Is Wuthering Heights actually romantic? Heathcliff would say no

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jodi McAlister, Senior Lecturer in Writing, Literature and Culture, Deakin University

Margot Robbie and Jacob Elordi in Wuthering Heights. Photo Courtesy Warner Bros Pictures

Emerald Fennell’s film of Wuthering Heights, starring Australian actors Jacob Elordi as Heathcliff and Margot Robbie as Catherine, bills itself as the “greatest love story of all time”. A poll of British readers agreed.

But what would Heathcliff think?

Heathcliff, if you’ve not read the book, seen one of the many adaptations, or heard Kate Bush’s iconic song, is the protagonist of Wuthering Heights, Emily Brontë’s sole novel (published originally under the pseudonym Ellis Bell). He’s the ethnically ambiguous foster child of the Earnshaw family, who live in the titular Wuthering Heights on the windswept, desolate Yorkshire moors: the backdrop for his obsessive, doomed relationship with his foster-sister Catherine.

In the 14th chapter of the novel, Heathcliff has just married another woman (Isabella Linton, sister of Catherine’s husband Edgar). The novel’s narrator, housekeeper Nelly Dean, chastises him for how badly he’s treating her. Isabella loves him, Nelly tells Heathcliff reproachfully, or she would not have abandoned the comforts of her home in the warm, welcoming, comfortable Thrushcross Grange to marry him and live him in the cold, dreary Wuthering Heights.

“She abandoned them under a delusion,” Heathcliff sneers in response, “picturing in me a hero of romance, and expecting unlimited indulgences from my chivalrous devotion.”

The new film poster evokes a romance ‘clinch cover’.

Here, Heathcliff explicitly rejects the idea he is any kind of romantic hero. However, for more than a century, he has been interpreted as one, with his intense connection with Catherine – a passion that endures long past her death – captivating audiences.

Indeed, this kind of romantic positioning is evident on the film poster, depicting Heathcliff and Catherine. It is strongly reminiscent of a “clinch cover”: common among historical romance novels published in the late 20th and early 21st century (most infamously associated with male model Fabio).

Plenty of modern readers agree with Heathcliff’s self-assessment, though. “Heathcliff from ‘Wuthering Heights’ isn’t a romantic anti-hero,” reads the headline of one article by Christopher Shultz, “he’s a f#$%ing monster”.

A romance?

People regularly claim Wuthering Heights as their favourite romance novel, to the exasperation of romance readers and writers. It might be considered a love story, but Wuthering Heights is not a romance.

This is clear if we look at it against the (embattled) Romance Writers of America definition: a romance novel needs a central love plot and an emotionally satisfying and optimistic ending. Other 19th-century classics fit the bill – Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice, for instance – but Wuthering Heights does not.

The love story between Heathcliff and Catherine is certainly the element of the book most readers remember – and, indeed, many adaptations focus on it almost entirely. However, the couple are never actually together in any formal way, and their tortured relationship consumes surprisingly little page space.

Jacob Elordi as Heathcliff: a darkly brooding, well-dressed man sits on an ornate blue couch with gold, arm outstretched
People regularly claim Wuthering Heights as their favourite romance novel.
Photo Courtesy Warner Bros. Pictures

Notably, Catherine dies approximately halfway through the book. While Heathcliff is tormented by grief for the rest of it, the primary action shifts to their children. This makes it difficult to argue theirs is a “central” love story.

Given Catherine’s death and Heathcliff’s subsequent misery, it is also difficult to make a case that Wuthering Heights has an optimistic ending.

The book ends with a potentially happy union between Catherine’s daughter (also named Catherine) and her cousin Hareton, and the suggestion Heathcliff and his Catherine might be wandering the moors together as ghosts. This is arguably emotionally satisfying – they are together in death the way they were never in life – but not really optimism, especially taking into account the many lives they destroyed along the way.

Dark dynamics

So – if Wuthering Heights is not a romance per se, can we argue that it is romantic?

This hinges on how we define romantic. There’s no doubt that it’s Romantic, with a capital R. Wuthering Heights is deeply influenced by Romanticism, a literary and artistic movement which emphasised intense feeling and passion over logic and reason.

