Baseball returns to a Japanese American detention camp after a historic ball field was restored to honor the resilience of those incarcerated

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Susan H. Kamei, Adjunct Professor of History and Affiliated Faculty, USC Shinso Ito Center for Japanese Religions and Cultures, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

In a 2024 exhibition game at Manzanar, players – many of them descendants of internment camp detainees – donned custom 1940s-style uniforms. Aaron Rapoport, CC BY-SA

In the spring of 1942, 15-year-old Momo Nagano needed a way to fill her time.

She was imprisoned at the Manzanar Relocation Center along with approximately 10,000 other people of Japanese ancestry. When she’d arrived with her mother and two brothers, she’d been horrified.

The detention facility was located in the middle of the desert, about 225 miles northeast of Los Angeles. As I describe in my book “When Can We Go Back to America? Voices of Japanese American Incarceration during World War II,” barbed wire surrounded the perimeter and armed soldiers peered down from guard towers. The toilets and showers lacked partitions, and Nagano was forced to stand in long lines for hours in mess halls that served canned food. Her bed was a metal cot. She was directed to stuff straw into a bag for a makeshift mattress. She didn’t know whether she and her family would ever be able to return to their Los Angeles home.

Black and white photo of Asian female teenager smiling and wearing a blouse.
Momo Nagano, in a photograph taken during her time spent at the Manzanar Relocation Center.
Courtesy of Dan Kwong, CC BY-SA

One day, the teenager decided to pick up a glove and play softball. Her son, Dan Kwong, told me in an interview that Nagano ended up playing catcher for The Gremlins, one of the camp’s many women’s softball teams.

“In one game, a batter connected with the ball and then threw the bat, clocking my mom in the nose, breaking it,” he said. “But despite her injury, she still enjoyed playing, even though she didn’t think her team was very good.”

Eighty years later, the descendants of prisoners – such as Nagano’s son, Kwong – are playing baseball again in Manzanar. Thanks to an effort spearheaded by Kwong, a baseball field on the site has been restored as a way to both celebrate the resiliency of so many prisoners and memorialize this dark period in U.S. history.

A massive removal effort

After Japan attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941, the U.S. government wrongly assumed that Japanese-descended West Coast residents would be more loyal to Japan and presented an espionage risk.

So on Feb. 19, 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued an executive order that gave the U.S. Army the authority to forcibly remove all first-generation immigrants from Japan and their American-born descendants from their West Coast homes.

In March 1942, U.S. soldiers began transporting the detainees to temporary detention sites under Army jurisdiction. The Manzanar site opened on March 21, 1942, and it eventually became one of 10 long-term detention centers, colloquially known as “the camps.”

According to Duncan Ryȗken Williams, the director of The Irei Project, which has compiled the most comprehensive list of those detained, nearly 127,000 people of Japanese ancestry were incarcerated between 1942 and 1947, when the last camp closed. Two-thirds of them were American citizens. Most were imprisoned for the duration of the war, and all were held without hearings or charges leveled against them.

An Asian American boy swings a baseball bat at an approach ball as other boys watch in the background.
Sixth-grade boys play softball during recess at the Manzanar Relocation Center on Feb. 10, 1943.
Francis Leroy Stewart, courtesy of California State University Dominguez Hills Gerth Archives & Special Collections

A love of the game

Adjusting to their new grim reality, the detainees embraced the Japanese spirit of “gaman,” which means to endure hardship with dignity and resilience. They set up an education system and coordinated an array of activities. And they immediately organized baseball and softball games.

Many Japanese American families had already developed a passion for the two sports.

Horace Wilson, an educator from Maine, is credited with introducing baseball to Japan in the early 1870s. In 1872 the Yeddo Royal Japanese Troupe became the first Japanese people to play baseball on U.S. soil. When young Japanese men started immigrating to the U.S. in the late 19th century, they brought with them a love of America’s pastime.

Kerry Yo Nakagawa, the director of the Nisei Baseball Research Project, has written about the vanguards of Japanese American baseball. At a time when players of color were excluded from Major League Baseball, talented Japanese American ballplayers such as Kenichi Zenimura formed teams that barnstormed the country. They even played alongside Babe Ruth and Lou Gehrig in an exhibition game in Fresno, Calif., on Oct. 29, 1927.

A black and white photograph of six baseball players – four Asian Americans and two white Americans – posing on a diamond while wearing baseball uniforms.
Lou Gehrig, second from left, and Babe Ruth, third from right, pose with Japanese American ballplayers at an exhibition game. Kenichi Zenimura is third from left.
Frank Kamiyama, courtesy of the family of Taizo Toshiyuki and the Nisei Baseball Research Project

“Every pre-war Japanese American community had a baseball team and they brought their love of baseball with them to the assembly centers and their camps,” Nakagawa explained to me. Though Zenimura was forced to leave his Fresno home and go to a camp in Gila River, Arizona, he soon had a baseball diamond and a 32-team league up and running.

Patriotism on the diamond

At Manzanar, baseball was easily the most popular sport. According to Dave Goto, the Manzanar National Historic Site arborist, the camp had 10 baseball and softball diamonds on the grounds and more than 120 teams divided into 12 leagues. The camp newspaper, the Manzanar Free Press, provided detailed game recaps, and thousands turned out to watch the games at Manzanar’s “A” Field.

“Watching baseball played at a semi-pro level was entertainment and also gave them a sense of normalcy and community,” Nakagawa said.

Sepia toned photograph of Japanese Americans wearing baseball uniforms and posing for a team picture.
The ManzaKnights were one of the 100-plus teams formed at the Manzanar camp.
Courtesy of the Maruki Family/Manzanar Historic Site

But for those who felt their loyalty to the U.S. was unfairly questioned, baseball was also a powerful way to express their identity as Americans, especially for the U.S.-born children of Japanese immigrants. Takeo Suo, who was incarcerated at Manazarer, recalled, “Putting on a baseball uniform was like wearing the American flag.” Or, as Nakagawa put it,
“What could be more American than playing the all-American pastime?”

After the war was over and the camps closed, those who’d been imprisoned had to focus on rebuilding their lives. Many were unable to return to their prewar hometowns. For those who ended up back on the West Coast, baseball continued to play an important role.

As Japanese American journalist and sports historian Chris Komai explained in a program at the Japanese American National Museum, “Baseball was a way for them to reestablish their communities while they dealt with antagonism and discrimination. Through the games they stayed connected with their friends and relatives who were now scattered.”

Postwar community baseball gave rise to the Southern California Nisei Athletic Union Baseball Leagues and other leagues that still operate. Kwong began playing for the Nisei Athletic Union in 1971 and does so to this day.

Rebuilding a dusty field of dreams

Nagano instilled in her son a commitment not only to baseball but also to social justice. A performance artist, Kwong stages a one-man play, “Return of the Samurai Centerfielder,” to shed light on this episode in history through the lens of playing baseball at Manzanar. Two years ago, he set out to restore the main Manzanar ball field and to bring baseball back to the site as a tribute to his late mother and other Manzanar detainees.

Working with Goto, the site arborist, volunteer construction supervisor Chris Siddons, Manzanar archaeologist Jeff Burton and other Manzanar site staff, Kwong and his team have restored the field almost exactly as it was. They carefully scrutinized archival photos, some taken by famed landscape photographer Ansel Adams and others snapped by studio photographer Toyo Miyatake, who’d been imprisoned at Manzanar. Miyatake’s photos were provided by his grandson, Alan Miyatake.

Crowds of onlookers watch a baseball game on a dusty field.
Organizers used archival materials – such as this 1943 Ansel Adams photograph of a baseball game at the Manzanar camp – to restore the field.
Ansel Adams/Library of Congress

From November 2023 to October 2024, volunteers cleared sagebrush, dug post holes and poured concrete, enduring intense heat, strong winds and relentless dust.

On Oct. 26, 2024, baseball returned to Manzanar after more than 80 years before an invitation-only audience. In the inaugural game, Kwong’s Li’l Tokio Giants beat the Lodi JACL Templars. In the game that followed, players donned custom 1940s-style uniforms and used vintage baseball equipment lent by History For Hire prop house. Many of the players were descendants of Japanese Americans who’d been incarcerated at Manzanar and other camps.

That day, Kwong was emotional as he said, “Mom would have gotten such a kick out of this.”

Kwong’s team has completed an announcer’s booth in time for this year’s grand opening, a doubleheader open to the public. The games were originally scheduled for Oct. 18, 2025, but have been postponed due to the U.S. government shutdown.

A wood-framed, enclosed booth on wooden legs behind a baseball field backstop.
The new announcer’s booth under construction at the restored Manzanar ball field.
Dan Kwong, CC BY-SA

For Kwong, staging a historical reenactment of how detainees played ball behind barbed wire pays tribute to their resilience, connects camp survivors and descendants with their past, and allows them to share their story with the American public. He hopes the games can become an annual event, a recurring celebration.

