sign-of-weakness-281675

Climate policy isn’t partisan — research suggests more on the right support it than oppose it

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Emily Huddart, Professor of Sociology, University of British Columbia

Climate change has become entangled in partisan politics. In Canada, as in other countries, climate concern and support for climate policy are often coded as left-leaning positions. Meanwhile, climate change skepticism or denial is more likely to be espoused by those on the political right.

This pattern helps explain why those on the political left are consistently more likely than those on the right to accept climate science and support action to address climate change. But how big a gap is there between the left and the right in Canada? And what explains differences in levels of support for climate policy?

Our recent representative survey of Canadians, conducted in the summer of 2024, set out to answer these questions. Using a telephone survey, we gathered responses from 2,503 Canadians across the country.

We asked about their support for climate policies, their feelings about ordinary people on the left and the right, as well as their political ideology, where they live, and whether they had economic ties to the oil and gas industry.

We also examined how people feel about political groups. Political scientists refer to this feeling as affective polarization — the extent to which people feel warmth toward their own political side and hostility toward the other.

We focused our analysis on the political right. Respondents identifying as politically left-leaning showed consistently high support for climate policy, leaving little variation to explain. Those on the right expressed a wider range of views. Contrary to common assumptions, we found that more people on the right supported climate policy than opposed it. The next question is what explains the differences within the right.

Affective polarization

A commonly cited explanation for different levels of support for climate policy is economic self-interest. This factor is particularly relevant for provinces like Alberta, where the oil and gas sector plays a major role in employment and government revenue. Qualitative researchers have argued that people with ties to this industry are less likely to support climate policy.

However, we found that having ties to the oil and gas sector did not significantly predict their support for climate policy. Likewise, the degree of conservatism — whether someone identified as centre-right or far-right — didn’t make conservatives less likely to support climate policy either.

There were modest regional differences. Respondents in the Prairie provinces expressed somewhat lower levels of support compared with those in Atlantic Canada and Québec. However, region explained only a small portion of the variation within the political right.

What mattered most was affective polarization.

Negative feelings toward the left and positive feelings toward the right were by far the strongest predictors of climate policy attitudes, and explained the most variation in support.

In simple terms, people on the right who felt the most hostility toward the left, and the most warmth toward the right, were more likely to oppose climate policy.

Implications for climate change politics

These findings have important implications for how climate conversations unfold in Canada.

Avoiding political discussion with people on the opposing side of the issue may be counterproductive. Many people steer clear of contentious topics in everyday conversation, especially with those they disagree with.

At the same time, social media environments often reinforce existing views by connecting people with like-minded others. The result is fewer opportunities for meaningful exchange across political divides.

Such exchanges can help reduce polarization, but only under certain conditions.

When discussions are framed as attempts to persuade or “win,” they often entrench existing positions. When they are approached as opportunities to understand another person’s perspective, they can reduce hostility and open space for dialogue.

People rarely change their views in response to arguments alone. Instead, attitudes are shaped over time through relationships, experiences and social context. Conversations that build trust and mutual understanding are more likely to shift perspectives than those focused on delivering facts.

If opposition to climate policy is rooted in social and political identity, then strategies for building support need to reflect that reality. This doesn’t mean abandoning efforts to implement climate policies. It suggests that building broader support for climate action will require engaging people across political lines in ways that reduce, rather than heighten, partisan divisions.

In real terms, this will mean finding core needs that Canadians have in common and seeking policies that can have climate benefits while meeting those core needs.

Climate change is a complex and urgent challenge. Addressing it will require not only technological and policy solutions, but also social ones. Creating space for constructive, respectful conversations across political differences may be one of the most important and overlooked parts of that effort.

The Conversation

Emily Huddart receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada to conduct this research.

Tony Silva received funding (as co-applicant) from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada to conduct this research.

ref. Climate policy isn’t partisan — research suggests more on the right support it than oppose it – https://theconversation.com/climate-policy-isnt-partisan-research-suggests-more-on-the-right-support-it-than-oppose-it-280912