Modern conceptions of romance, though, place more of an emphasis on intimacy, closeness and overall functionality. Britain’s Romantic Novel of the Year awards, for instance, require a “healthy relationship dynamic between the main characters” – and even the biggest fans of the book would find it hard to argue Heathcliff and Catherine’s relationship is in any way healthy.

A tall, handsome, brooding man and a beautiful blonde woman in a red leatherette and blousy white gown
Even the biggest fans of the book would probably not argue Heathcliff and Catherine’s relationship is in any way healthy.
Photo Courtesy Warner Bros Pictures

This said, some of the most popular romance subgenres at the moment revel in dynamics which are – like Heathcliff and Catherine’s – dangerous, intense, destructive and toxic. Dark romance is the most notable example.

Amoral people, illicit passion

As English professor David Shumway notes in his book Modern Love, romantic love was long considered a “destructive passion” – something that was a threat to marriage, rather than its building block. He writes:

In the nineteenth century, romance became grafted onto marriage, but it has never become entirely at ease with the union. This combination produced a tension within the discourse because [romance’s] essential characteristics derive from adulterous love.

Wuthering Heights was published in 1847, right in the middle of the 19th century. In it, we see this tension between companionate marital love and adulterous passion played out. Catherine swears repeatedly that she loves her husband Edgar, but this is at best an uneasy love: a pale shadow of the immense, destructive passion she has for Heathcliff.

“You loved me — then what right had you to leave me?” Heathcliff demands of Catherine on her deathbed.

What right — answer me — for the poor fancy you felt for Linton? […] I have not broken your heart — you have broken it; and in breaking it, you have broken mine.

The appeal of a genre like dark romance – of which Wuthering Heights is surely an ancestor – is its excessive intensity. While dark romance today ends happily, the intensity of Heathcliff and Catherine’s adulterous passion might have been muted if they had ended up together in romantic bliss – and, as a result, this book might not be half so compelling.

Speaking broadly, Heathcliff and Catherine are two mostly amoral people who bring destruction to the lives of everyone around them (as well as each other). Whether or not we consider it “romantic”, it is the force of their illicit passion that has made Wuthering Heights memorable.

The Conversation

Jodi McAlister received an Romance Writers of America academic grant in 2019.

ref. Is Wuthering Heights actually romantic? Heathcliff would say no – https://theconversation.com/is-wuthering-heights-actually-romantic-heathcliff-would-say-no-273689

Exercise can be as effective as medication for depression and anxiety – new study

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Neil Munro, PhD Candidate in Psychology, James Cook University

Organic Media/Getty

Depression and anxiety affect millions of people worldwide.

While treatments such as medication and psychotherapy (sometimes called talk therapy) can be very effective, they’re not always an option. Barriers include cost, stigma, long waiting lists for appointments, and potential drug side effects.

So what about exercise? Our new research, published today, confirms physical activity can be just as effective for some people as therapy or medication. This is especially true when it’s social and guided by a professional, such as a gym class or running club.

Let’s take a look at the evidence.

What we already knew

Physical activity has long been promoted as a treatment option for anxiety and depression, largely because it helps release “feel good” chemicals in the brain which help boost mood and reduce stress.

But the evidence can be confusing. Hundreds of studies with diverse results make it unclear how much exercise is beneficial, what type, and who it helps most.

Over the past two decades, researchers have conducted dozens of separate meta-analyses (studies that combine results from multiple trials) examining exercise for depression and anxiety. But these have still left gaps in understanding how effective exercise is for different age groups and whether the type of exercise matters.

Many studies have also included participants with confounding factors (influences that can distort research findings) such as other chronic diseases, for example, diabetes or arthritis. This means it can be hard to apply the findings more broadly.

What we did

Our research aimed to resolve this confusion by conducting a “meta-meta-analysis”. This means we systematically reviewed the results of all the existing meta-analyses – there were 81 – to determine what the evidence really shows.

Together, this meant data from nearly 80,000 participants across more than 1,000 original trials.