His motto: “In this place of sadness, injustice, and pain, we will do something joyous, righteous, and healing. We will play baseball.”

The Conversation

Susan H. Kamei is a researcher with The Irei Project and is a member of the Japanese American National Museum.

ref. Baseball returns to a Japanese American detention camp after a historic ball field was restored to honor the resilience of those incarcerated – https://theconversation.com/baseball-returns-to-a-japanese-american-detention-camp-after-a-historic-ball-field-was-restored-to-honor-the-resilience-of-those-incarcerated-265954

Protein powders and shakes contain high amounts of lead, new report says – a pharmacologist explains the data

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By C. Michael White, Distinguished Professor of Pharmacy Practice, University of Connecticut

If consumed in high doses, lead and other heavy metals have serious, well-documented health risks. whitebalance.space/E+ via Getty Images

Powder and ready-to-drink protein sales have exploded, reaching over US$32 billion globally from 2024 to 2025. Increasingly, consumers are using these protein sources daily.

A new study by Consumer Reports, published on Oct. 14, 2025, claims that some such protein products contain dangerously high levels of lead, as well as other heavy metals such as cadmium and arsenic. At high levels, these substances have serious, well-documented health risks.

I am a clinical pharmacologist who has evaluated the heavy metal content of baby food, calcium supplements and kratom products. Lead and other heavy metals occur naturally in soil and water, so achieving zero-level exposure would be impossible. Additionally, the level of lead exposure that Consumer Reports deems safe is significantly lower than those set by the Food and Drug Administration.

However, regardless of the safety cutoff, the study does show that a few products are delivering a concerningly high dose of heavy metals per serving.

How Consumer Reports did the study

The new study assessed 23 powder and ready-to-drink protein products from popular brands by sending three samples of each product to an independent commercial laboratory.

Consumer Reports considered anything over 0.5 micrograms per day from any single source to be above recommended maximum lead levels. That number comes from the California Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, which established recommended maximum levels for a variety of substances that could cause cancer or fetal harm.

It is significantly more conservative than the safety standard for lead exposure used by the FDA for drugs and supplements. The discrepancy is driven by Consumer Reports’ aspirational goals of very low exposure versus the more realistic but actionable requirements from the FDA.

According to the FDA, the limit for the amount of lead that a person should consume from any single dietary supplement product is 5 micrograms per day. That number is 10 times higher than the Consumer Report limit.

The FDA has another standard for the total daily amount of lead a person can safely consume from food, drugs and supplements combined. This number, called the Interim Reference Level, or IRL, for lead is based on concentrations of lead in the blood that are associated with negative health effects in different populations.

For people who could become pregnant, that level is 8.8 micrograms per day, and for children it’s 2.2 micrograms per day. For everyone else, it’s 12.5 micrograms per day. Every food, drug and dietary supplement that contains lead contributes to the total daily exposure, which should be less than this amount.

Bodybuilder at the gym drinking a protein shake
In assessing lead levels, Consumer Reports used a more conservative safety standard than the one used by the FDA for drugs and supplements.
lakshmiprasad S/iStock via Getty Images Plus

What the report found

The nonprofit advocacy group found that 16 of the 23 products it tested exceeded 0.5 micrograms, the level of lead in a standard serving that the organization deems safe.

Four of the 23 products exceeded 2.2 micrograms, the FDA’s cutoff for the total daily amount of lead children should consume. Two products contained 72% and 88%, respectively, of the total daily amount of lead that the FDA deems safe for pregnant women.

In addition, Consumer Reports found that two of the 23 products delivered more than what it considers a safe amount of cadmium per serving, and one had more arsenic than was recommended.

The organization’s safety cutoff for cadmium is 4.1 micrograms per day, and for arsenic it is 7 micrograms per day. These numbers align fairly closely with the FDA’s recommended exposure limit for cadmium and arsenic from a single product. For cadmium, the FDA’s limit is set at 5 micrograms per day for a given dietary supplement product and 15 micrograms per day for arsenic.

The study found that the source of protein was key: Plant-derived protein products had nine times the lead found in dairy proteins like whey, and twice as much as beef-based protein.

Where are these heavy metals coming from?

Lead and other heavy metals are present in high amounts in volcanic rock, which comes from molten rock called magma beneath the Earth’s surface. When volcanic rock is eroded, the heavy metals contaminate the local soil and water supply. What’s more, some crop plants are especially efficient at extracting heavy metals from the soil and placing them in the parts of the plants that consumers ingest.

Fossil fuels, which come from deep within the Earth, also billow heavy metals into the air when they are burned. These substances then settle out into the soil and water. Finally, some fertilizers, herbicides and pesticides also contain heavy metals that can further contaminate soil and local water.

High levels of heavy metals have been found in plant-based protein powder, spices like cinnamon, dark chocolate, root vegetables like carrots and sweet potatoes, rice, legumes such as pea pods and many herbal supplements.

A cast iron pot of cubed sweet potatoes
Root vegetables such as sweet potatoes can absorb heavy metals from the soil.
Virginia State Parks, CC BY

Should consumers be concerned? And what can they do?

Occasionally exceeding the daily recommended heavy metal doses is unlikely to result in serious health issues.

Repeated, heavy exposure to heavy metals can cause harm, however. When they accumulate in the blood, these substances can delay or impair mental functioning, damage nerves, soften bones and raise blood pressure – which in turn increases the risk of strokes and heart attacks. Heavy metals can also increase the risk of developing cancer.

It’s important to note that all the products Consumer Reports flagged have lead levels significantly lower than the maximum daily exposure levels established by the FDA.

Consumers can limit exposure by choosing dairy- or animal-based sources of protein products, since they generally seemed to have less heavy metal contamination than plant-based ones. However, some plant-based protein products in the study did not have high levels of heavy metals. Heavy metal levels vary widely in the environment, so the results from the Consumer Reports study show a snapshot in time. They might not be consistently accurate across batches if, for example, a manufacturer changes the source of its raw ingredients.

For protein products that do show an especially high heavy metal content, using them more sporadically, rather than daily, can reduce exposure. Studies suggest that organic plant-based products generally yield less heavy metal content than traditionally farmed ones.

Finally, the Consumer Reports study measured heavy metals in a single serving of protein products, so it’s helpful to understand what constitutes a serving for specific products and to avoid sharply increasing daily consumption.

Overall, the wide variation in lead levels across different protein powders and ready-made protein products highlights the need for manufacturers to tighten product testing and good manufacturing practices.

The Conversation

C. Michael White does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Protein powders and shakes contain high amounts of lead, new report says – a pharmacologist explains the data – https://theconversation.com/protein-powders-and-shakes-contain-high-amounts-of-lead-new-report-says-a-pharmacologist-explains-the-data-267591

Antioxidants help stave off a host of health problems – but figuring out how much you’re getting can be tricky

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Nathaniel Johnson, Assistant Professor of Nutrition and Dietetics, University of North Dakota

Many fruits and vegetables are high in antioxidants. istetiana/Moment via Getty Images

When it comes to describing what an antioxidant is, it’s all in the name: Antioxidants counter oxidants.

And that’s a good thing. Oxidants can damage the structure and function of the chemicals in your body critical to life – like the proteins and lipids within your cells, and your DNA, which stores genetic information. A special class of oxidants, free radicals, are even more reactive and dangerous.

As an assistant professor of nutrition, I’ve studied the long-standing research showing how the imbalances in antioxidants and oxidants lead to oxidative stress, which is linked to cancer, diabetes, cardiovascular disease and dementia and Alzheimer’s disease. In fact, a primary cause of aging is the damage accumulated across of a lifetime of oxidative stress.

Simply put: To help prevent oxidative stress, people need to eat foods with antioxidants and limit their exposure to oxidants, particularly free radicals.

The research: Food, not supplements

There’s no way for any of us to avoid some oxidative stress. Just metabolism – the processes in your body that keep you alive, such as breathing, digestion and maintaining body temperature – are a source of oxidants and free radicals.
Inflammation, pollution and radiation are other sources.

As a result, everyone needs antioxidants. There are many different types: enzymes, minerals, vitamins and phytochemicals.

Two types of phytochemicals deserve special mention: carotenoids and flavonoids. Carotenoids are pigments, with the colors yellow, orange and red; they contain the antioxidants beta-carotene, lycopene and lutein. Some flavonoids, called anthocyanins, are pigments that give foods a blue, red or purple color.

Although your body produces some of these antioxidants, you can get them from the foods you eat, and they’re better for you than supplements.

In fact, researchers found that antioxidant supplements did not reduce deaths, and some supplements in excessive amounts contribute to oxidative stress, and may even increase the risk of dying.

It should be pointed out that in most of these studies, only one or two antioxidants were given, and often in amounts far greater than the recommended daily value. One study, for example, gave participants only vitamin A, and at an amount more than 60 times an adult’s recommended intake.

A synopsis of the study that measured the antioxidant content of more than 3,000 foods.

Foods rich in antioxidants

In contrast, increased antioxidant intake from whole foods is related to decreased risk of death. And although antioxidant supplementation didn’t reduce cancer rates in smokers, the antioxidants in whole foods did.

But measuring antioxidants in foods is complicated. Extensive laboratory testing is required, and too many foods exist to test them all anyway. Even individual food items that are the same exact variety of food – such as two Gala apples – can have different amounts of antioxidants. Where the food was grown and harvested, how it was processed and how it was stored during transportation and while in the supermarket are factors. The variety of the food also matters – the many different types of apples, for instance, can have different amounts of antioxidants.

Nonetheless, in 2018, researchers quantified the antioxidant content of more than 3,100 foods – the first antioxidant database. Each food’s antioxidant capacity was determined by the amount of oxidants neutralized by a given amount of food. The researchers measured this capacity in millimoles per 100 grams, or about 4 ounces.

For fruits easily found in the grocery store, the database shows blueberries have the most antioxidants – just over 9 millimoles per 4 ounces. The same serving of pomegranates and blackberries each have about 6.5 millimoles.

For common vegetables, cooked artichoke has 4.54 millimoles per 4 ounces; red kale, 4.09 millimoles; cooked red cabbage, 2.15; and orange bell pepper, 1.94.

Coffee has 2.5 millimoles per 4 ounces; green tea has 1.5; whole walnuts, just over 13; whole pecans, about 9.7; and sunflower seeds, just over 5. Herbs and spices have a lot: clove has 465 millimoles per 4 ounces; rosemary has 67; and thyme, about 64. But keep in mind that those enormous numbers are based on a quarter-pound. Still, just a normal sprinkle packs a powerful nutritional punch.

A young woman picks up a package of fresh produce at the supermarket.
The antioxidant levels of a food can be affected by its storage time in the supermarket.
d3sign/Moment via Getty Images

Other tips

Other ways to choose antioxidant-rich foods: Read the nutrition facts label and look for antioxidant vitamins and minerals – vitamins A, C, E, D, B2, B3 and B9, and the minerals selenium, zinc and manganese.

Just know the label has a drawback. Food producers and manufacturers are not required to list every nutrient of the food on the label. In fact, the only vitamins and minerals required by law are sodium, potassium, calcium, iron and vitamin D.

Also, focus on eating the rainbow. Colorful foods are often higher in antioxidants, like blue corn. Many darker foods are rich in antioxidants, too, like dark chocolate, black barley and dark leafy vegetables, such as kale and Swiss chard.

Although heat can degrade oxidants, that mostly occurs during the storage and transportation of the food. In some cases, cooking may increase the food’s antioxidant capacity, as with leafy green vegetables.

Keep in mind that while blueberries, red kale and pecans are great, their antioxidant profile will be different than that of other fruits, vegetables and nuts. That’s why diversity is the key: To increase the power of antioxidants, choose a variety of fresh, flavorful, colorful and, ideally, local foods.

The Conversation

Nathaniel Johnson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Antioxidants help stave off a host of health problems – but figuring out how much you’re getting can be tricky – https://theconversation.com/antioxidants-help-stave-off-a-host-of-health-problems-but-figuring-out-how-much-youre-getting-can-be-tricky-256974

How new foreign worker visa fees might worsen doctor shortages in rural America

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Patrick Aguilar, Managing Director of Health, Washington University in St. Louis

Many physicians who aren’t U.S. citizens come to the U.S. to do medical residency programs. SDI Productions/E+ via Getty Images

There are almost 1.1 million licensed physicians in the United States. That may sound like a lot, but the country has struggled for decades to train enough physicians to meet its needs – and, in particular, to provide care in rural and underserved communities.

Foreign-born physicians have long filled that gap, reducing the overall national shortage and signing up to practice in often overlooked regions and specialties. Today, 1 in 5 doctors licensed to practice in the U.S. were born and trained in another country.

But the ability of physicians from other countries to obtain work in the U.S. may be threatened by the Trump administration’s aims of limiting foreign workers. In September, Trump issued a proclamation requiring employers sponsoring foreign-born workers through a type of work visa called an H-1B to pay a fee of US$100,000 to the government. The White House has signaled doctors may be exempt but has not clarified its position.

As a physician and professor who studies the intersection of business and medicine, I believe increasing restrictions on H-1B visas for physicians may exacerbate the physician shortage. To grasp why that is, it’s important to understand how foreign-trained doctors became such an integral part of U.S. health care – and the role they play today.

The roots of today’s physician shortage

The Association of American Medical Colleges, a trade association representing U.S. medical schools, estimates there will be a deficit of about 86,000 physicians in the country by 2036.

The roots of this shortage stretch back more than a century. In 1910, a landmark study called the Flexner Report detailed significant inconsistencies in the quality of education at American medical schools. The report resulted in the closure of over half the country’s medical schools, winnowing their numbers down from 148 to 66 over two decades.

As a result, the number of doctors in the U.S. declined until new training programs emerged. Between 1960 and 1980, 40 new medical schools launched with the help of federal funding. In 1980, a congressionally mandated assessment deemed the problem solved, but by the early 2000s, a physician shortage emerged once more. In 2006, the American Association of Medical Colleges called for raising medical school enrollment by 30%.

Doctor looking at x-rays
Foreign-born doctors have helped the U.S. bridge a physician shortage for decades.
stevecoleimages/E+ via Getty Images

Growth in medical school enrollment hit that target in the late 2010s, but even so, the U.S. still lacks enough medical graduates to fill yearslong training programs, called residencies, that early-career physicians must complete to become fully qualified to practice.

Especially lacking are primary care physicians – particularly in rural areas, where there are one-third as many physicians per capita as in urban areas.

Opportunities for foreign-born doctors

Even as the U.S. built up medical school enrollment in the 1960s and 1970s, the government joined other countries such as the U.K. and Canada in creating immigration policies that drew physicians from developing countries to practice in underserved areas. Between 1970 and 1980, their numbers grew sharply, from 57,000 to 97,000.

Foreign-born and -trained physicians have remained a key pillar of the U.S. medical system. In recent years, the majority of those physicians have come from India and Pakistan. Citizens of Canada and Middle Eastern countries have added significantly to that count, as well. Most arrive in the U.S. as trainees in residency programs through one of two main visa programs.

The majority come on J-1 visas, which allow physicians to enter the U.S. for training but require them to return to their home country for at least two years when their training is complete. Those who wish to remain in the U.S. to practice must transition to an H-1B visa.

A small percentage of physicians come to the U.S. on H-1Bs from the start.

H-1B visas are employer-sponsored temporary work permits that allow foreign-born, highly skilled workers to obtain U.S. employment. Employers directly petition the government on behalf of visa applicants, certifying that a foreign worker will be paid a similar wage to U.S. workers and will not adversely affect the working conditions of Americans.

Several programs sponsor H-1B visas for physicians, though the most common requires a three-year commitment to work in an underserved area after completing their training.

Foreign physicians fill a crucial need

In 2025, foreign-trained medical graduates filled 9,700 of the nearly 40,000 training positions. Of those, roughly one-third were actually U.S. citizens who attended medical schools in other countries, with the remainder being foreign citizens seeking more training in the U.S.

After residency, these doctors frequently practice in precisely the geographic areas where the physician shortage is most severe. A nationwide survey of international medical graduates found that two-thirds practice in regions that the federal government has designated as lacking sufficient access to health care.

These doctors also occupy a disproportionate number of primary care positions. In a sample of 15,000 physicians who accepted new jobs in one year, foreign-born doctors were nine times more likely to enter primary care specialties. In 2025, 33.3% of internal medicine, 20.4% of pediatric and 17.6% of family medicine training positions were filled by physicians trained in other countries.

Who will pay?

Approximately 8,000 foreign-born physicians received H-1B visas in 2024. The new requirement of a $100,000 sponsorship fee would hit hardest for hospitals, health systems and clinics in areas of the country most significantly affected by the physician shortage.

These organizations are already under economic strain due to increasing labor costs and Medicare payments that have not kept pace with inflation. Dozens of these hospitals have closed in recent years, and many currently do not make enough money to support their operations.

On Sept. 25, 2025, 57 physician organizations cosigned a letter petitioning Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem to waive the new application fee for physicians.