We examined multiple factors that might explain why their results varied. These included differences in:

  • who they studied (for example, people with diagnosed depression or anxiety versus those just experiencing symptoms, different age groups, and women during pregnancy and after birth)

  • what the exercise involved (for example, comparing aerobic fitness to resistance training and mind-body exercises, such as yoga; whether it was supervised by a professional; intensity and duration)

  • whether the exercise was individual or in a group.

We also used advanced statistical techniques to accurately isolate and estimate the exact impact of exercise, separate from confounding factors (including other chronic diseases).

Our data looked at the impact of exercise alone on depression and anxiety. But sometimes people will also use antidepressants and/or therapy – so further research would be needed to explore the effect of these when combined.

What did the study find?

Exercise is effective at reducing both depression and anxiety. But there is some nuance.

We found exercising had a high impact on depression symptoms, and a medium impact on anxiety, compared to staying inactive.

The benefits were comparable to, and in some cases better than, more widely prescribed mental health treatments, including therapy and antidepressants.

Importantly, we discovered who exercise helped most. Two groups showed the most improvement: adults aged 18 to 30 and women who had recently given birth.

Many women experience barriers to exercising after giving birth, including lack of time, confidence or access to appropriate and affordable activities.

Our findings suggest making it more accessible could be an important strategy to address new mothers’ mental health in this vulnerable time.

How you exercise matters

We also found aerobic activities – such as walking, running, cycling or swimming – were best at reducing both depression and anxiety symptoms.

However, all forms of exercise reduced symptoms, including resistance training (such as lifting weights) and mind-body practices (such as yoga).

For depression, there were greater improvements when people exercised with others and were guided by a professional, such as a group fitness class.

Unfortunately, there wasn’t available data on group or supervised exercise for anxiety, so we would need more research to find out if the impact is similar.

Exercising once or twice a week had a similar effect on depression as exercising more frequently. And there didn’t seem to be a significant difference between exercising vigorously or at a low intensity – all were beneficial.

But for anxiety, the best improvements in anxiety symptoms were when exercise was done:

  • consistently, for up to eight weeks, and

  • at a lower intensity, such as walking or swimming laps at a gentle pace.

So, what does all this mean?

Our research shows exercise is a legitimate and evidence-based treatment option for depression and anxiety, particularly for people with diagnosed conditions.

However, simply telling patients to “exercise more” is unlikely to be effective.

The evidence shows structured, supervised exercise with a social component is best for improving depression and anxiety. The social aspect and the accountability may help keep people motivated.

Clinicians should keep this in mind, offering referrals to specific programs – such as aerobic fitness classes or supervised walking and running programs – rather than general advice.

The findings also suggest this kind of exercise can be particularly effective when targeted to depression in younger adults and women who’ve recently given birth.

The takeaway

For people who are hesitant about medication, or facing long waits for therapy, supervised group exercise may be an effective alternative. It’s evidence-based, and you can start any time.

But it’s still best to get advice from a professional. If you have anxiety or depression symptoms, you should talk to your GP or psychologist. They can advise where exercise fits in your treatment plan, potentially alongside therapy and/or medication.

The Conversation

Samantha Teague receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC).

James Dimmock, Klaire Somoray, and Neil Munro do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Exercise can be as effective as medication for depression and anxiety – new study – https://theconversation.com/exercise-can-be-as-effective-as-medication-for-depression-and-anxiety-new-study-272243

From Bridgerton to Heated Rivalry, what’s the secret to a good book-to-TV romance?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jodi McAlister, Senior Lecturer in Writing, Literature and Culture, Deakin University

HBO/Netflix/The Conversation

Outside of classics like Pride and Prejudice, romance fiction has not historically been adapted often for the screen, despite its immense popularity.

The success of Bridgerton (2020–) led to countless articles about what romance novels should be adapted for the screen next when it first premiered.

Now more and more romance adaptations are starting to appear – but what makes the translation from page to screen really sing?

The history of romance novel adaptations

Romance adaptations have given us cultural juggernauts, such as Twilight (2008–12), Fifty Shades of Grey (2015–18) and To All The Boys I’ve Loved Before (2018–21).

But romance adaptations have historically been low-budget and escaped mainstream notice.