Already, however, the new rule may be having a chilling effect. Despite years of annual growth in the number of foreign-born applicants to U.S. physician training programs, 2025 has seen a nearly 10% drop. If the new H-1B fee is applied to physicians, the number is likely to keep falling.

The Conversation

Patrick Aguilar Washington University, an employer of physicians.

ref. How new foreign worker visa fees might worsen doctor shortages in rural America – https://theconversation.com/how-new-foreign-worker-visa-fees-might-worsen-doctor-shortages-in-rural-america-266544

Qu’est-ce que la Françafrique ? Une relation ambiguë entre héritage colonial et influence contemporaine

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Christophe Premat, Professor, Canadian and Cultural Studies, Stockholm University

L’expression « Françafrique » évoque à la fois une époque révolue et un système qui, selon beaucoup, continue de hanter les relations entre la France et ses anciennes colonies africaines. Elle désigne un ensemble de réseaux politiques, économiques et militaires visant à maintenir l’influence française sur le continent. Le mot-valise a été repris par François-Xavier Verschave, dans son livre La Françafrique, le plus long scandale de la République (1998) pour caractériser le modèle néocolonial d’ingérence et de dépendance des anciennes colonies vis-à-vis de la France. Cette expression détourne le sens initial de France-Afrique, qui désignait à l’origine une coopération jugée privilégiée entre la France et ses anciennes colonies.

En tant que chercheur en études mémorielles, discours politiques et relations francoafricaines, j’analyse dans cet article comment le concept de Françafrique a façonné et structuré les perceptions actuelles entre la France et ses anciennes colonies.

Les origines du terme

Le mot « Françafrique » apparaît pour la première fois sous la plume de Jean Piot, rédacteur en chef de L’Aurore, qui voit dans la fusion entre la France et l’Afrique un des éléments de renouveau de l’Empire français. Par la suite, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, premier président de la Côte d’Ivoire indépendante, l’utilise positivement dès 1955 à l’aube des indépendances des États africains francophones, pour célébrer la continuité entre la France et l’Afrique : un partenariat fondé sur la langue, la culture et les intérêts économiques communs.




Read more:
François Mitterrand, à l’origine du déclin de l’influence postcoloniale de la France en Afrique ?


Le journaliste et militant François-Xavier Verschave, dans son livre La Françafrique, le plus long scandale de la République (1998), renverse complètement le sens du terme : la Françafrique devient alors le symbole d’un système opaque de corruption, de clientélisme et d’interventions politiques. L’un des artisans de cette relation est sans aucun doute Jacques Foccart qui fut le conseiller des affaires africaines de plusieurs présidents de la République et secrétaire général pour la Communauté et les affaires africaines et malgaches, une structure imaginée par le général Charles de Gaulle pour organiser les relations de la France à ses anciennes colonies.

Un système d’alliances et de dépendances

La Françafrique repose sur trois piliers principaux :

Le soutien politique et militaire : depuis les indépendances des années 60, la France a entretenu des liens étroits avec des dirigeants africains considérés comme « amis de la France ». Des accords de défense permettaient à Paris d’intervenir militairement pour stabiliser ou sauver des régimes alliés — de l’opération Manta au Tchad (1983) à Serval au Mali (2013). Ce réseau s’appuyait sur des conseillers officieux, des services de renseignement et des relations personnelles entre dirigeants, symbolisées par la «cellule africaine» de l’Élysée, longtemps dirigée par le même Jacques Foccart.

Les liens économiques : le franc CFA (créé en 1945, devenu franc de la « Communauté financière africaine ») illustre la dépendance monétaire héritée de la période coloniale. De grandes entreprises françaises comme Elf, Bolloré, Bouygues ou Total ont bénéficié de positions privilégiées dans les secteurs stratégiques (pétrole, infrastructures, télécommunications). En échange, ces firmes ont souvent alimenté un système de financements occultes de partis politiques ou de régimes africains. Dans les années 1990, une vaste enquête judiciaire révèle que le groupe pétrolier public français Elf-Aquitaine entretenait un système de corruption à grande échelle, mêlant responsables politiques français et dirigeants africains.

Les réseaux personnels et informels : au-delà des institutions officielles, la Françafrique fonctionnait par l’entremise d’intermédiaires — hommes d’affaires, diplomates, militaires — qui formaient un véritable « État parallèle ». Ces réseaux, où se mêlaient affaires, services secrets et amitiés, permettaient de contourner les voies diplomatiques classiques. Dans ses mémoires publiés en septembre 2024, Robert Bourgi, disciple de Jacques Foccart, rappelle l’ensemble de ses relations personnelles avec un certain nombre de dirigeants politiques africains.




Read more:
Ce que la France perd en fermant ses bases militaires en Afrique


La fin annoncée de la Françafrique ?

L’effondrement du bloc soviétique, la montée des revendications démocratiques en Afrique et les scandales politico-financiers en France ont mis à mal ce système. Sous François Mitterrand, le discours de La Baule (1990) conditionne désormais l’aide française à des avancées démocratiques, marquant un tournant. Pourtant, la logique d’influence perdure sous d’autres formes : privatisations, nouveaux partenariats militaires, diplomatie économique.

Les années 2000 voient la France tenter de redéfinir sa présence en Afrique. Jacques Chirac, puis Nicolas Sarkozy et François Hollande, promettent tour à tour d’en finir avec la Françafrique. Mais les opérations militaires (Côte d’Ivoire en 2002, Mali en 2013, Sahel jusqu’en 2023) rappellent la permanence d’un rôle sécuritaire français. Pour beaucoup d’Africains, la Françafrique n’a pas disparu : elle s’est simplement adaptée aux mutations du continent.




Read more:
Franc CFA : les conditions sont réunies pour remplacer la monnaie héritée du colonialisme


Un concept en crise

Sous Emmanuel Macron, le mot « Françafrique » est devenu un repoussoir officiel. Le président français affirme depuis son discours de Ouagadougou de 2017 vouloir rompre avec les logiques de paternalisme et de domination, prônant un « partenariat d’égal à égal ». Des initiatives symboliques — comme le retour d’œuvres d’art spoliées au Bénin, la reconnaissance du rôle de la France dans le génocide des Tutsi au Rwanda ou la création du « Sommet Afrique-France » de Montpellier sans chefs d’État — visent à moderniser la relation.

Mais sur le terrain, les perceptions restent contrastées. Les interventions militaires françaises au Sahel, la persistance du franc CFA (malgré sa future transformation en « éco » et la présence de grandes entreprises hexagonales nourrissent le sentiment d’une influence persistante. Dans plusieurs pays (Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger), le rejet de la France s’exprime aujourd’hui à travers des discours panafricanistes et souverainistes qui ont conduit à des changements de régime.




Read more:
Le recul de la France en Afrique : une perte de crédibilité mondiale


La concurrence des nouvelles influences

L’un des traits marquants de la période actuelle est la diversification des partenaires africains. La Chine, la Turquie, la Russie ou encore les pays du Golfe occupent désormais une place croissante dans les secteurs économique et sécuritaire. Le « pré carré » français n’existe plus : les États africains ont désormais une marge de manœuvre géopolitique beaucoup plus grande.

Dans ce contexte, la France tente de redéfinir sa politique africaine en privilégiant des relations bilatérales ciblées, le soutien à la société civile et la coopération universitaire ou culturelle. Mais cette réorientation peine à effacer des décennies de méfiance. L’imaginaire de la Françafrique continue de structurer les représentations, notamment chez les jeunes générations africaines.

Penser le passé… et questionner le présent

Parler de Françafrique aujourd’hui, c’est donc évoquer à la fois un système historique et un imaginaire politique. Si les réseaux opaques des années 1970 ont en grande partie disparu, les structures d’influence et de dépendance économiques persistent, tout comme les affects postcoloniaux qui traversent la relation franco-africaine.

Le défi pour la France, comme pour ses partenaires africains, consiste désormais à inventer un autre vocabulaire : celui d’une relation fondée sur la confiance, la transparence et la réciprocité. La Françafrique n’est peut-être plus une réalité institutionnelle, mais elle demeure un prisme puissant pour comprendre comment les héritages coloniaux continuent de peser sur le présent.

The Conversation

Christophe Premat est professeur en études culturelles francophones et directeur du Centre d’études canadiennes à l’Université de Stockholm. Il est également co-directeur en chef de la Revue Nordique des Études Francophones.

ref. Qu’est-ce que la Françafrique ? Une relation ambiguë entre héritage colonial et influence contemporaine – https://theconversation.com/quest-ce-que-la-francafrique-une-relation-ambigue-entre-heritage-colonial-et-influence-contemporaine-267065

Academic freedom: how to defend ‘the very condition of a living democracy’ in France and worldwide

Source: The Conversation – France – By Stéphanie Balme, Director, CERI (Centre de recherches internationales), Sciences Po

Director of the CERI at SciencesPo, Stéphanie Balme conducted a study for France Universités, an organisation whose members are presidents of universities, titled “Defending and promoting academic freedom. A global issue, an urgent matter for France and Europe. Findings and proposals for action.” She shares some of her insights here.


Unofficially unveiled on October 2, 2025, US President Donald Trump’s Compact for Academic Excellence in Higher Education is a striking illustration of the politicisation of knowledge and the desire for ideological control over scientific output in the United States. Behind the rhetoric of “restoring excellence” lies a new stage in the institutionalisation of “sciento-populism”: mistrust of science is being strategically exploited to flatter populist sentiments and turn academics into scapegoats, held responsible for the “decline” of US civilisational hegemony.

This phenomenon, although exaggerated, is not isolated. At the same time as Trump’s announcement, the 2025 edition of the Global Innovation Index (GII) revealed that China had entered the top 10 most innovative nations for the first time, while the US, still in third place, showed signs of structural weakness. Eight European countries, a little-known fact, are among the top 15. France has been downgraded to 13th place, the position occupied by China three years ago.

The GII’s 80 indicators, covering nearly 140 countries, are not limited to measuring technological or scientific performance: they also assess the ability of states to guarantee a comprehensive, free and secure political-institutional, economic and financial environment. By cross-referencing these data with those of the Academic Freedom Index, the main reference tool developed since 2019, we can see that academic freedom is no longer solely threatened in authoritarian regimes. It is now being undermined at the very heart of democracies, affecting the humanities and social sciences as much as the experimental sciences.

The awarding of the 2025 Nobel prize in economics to Philippe Aghion, Peter Howitt and Joel Mokyr is a timely reminder that growth and innovation depend on an ecosystem based on freedom of research and the free flow of ideas. Their work on the historical and structural conditions of technological progress shows that no economy can prosper sustainably when knowledge is constrained or subject to ideological control.

Authoritarian regimes and ‘techno-nationalism’

Paradoxically, authoritarian regimes are now among the main investors in research, although they strictly control its objectives in line with their political priorities. Engaged in a phase of rapid “techno-nationalist” development, they are investing heavily in science and technology as instruments of power, without yet suffering the corrosive effects of mistrust of knowledge.

Democracies, on the other hand, struggle to fund research while maintaining their defence spending and must contend with the rise of movements that challenge the very legitimacy of science as it is practiced. In order to better understand these dynamics, I conducted a study for France Universités titled “Defending and promoting academic freedom. A global issue, an urgent matter for France and Europe. Findings and proposals for action”.

Multiple violations in France

France is a particularly striking example of the vulnerabilities described above. In 2024–2025, attacks on academic freedom took many forms: increased foreign interference, regional public funding made conditional on charters with vague criteria, ideological pressure on teaching and research content, conference cancellations, campaigns to stigmatise teachers and researchers on social media, interventions by politicians even in university boards of governors, restrictions on access to research sites or grants, and finally, an increase in gag orders.

Unlike other fundamental rights, academic freedom in France is distinguished by the absence of a firmly rooted political, professional and civic culture. Academics who are victims of attacks on their freedom to practice their profession often find themselves isolated, while the institutional capacity of universities to act as a counterweight remains limited.

This vulnerability is exacerbated by dependence on public funding, career insecurity, administrative overload and a lack of real institutional autonomy. Nevertheless, the current fragility could be transformed into a lever for renewal, promoting the emergence of a strong culture of academic freedom and, in so doing, strengthening France’s position in global science geopolitics.

A multidimensional strategy

The study for France Universités proposes a proactive strategy based on several complementary areas, targeting four categories of stakeholders: the state, the universities, civil society, and those at the European level.

The first area concerns strengthening the legal foundation: constitutionalising academic freedom, reaffirming the autonomy of institutions and the independence of staff, and finally, recognising the principle of source confidentiality (as for journalists) and incorporating a specific regime into the French research code for sensitive data. It is also proposed to extend the system for protecting the nation’s scientific and technical potential (PPST) to the humanities and social sciences, incorporating risks of interference to reconcile scientific security and freedom.

The second area focuses on action by universities: coordinating initiatives at the national level via an independent body, rolling out academic freedom charters across all institutions and research organisations, strengthening the protection of teachers through a dedicated national fund, and establishing rapid assistance protocols. It also provides for the creation of an independent observatory to monitor violations of academic freedom, training for management and advisers on these issues, and the coordination of legal, psychological and digital support for academics who are targeted. Finally, this area aims to promote cross-collaboration between security or defence officials and researchers and teacher-researchers.

The third area aims to promote a genuine culture of academic freedom in the public sphere: launching a national awareness campaign, encouraging student initiatives, transforming France’s Fête de la science (Science Festival) into a Festival of Science and Academic Freedom, organising a national conference to define a participatory action plan, and rolling out a wide-ranging campaign to promote research in partnership with all operators, starting with the National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS). This campaign, supported by visual aids, posters, drawings and a unifying hashtag, should celebrate research in all media and highlight its essential role in serving a democratic society.

The fourth and final priority aims to incorporate these measures into European science diplomacy by re-establishing a European ranking of universities worldwide that includes an academic freedom index, and by working to have that included in major international rankings. It also aims to strengthen cooperation between the European University Association and European university alliances, establish a European observatory on academic freedom, create a European talent passport for refugee researchers, and make Europe a safe haven for scientists in danger, with the ultimate goal of obtaining recognition in the form of a Nobel Peace Prize dedicated to academic freedom.

A precious common good

Defending academic freedom is not a corporatist reflex: on the contrary, it means protecting a precious common good and the very condition of a living democracy. Of course, this right belongs to only a small number of people, but it benefits everyone, just like freedom of the press, which in France is guaranteed by the law of 1881. Contrary to popular belief, academics are often the last to defend their professional rights, while journalists, quite rightly, actively protect theirs.

The French university system, as it has been constructed since 1945, and even more so after 1968, was not designed to confront authoritarianism. Today, French institutions would not be able to resist systematic attacks for very long if a populist and/or authoritarian regime came to power. Powerful, wealthy and autonomous, the Ivy League universities themselves faltered in the face of the MAGA movement and are still struggling to recover. Many US scientists are now moving to Europe, Japan or South Korea.

How, then, could French universities, which are both financially and institutionally dependent and have only recently established alumni associations, cope with such an onslaught? Not to mention that this would ultimately spell the end of the ambition behind the EU’s Choose Europe for Science programme.

Despite the gravity of the situation, it opens up unprecedented opportunities for collective action, democratic innovation and the development of concrete solutions. Now is the time to act collectively, coordinate stakeholders and launch a broad French and European campaign in support of academic freedom: this is the purpose of the study I conducted.


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The Conversation

Stéphanie Balme ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Academic freedom: how to defend ‘the very condition of a living democracy’ in France and worldwide – https://theconversation.com/academic-freedom-how-to-defend-the-very-condition-of-a-living-democracy-in-france-and-worldwide-267689

L’Europe face à la « mise à l’épreuve permanente » imposée par la Russie

Source: The Conversation – France in French (3) – By Christo Atanasov Kostov, International Relations, Cold War, nationalism, Russian propaganda, IE University

Derrière les manœuvres hybrides de la Russie – militaires, cyber et politiques – se dessine un objectif constant : épuiser l’Occident, diviser l’Europe et redessiner l’ordre sécuritaire issu de la guerre froide.


Les images sont tristement familières : les chars russes entrant en Géorgie en 2008, l’annexion de la Crimée en 2014 puis l’invasion de l’Ukraine en 2022, les avions militaires russes violant l’espace aérien européen et désormais de mystérieux drones provoquant la fermeture d’aéroports à travers le continent.

Ces épisodes s’inscrivent dans une stratégie unique, cohérente et en constante évolution : user de la force militaire là où c’est nécessaire, mener une guerre « hybride » ou « de zone grise » là où c’est possible, et exercer une pression politique partout ailleurs. Depuis des décennies, Moscou déploie ces tactiques avec un objectif précis : redessiner la carte sécuritaire de l’Europe sans déclencher une guerre directe avec l’OTAN.

Cet objectif n’a rien d’improvisé ni d’ambigu. Il repose sur un principe révisionniste : renverser l’élargissement de l’OTAN vers l’Est survenu après la guerre froide et rétablir une sphère d’influence russe en Europe.

C’est cette logique qui a guidé les actions du Kremlin à la veille de l’invasion de l’Ukraine. En décembre 2021, Moscou exigeait que l’OTAN proclame officiellement que l’Ukraine et la Géorgie ne pourront jamais adhérer à l’Alliance, et que les troupes de l’OTAN se retirent sur leurs positions de mai 1997, c’est-à-dire avant l’entrée des anciens États socialistes d’Europe de l’Est.