Authors like Nora Roberts and Debbie Macomber have proved fruitful grounds for made-for-TV adaptations by Hallmark and Lifetime. Passionflix entered the streaming market in 2017 with the sole purpose to adapt romance novels – including Lick (2024) by Australian author Kylie Scott.

Canadian streamer Crave has turned several romances into TV movies, such as Recipe for Romance (2025), an adaptation of Sweet on You by Filipino author Carla de Guzman. Amazon has also joined the game.

The proportion of books that have made it to the screen (and into cultural conversation) is still small. But the needle is moving. This year sees adaptations of Ali Hazelwood’s The Love Hypothesis, Katherine Center’s The Bodyguard, Elle Kennedy’s Off Campus and Emily Henry’s People We Meet On Vacation.

This is to say nothing of the game-changing popularity of a romance adaptation by Crave released late in 2025: Heated Rivalry.

While it has always been popular, romance has become too prominent to ignore: BookTok and Bookstagram have made romance – and its enormous audience – more visible than ever before.

What makes a good romance adaptation?

Romance readers will embrace or reject an adaptation depending on whether the creators love and respect the genre or misunderstand and misrepresent it – or, worse, condescend to and exploit it.

Heated Rivalry shows what happens when a creator truly, in romance critic Olivia Waite’s words, “accept[s] romance’s invitations”.

Rival hockey players Shane Hollander (Hudson Williams) and Ilya Rozanov (Connor Storrie) commence a clandestine affair as rookies and gradually fall in love. The series has surpassed 600 million viewing minutes and shows no sign of slowing down.

It has been so successful that Netflix promised the new season of Bridgerton would take audiences to “the cottage”: a reference to that series’ third episode – and a term now synonymous with Heated Rivalry’s finale and happy ending.

The happy ending is crucial to the romance genre, but it is not the only thing Heated Rivalry gets right. While not all romance novel adaptations should be carbon copies of this series, anyone considering adapting romance for the screen in future would be well served to look at what it does right.

Romance novels are stories of a small, compact universe. At the centre is a couple (or polycule’s) attraction and journey towards a serious relationship. Sub-plots and supporting characters matter to the extent that they are part of this journey. In a romance, the leads are all romance fans care about.

This is something Bridgerton has struggled with. While it centres a new lead couple each season, it is also concerned with servicing the plotlines of past and future leads. This has led to a proliferation of subplots, which often distract from the romantic spine.

Heated Rivalry consistently centres Shane and Ilya. Taking place over ten years, during which period both men presumably live full lives, creator Jacob Tierney spotlights the sporadic, stolen moments they are together. The secondary romance between hockey player Scott Hunter (François Arnaud) and his secret smoothie barista boyfriend Kip (Robbie CK) is mostly siloed to its own self-contained episode, with its relevance to the main plot made crystal clear at the end of episode five.

The love plot must be central, and must be treated with the deepest sincerity and gravity. Romance is an inherently earnest genre. It is often funny, but it is never ironic.

Red, White & Royal Blue (2023), adapted from Casey McQuiston’s book, received mixed reviews for glossing over many of the book’s complexities. But one of its successes is treating the high-concept love plot between a British prince and the son of the United States president seriously. (Their happy ending is bound up with a broader political one: a successful US re-election representing a liberal wing; the potential promise of a more progressive monarchy.)

The love at the romance novel’s heart – and the attendant joy and hope of the happy ending – is serious business, and must be treated as such for an adaptation to succeed.

This aspect of romance is often positioned as a “guilty pleasure”, something to be embarrassed by or make fun of, but it is hard to overstate how vital it is to the success of the form.

The worst mistake an adaptation of a romance can make is being ashamed of where it came from. Romance readers are well aware when someone is sneering at them, or trying to take advantage of the lucrative market they represent while trying to “elevate” the genre by chipping away at its core tenets and pleasures.

Heated Rivalry is the only adaptation that has entirely and wholeheartedly embraced the invitations of the romance genre, foregrounding romance and leaning pronouncedly into sincerity. We hope many more adaptations will learn from it going forward.

The Conversation

Jodi McAlister is the current president of the International Association for the Study of Popular Romance.