Ce n’était pas une manœuvre diplomatique préalable à l’invasion de février 2022, mais bien un objectif en soi. Aux yeux du Kremlin, l’élargissement de l’OTAN représente à la fois une humiliation et une menace existentielle qu’il faut enrayer à tout prix.




À lire aussi :
« Nous avons été humiliés » : le discours du Kremlin sur les années 1990 et la crise russo-ukrainienne


Un arsenal de moyens de pression

Les actions russes peuvent tour à tour être perçues comme relevant du chantage, de la démonstration de force ou de la tentative de pression diplomatique. En réalité, elles relèvent de tout cela à la fois. Moscou brouille délibérément la frontière entre diplomatie, action militaire et propagande intérieure. Son « arsenal » de pressions s’organise en plusieurs volets :

  • La « stratégie du bord de l’abîme » pour forcer le dialogue : Les montées en puissance militaires – des concentrations de troupes à l’invasion de l’Ukraine – créent des crises qui obligent l’Occident à réagir. La Russie fabrique des situations d’urgence pour gagner du poids dans la négociation, comme elle l’a fait pendant la guerre froide, puis en Géorgie (2008) et en Ukraine (depuis 2014).

  • Les tests en « zone grise » : Les incursions de drones et d’avions russes dans l’espace aérien de l’Allemagne, de l’Estonie, du Danemark ou de la Norvège servent à jauger la capacité de détection et de réaction de l’OTAN. Elles permettent aussi de collecter des données sur la couverture radar, sans franchir le seuil d’un affrontement ouvert.

  • La pression hybride sur les « petits » membres de l’OTAN : Les cyberattaques et les perturbations énergétiques qui touchent divers États de l’OTAN visent à tester la solidarité de l’Alliance. Moscou cible les pays les plus vulnérables pour semer la discorde et la méfiance au sein de l’organisation.

  • Le théâtre intérieur : Sur la scène nationale, l’affrontement avec l’Occident sert de mise en scène politique. Comme l’a récemment déclaré Dmitri Medvedev, vice-président du Conseil de sécurité de la Fédération de Russie, « l’Europe a peur de sa propre guerre ». Les atermoiements des Européens permettent de convaincre toujours davantage les Russes que l’Occident est indécis et faible, tandis que la Russie, elle, est forte et déterminée.

Cette stratégie n’a rien de nouveau : elle prolonge des méthodes éprouvées depuis l’effondrement de l’URSS. De la Transnistrie à l’Abkhazie, en passant par l’Ossétie du Sud et le Donbass, Moscou entretient des conflits « gelés » qui bloquent durablement l’intégration euro-atlantique de ces régions.




À lire aussi :
Trente ans après l’effondrement de l’URSS, ces États fantômes qui hantent l’espace post-soviétique


Une « épreuve permanente »

Aujourd’hui, le Kremlin privilégie les moyens hybrides – drones, cyberattaques, désinformation, chantage énergétique – plutôt que la guerre ouverte. Ces provocations ne sont pas aléatoires : elles forment une campagne méthodique de tests.

Chaque incursion, chaque attaque sert à évaluer la réponse à ces questions : L’Europe sait-elle détecter ? Réagir de manière coordonnée ? Agir rapidement et efficacement ?

Comme l’ont reconnu des responsables belges après une récente série de survols de drones, le continent doit « agir plus vite » pour bâtir sa défense aérienne. Chaque aveu de ce type renforce la conviction du Kremlin : l’Europe est lente, divisée, vulnérable.

Ces épisodes sont ensuite recyclés en séquences de propagande à la télévision d’État, où les commentateurs moquent la « faiblesse » européenne et présentent la confusion du continent comme la preuve du bien-fondé de la ligne dure de Moscou. Cette crise fabriquée est, à son tour, la dernière application d’une stratégie longuement rodée. Vis-à-vis de l’Occident, l’objectif n’est pas la conquête, mais l’épuisement : une « mise à l’épreuve permanente » destinée à user ses ressources et sa cohésion par une pression continue, diffuse et de faible intensité.

Et maintenant ?

Les provocations croissantes de la Russie envers l’OTAN et l’Europe ne peuvent pas durer indéfiniment sans conséquences. Trois scénarios principaux se dessinent :

  1. Une nouvelle confrontation durable : C’est l’issue la plus probable. L’OTAN ne peut satisfaire les exigences fondamentales du Kremlin sans renier ses principes fondateurs. Le conflit prendrait alors la forme d’un face-à-face prolongé : renforcement du flanc oriental de l’Alliance, explosion des budgets de défense et érection d’un nouveau rideau de fer.

  2. La « finlandisation » de l’Ukraine : Un scénario possible, mais instable, verrait l’Ukraine contrainte à adopter un statut de neutralité – renonçant à rejoindre l’OTAN en échange de garanties de sécurité, à l’image de la Finlande pendant la guerre froide. Du point de vue occidental, cela reviendrait à récompenser l’agression de Moscou et à consacrer son droit de veto sur la souveraineté de ses voisins.

  3. L’escalade par erreur de calcul : Dans un climat de tension permanente, un incident mineur – un drone abattu, une cyberattaque mal maîtrisée – pourrait rapidement dégénérer. Une guerre délibérée entre la Russie et l’OTAN reste improbable, mais elle n’est plus inimaginable.

L’impératif européen : la résilience

La stratégie du Kremlin repose sur la fragmentation. La réponse de l’Europe doit être la cohésion. Cela implique de renforcer plusieurs capacités clés :

  • Une défense aérienne et antimissile intégrée : construire un véritable bouclier continental, sans failles exploitables par les drones ou les systèmes hypersoniques.

  • Une défense hybride collective : Considérer les cyberattaques ou les incursions de drones comme des menaces visant l’ensemble de l’Alliance. Un mécanisme de réponse unique et prédéfini priverait Moscou de la possibilité d’isoler un membre.

  • Une autonomie technologique et politique : investir dans les industries européennes de défense, l’indépendance énergétique renouvelable et la solidité des chaînes d’approvisionnement. La sécurité commence désormais par la souveraineté, surtout face à l’incertitude du soutien américain.

  • Une dissuasion diplomatique : associer une capacité militaire crédible à un dialogue pragmatique, en maintenant ouverts les canaux de communication pour éviter toute escalade.

La stratégie russe n’est pas une réaction conjoncturelle : elle est structurelle.

Le Kremlin cherche à contraindre l’Occident à accepter un nouvel ordre sécuritaire en combinant coercition, tests et pression continue. Les moyens varient – chars, drones, guerre hybride d’usure – mais le but reste le même : affaiblir l’unité européenne et restaurer la sphère d’influence perdue en 1991.

Le défi de l’Europe est tout aussi clair : résister à la fatigue des crises répétées et prouver que la résilience, plutôt que la peur, définira l’avenir du continent. Les provocations de Moscou se poursuivront tant qu’elles ne lui coûteront pas trop cher. Seule une Europe unie et préparée pourra inverser ce calcul.

The Conversation

Christo Atanasov Kostov ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. L’Europe face à la « mise à l’épreuve permanente » imposée par la Russie – https://theconversation.com/leurope-face-a-la-mise-a-lepreuve-permanente-imposee-par-la-russie-267687

New Pentagon policy is an unprecedented attempt to undermine press freedom

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Amy Kristin Sanders, John and Ann Curley Professor of First Amendment Studies, Penn State

An American flag is unfurled on the side of the Pentagon on Sept. 11, 2025, in Arlington, Va. Photo by Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

Throughout modern American history, reporters who cover the Pentagon have played an invaluable role shining a light on military actions when the government has not been forthright with the public.

For instance, reporters covering the Biden administration’s decision to withdraw from Afghanistan in 2021 revealed the chaos that ensued and repudiated official statements claiming the pullout was smooth. That included reporting on a drone strike that killed 10 civilians, not ISIS militants, as the government initially claimed.

But free press advocates warn that recent changes in a Pentagon policy threaten journalists’ ability to cover the Department of Defense. That’s because it could curb their rights to report information not authorized by the government for release.

An initial policy change announced on Sept. 20, 2025 – and later revised – forbade journalists from publishing anything that hadn’t been approved by government officials. It gave journalists 10 days to sign and agree to the restrictions. A refusal to sign could have resulted in a cancellation of their press credentials to enter the Pentagon.

As a First Amendment expert, I believe the Pentagon policy change represents an unprecedented development in the Trump administration’s offensive against the press and a historic departure from previous administrations’ policies.

Attacks on journalism, said once-imprisoned journalist Peter Greste, “are a national security issue, and we have to protect press freedom.” Greste spoke in early October 2025 at the Global Free Speech Summit in Nashville, Tennessee, adding that “anything that undermines press freedom undermines national security.”

Greste was jailed for more than a year in Egypt while working for Al Jazeera in 2013. In Nashville, he drew a direct connection between the public’s access to information under a free press and the stability and freedom that democracies enjoy.

Even President Donald Trump seemed critical of the policy initially, telling a reporter in September 2025 he didn’t think the Pentagon should be in charge of deciding what reporters can cover.

An attempt to control critical coverage

Under the initial Pentagon policy change, journalists covering the Defense Department were required to sign a contract saying that department information must be “approved for public release by an appropriate authorizing official before it is released, even if it is unclassified.”

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth told Fox News on Oct. 5, “The Pentagon press corps can squeal all they want, we’re taking these things seriously. They can report, they just need to make sure they’re following rules.”

Media outlets decided they could not accept the policy change. They also mulled legal action.

The Pentagon revised its initial policy change on Oct. 6 and set an Oct. 14 deadline for journalists to comply. The revised policy says prior approval would not be required to report on the Defense Department, but it suggests that soliciting information from Pentagon sources “would not be considered protected activity under the 1st Amendment.” But journalists who don’t sign and follow the revised policy could be deemed “security risks” and lose their credentials to access the Pentagon.

As the Oct. 14 deadline approached, dozens of media outlets said they would not sign the revised policy. Fox, Newsmax and the Daily Caller – all conservative news organizations – have also rejected the policy. The following day, journalists from dozens of news outlets turned in their press passes rather than agree to the new policy.

The Pentagon Press Association, which represents journalists covering the Defense Department, says the revised policy is “asking us to affirm in writing our ‘understanding’ of policies that appear designed to stifle a free press and potentially expose us to prosecution for simply doing our jobs.”

Conservative commentators have also criticized the policy. Law professor Jonathan Turley told Fox News: “What they’re basically saying is if you publish anything that’s not in the press release, is not the official statement of the Pentagon, you could be held responsible under this policy. That is going to create a stranglehold on the free press, and the cost is too great.”

This isn’t the first time Hegseth has sought to limit media coverage of the Pentagon. In May 2025 he restricted journalists’ access to large portions of the Pentagon where they’d previously been allowed to go unescorted.

Freedom from government control

It is not unusual for the government to view the press as an adversary. But such direct attempts to control media outlets have been rare in the U.S.

The federal government has rarely been successful in its efforts to censor the media. In the 1930s, the Supreme Court set a high bar for the government to overcome if it wanted to stop the presses.

As Chief Justice Charles Hughes wrote in 1930 in Near v. Minnesota: “The fact that, for approximately one hundred and fifty years, there has been almost an entire absence of attempts to impose previous restraints upon publications relating to the malfeasance of public officers is significant of the deep-seated conviction that such restraints would violate constitutional right.”

A man in a suit and tie speaks in front of a lecturn.
U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth speaks during a news conference at the Pentagon on June 22, 2025, in Arlington, Va.
Photo by Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

In the years since, the high court has reiterated its belief that an adversarial press is essential to democracy. At the height of the Vietnam War, the court ruled the government could not prevent The New York Times from publishing leaked documents detailing U.S involvement in the conflict, despite the sensitive nature of the documents.

President Richard Nixon’s own nominee, Chief Justice Warren Burger, recognized the danger of allowing the government to restrict freedom of the press. “The thread running through all these cases is that prior restraints on speech and publication are the most serious and the least tolerable infringement on First Amendment rights. … The damage can be particularly great when the prior restraint falls upon the communication of news and commentary on current events,” Burger wrote.

Burger acknowledged the role the press plays as a watchdog against the government’s abuse of power in 1976 in Nebraska Press Association v. Stuart. “The press … guards against the miscarriage of justice by subjecting the (legal system) to extensive public scrutiny and criticism.”

Whether the Supreme Court’s commitment to these long-standing precedents remains steadfast is anyone’s guess.

Law scholars RonNell Andersen Jones and Sonja West have documented a marked decline in references by the high court to press freedom over the past two decades. They have also noted a dramatic change in the justices’ tone when discussing the press:

“(A)ny assumption that the Court is poised to be the branch to defend the press against disparagement is misplaced … When members of the press turn to the Court in their legal battles, they will no longer find an institution that consistently values their role in our democracy,” Andersen Jones and West write.

Yet even Burger was aware that muzzling the press posed serious consequences for a democratic society: “(I)t is nonetheless clear that the barriers to prior restraint remain high unless we are to abandon what the Court has said for nearly a quarter of our national existence and implied throughout all of it. The history of even wartime suspension of categorical guarantees, such as habeas corpus or the right to trial by civilian courts cautions against suspending explicit guarantees,” Burger wrote in his opinion in Nebraska Press Association v. Stuart in 1976.

The new Pentagon policy, however, does just that by threatening reporters who write critical stories with the loss of their press credentials.

The Conversation

Amy Kristin Sanders has served as an expert witness for Fox News. She previously served on the Board of Directors for the Student Press Law Center and was a member of the Society of Professional Journalists.

ref. New Pentagon policy is an unprecedented attempt to undermine press freedom – https://theconversation.com/new-pentagon-policy-is-an-unprecedented-attempt-to-undermine-press-freedom-266129

Marriage is hard, but it’s even harder when you immigrate together

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jingyi Zhang, Doctoral Student, Psychology, University of Alberta

Canadian immigration policy has long emphasized family reunification. In fact, most of Canada’s 200,000 yearly newcomers migrate as a couple or a family unit.

For these families, migration means more than just starting over — it means that each family member, and the unit, must adapt to the new culture while finding ways to maintain a connection with their original culture.

This dual transition, known as family acculturation, can be a source of both growth and stress. The complexity of this process is well illustrated by examining the smallest-sized family unit: the immigrant couple.

Language barriers, social isolation and new parenting challenges often add to the everyday pressures of marriage. When partners adapt to Canadian culture at different rates and levels, these acculturation gaps can strain communication, shift power dynamics and challenge a couple’s sense of connection and harmony.

What are acculturation gaps?

Acculturation refers to how individuals balance maintaining their heritage culture while adopting aspects of a new one. Within families, not everyone does that in the same way or at the same pace. One spouse might quickly learn English, find employment and follow social norms, while the other may hold more strongly to traditional values or struggle with integration.

They may also adapt differently across domains such as child-rearing practices. These differences, known as acculturation gaps, can affect not only individual well-being but also the quality of a couple’s relationship and overall family functioning.

Research on family acculturation has largely focused on parent–child relationships, showing how differences in cultural adaptation can cause tension and misunderstanding. Yet spousal acculturation gaps — though less studied — may be equally influential.

Couples, after all, are the foundation of most immigrant families, and large acculturation gaps between spouses may erode feelings of connectedness, negatively impacting both individual and relational well-being. These gaps may also spill over into parenting and other aspects of family functioning.

The acculturation gap–distress model explains how differing levels of adaptation within a family can lead to conflict. When partners adopt new languages, norms or values at different speeds, they may develop mismatched expectations about family roles, parenting and daily decisions.

This mismatch can erode intimacy and communication, increasing marital stress and dissatisfaction. Studies have found that couples with greater acculturation gaps tend to experience more marital distress, higher rates of conflict and separation and lower relationship quality over time.

Power dynamics within the family can also shift. The partner who adapts more easily — perhaps gaining stronger language skills or financial independence — may take on more decision-making authority. This can challenge traditional gender roles, especially for families migrating from patriarchal societies to more egalitarian environments.

As a result, couples may find themselves renegotiating not only household responsibilities but also their identities as partners, sometimes leading to tension or resentment.

Parenting adds another layer of complexity and pressure. Parents’ beliefs and practices are deeply shaped by their cultural backgrounds. When mothers and fathers acculturate differently, their child-rearing ideologies and approaches may diverge. For instance, one parent might encourage independence in line with Canadian norms, while the other emphasizes collectivist values. These inconsistencies can lead to co-parenting stress, spousal conflict and confusion for children.

When resilience meets policy

Not all acculturation gaps lead to conflict. The vulnerability–stress–adaptation (VSA) model suggests that couples’ ability to adapt determines whether stressors such as language gaps strengthen or weaken the relationship.

While acculturation gaps can create vulnerabilities, partners who communicate openly, show empathy and support each other often turn these challenges into opportunities for deeper connection. Couples’ resilience and adaptive coping can mediate the negative effects of acculturation gaps on their well-being, enhancing long-term satisfaction and stability.

Unfortunately, recent immigration policies have added another strain on immigrant families. Canada’s indefinite suspension of new permanent residency sponsorships for parents and grandparents removes an important support system for many newcomers. Grandparents often provide child care, transmit cultural values and offer emotional support — resources that buffer acculturative stress and promote family cohesion.




Read more:
Canada halts new parent immigration sponsorships, keeping families apart


Under the VSA model, the removal of extended-family support functions as an external stressor that intensifies couples’ existing vulnerabilities. With fewer adaptive resources to manage daily stress, immigrant couples may find it harder to maintain resilience, marital quality and family well-being.

The story of couple acculturation is one of commitment and adaptation under stress. The success of this journey depends not only on language skills or employment but also on mutual understanding and support.

Immigration policies influence the ecology of resilience in immigrant families, yet within this context, couples must continuously negotiate acculturative stressors and gaps.

Well-adjusted couples are the foundation of thriving immigrant families and communities, and understanding couple acculturation gaps is a crucial step toward supporting them.

The Conversation

Jingyi Zhang received funding from the China Institute at the University of Alberta

Kimberly A. Noels received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada through an Insight Grant #435-2024-1437.

ref. Marriage is hard, but it’s even harder when you immigrate together – https://theconversation.com/marriage-is-hard-but-its-even-harder-when-you-immigrate-together-266216

Diversidad e inclusión: una estrategia para aumentar la rentabilidad

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Deniz Torcu, Adjunct Professor of Globalization, Business and Media, IE University

Si uno solo leyera los titulares de la guerra cultural contra las políticas de diversidad e inclusión pensaría que su aplicación en las empresas es puro postureo. Según los detractores, contratar con criterios de diversidad baja el listón, los programas de inclusión son caros y prescindibles, o solo sirven en sectores “blandos” como el marketing o las ONG.

La pregunta de fondo es: ¿los equipos directivos más diversos ayudan a que las empresas funcionen mejor? En los últimos cinco años, la evidencia se ha vuelto cada vez más clara, y más incómoda para quienes sostienen lo contrario.

Más diversidad, más rentabilidad

En 2023, la consultora estratégica McKinsey & Company analizó 1 265 empresas en 23 países. El informe resultante, Diversity Matters Even More, señala que las compañías con mayor diversidad de género en sus equipos ejecutivos tienen un 39 % más de probabilidades de superar financieramente a sus pares. La cifra también es del 39 % en diversidad étnica y cultural.

Ya en 2020, en plena pandemia y con más empresas analizadas, las cifras eran de 25 % y 36 % respectivamente. Es decir, la mejora en los datos era consistente pese a las condiciones adversas.

¿Por qué mejoran los datos?

Un liderazgo diverso cambia cómo se toman las decisiones: se reducen los puntos ciegos, se cuestionan supuestos, se anticipan riesgos y se diseñan productos más ajustados a una base de clientes cada vez más heterogénea.

Además, esa base está cambiando rápidamente: los análisis demográficos del think tank estadounidense Brookings Institution muestran que en Estados Unidos –y, de manera similar, en Europa– los jóvenes son ya mucho más diversos que las generaciones anteriores. Ignorar esa realidad equivale a diseñar para un consumidor que ya no existe.

La macroeconomía también lo respalda

El Banco Mundial, en su informe Women, Business and the Law 2024, muestra que las mujeres disfrutan en promedio de solo el 64 % de igualdad formal frente a los hombres (esto es que, en el papel, hombres y mujeres deben recibir el mismo trato y tener los mismos derechos pero en el mundo real esta igualdad no se cumple), y que la brecha entre lo que dice la ley y lo que se aplica en la práctica es aún mayor.

Estudios complementarios de la misma institución –como el Gender Employment Gap Index (GEGI)– estiman que si se cerraran las brechas de empleo entre hombres y mujeres, el PIB per cápita de los países podría aumentar en torno a un 19 % en promedio, llegando incluso a más del 40 % en economías con desigualdades mayores. Además, la nueva metodología del informe no se limita a medir las normas escritas sino también su implementación efectiva, subrayando que la inclusión depende de sistemas que funcionen, no solo de leyes bien intencionadas.

La OCDE calculó en 2023 a partir de datos de nueve economías, que si las empresas con menor representación femenina en la alta dirección alcanzaran al menos el promedio de la muestra (20 %), la productividad agregada aumentaría en 0,6 %. Puede parecer un porcentaje modesto, pero, en términos macroeconómicos, es un empujón notable y constante.

El FMI, por su parte, lanzó en 2022 una estrategia para integrar la igualdad de género en todas sus políticas. La conclusión central: cerrar las brechas de género no solo impulsa el crecimiento, también refuerza la estabilidad macroeconómica.

Y en el terreno del comercio, un informe conjunto OMC–Banco Mundial (2020) documenta cómo las mujeres ganan con la apertura comercial y cómo las políticas inclusivas de género amplían las oportunidades de las economías enteras.

Más digitalización y educación

Finalmente, la ONU, en su informe Gender Snapshot 2024, advierte que la brecha digital de género tiene un coste económico directo: la menor participación de las mujeres en el uso de internet podría suponer una pérdida estimada de 500 000 millones de dólares en países de ingresos bajos y medios durante los próximos cinco años.


fizkes/Shutterstock

El informe también recuerda que el 65 % de las mujeres usó internet en 2023 frente al 70 % de los hombres, y que las mujeres siguen teniendo un 8 % menos de probabilidades de poseer un teléfono móvil.

En cuanto a escolarización, un dato esperanzador: si en 2015 el 46 % de las jóvenes no acaban la enseñanza secundaria diez años después ese porcentaje ha caído hasta el 39 %.

Según estimaciones del Banco Mundial de 2018 sobre [los costes de la falta de escolarización] de las niñas, si las mujeres con educación primaria solo ganan entre un 14 y un 19 % más que las mujeres sin educación, las que han completado la educación secundaria ganan casi el doble que las mujeres que han completado la primaria.

Así pues, la desigualdad de género no solo es una injusticia sino también una enorme ineficiencia económica.

Evidencia europea: gobernanza y riesgo

El Banco Central Europeo ha publicado estudios que vinculan directamente diversidad con desempeño. Un documento de trabajo de 2022 muestra que los bancos con consejos más diversos en género conceden menos crédito a empresas altamente contaminantes. Esto significa mejor filtrado de riesgo climático en un mundo donde la transición energética ya es un riesgo financiero.

En 2025, otro informe del BCE analizó cómo el perfil de los consejeros –incluida la diversidad de género– se relacionaba con el desempeño bancario. Según el informe, la incorporación de mujeres consejeras se asocia con una mejora (aunque modesta) en la rentabilidad. En suma, la diversidad en los consejos se vincula con un gobierno corporativo más sólido.

Estos hallazgos no provienen de activistas sino de supervisores financieros: la diversidad en la gobernanza es un factor de estabilidad.

¿Por qué persisten los mitos?

El mito sobrevive por dos razones:

  1. Porque la homogeneidad se siente cómoda: menos discusiones, decisiones más rápidas. Pero fluidez no equivale a calidad. Los equipos diversos generan más fricción, pero esa fricción produce análisis más sólidos y decisiones más robustas.

  2. Porque los beneficios no son inmediatos. Contratar perfiles diversos sin crear un entorno inclusivo lleva a la frustración de las personas y a una mayor rotación.

Qué deben hacer los líderes

Hemos visto cómo la inclusión es el multiplicador que convierte la diversidad en rendimiento. Tomando en cuenta la evidencia, las empresas deben incorporar la diversidad y la inclusión (D&I) en su estrategia de negocio:

  • Dejando de tratar la D&I como un gasto prescindible. Los datos son más contundentes en 2023 que en 2020.

  • Cerrar la brecha entre discurso y práctica. La nueva metodología del Banco Mundial es un buen modelo: medir la brecha entre lo que se dice y cómo se implementa para corregirla.

  • Integrar la diversidad en la gestión de riesgos. Si el BCE encuentra correlaciones entre la diversidad en los consejos y el desempeño bancario cualquier comité de riesgos debería tomar nota de esto.

  • Pensar en productividad y mercado. La OCDE ya lo midió: incluso pequeños aumentos en representación femenina generan ganancias agregadas.

No es un gesto sino una ventaja

La diversidad en las organizaciones no es un accesorio ideológico ni un gesto reputacional. Es una ventaja operativa y financiera.

Las organizaciones que lo han entendido ya reasignan capital, mejoran su gobernanza y ejecutan con más éxito. Las que no, siguen discutiendo consignas mientras el mercado avanza.

En un mundo volátil, ignorar la diversidad no es neutral: es autodestructivo.


La versión original de este artículo ha sido publicada en la Revista Telos, de Fundación Telefónica.

The Conversation

Deniz Torcu no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Diversidad e inclusión: una estrategia para aumentar la rentabilidad – https://theconversation.com/diversidad-e-inclusion-una-estrategia-para-aumentar-la-rentabilidad-265824