Jayashree Kamble is past President of the International Association for the Study of Popular Romance

ref. From Bridgerton to Heated Rivalry, what’s the secret to a good book-to-TV romance? – https://theconversation.com/from-bridgerton-to-heated-rivalry-whats-the-secret-to-a-good-book-to-tv-romance-273577

They escaped appalling conditions in scam factories. Now, they are living on the streets in Cambodia

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Ivan Franceschini, Lecturer, Chinese Studies, The University of Melbourne

Indonesians freed from scam centres wait outside the Indonesian embassy in Phnom Penh for help returning home. Magdalena Chodownik/Anadolu via Getty Images

“I was running from the war, and I got to a war again.” This is how Eric, a young man from central Africa, described how he ended up at a scam compound in Cambodia – and then stranded in the country with no way out.

Eric’s story is like that of many people deceived into the scamming world. After fleeing conflict in his home country and living in extreme deprivation, Eric received an email offering a US$2,000 (A$2,800) monthly job in Cambodia. The recruiter quickly persuaded him to accept. (We are using a pseudonym and not disclosing his country of origin to protect him.)

Upon arriving in Phnom Penh late last year, he was taken directly from the airport to a notorious scam compound near the Thai border, where he was forced to defraud people through online scams.

When he tried to warn one of his targets that he was being scammed, the managers found out and savagely beat him to the point he thought he might die. In the following weeks, he witnessed others being severely abused and the disappearance of co-workers. One jumped from a window in an apparent suicide and was never seen again.

A month later, Eric managed to escape when the Thai military began bombing Cambodia in a skirmish over their shared border. His freedom was short-lived, though. He was re-trafficked to another compound and spent another month in captivity before finally fleeing in mid-January.

Government crackdown

Eric is now stranded in Cambodia, along with thousands of other foreigners who were freed from scam compounds in recent weeks as rumours spread of a massive government crackdown on the industry.

The crackdown began last month after the arrest of Chinese tycoon Chen Zhi, whom the US Justice Department called “the mastermind behind a sprawling cyberfraud empire”.

Chen’s arrest added to growing international pressure on Cambodia to finally confront its role in the booming online scam industry, which brings in billions of dollars a year in illicit revenue and has seen hundreds of thousands of workers trafficked into appalling “scam factories” in Southeast Asia and beyond.

Cambodian authorities have raided compounds before, but these operations have been limited and appeared mainly tokenistic.

The recent crackdown felt different – much broader in scope. Multiple compounds suddenly opened their doors to let people out in January, and a prominent Cambodian businessman linked to the industry and several high-ranking Cambodian officials were arrested.

Stuck in limbo

The mass exodus of workers from the compounds, many of whom lack passports, money or anywhere to go, has now led to what Amnesty International is calling a “growing humanitarian crisis”.

Two of us (Ling and Ivan) were in Cambodia to monitor scam compounds when the crackdown occurred. We saw desperate people without documents queuing in front of their embassies in Phnom Penh, trying to get help to return home.

The Indonesian embassy said more than 3,400 people have sought consular assistance. Based on our conversations with embassy officials, Uganda and Ghana have about 300 stranded nationals each, and Kenya has more than 200.




Read more:
Scam Factories: the inside story of Southeast Asia’s brutal fraud compounds


The Chinese and Indonesian embassies have managed to convince the Cambodian government to move their citizens into facilities while they await deportation. Kenya has obtained a waiver of any fines their citizens may face for lacking documents or overstaying their visas and stranded Kenyans are now scrambling to raise funds to pay for their flights.

Survivors from other countries, however, have been stonewalled by the Cambodian bureaucracy.

Most of the Africans we met are in dire situations. They are from countries without diplomatic representation in Cambodia and have been turned away from international agencies and their local partners because of purported “resource constraints” and limitations imposed by local regulations.

Many survivors have pooled their resources to rent rooms in guesthouses that accept undocumented people, while others are being forced to sleep on the streets or rely on the charity of good samaritans. Many live in fear of arrest because the police are conducting inspections of homes and hotels to check people’s documentation.

Eric is one of the relatively fortunate who have secured temporary shelter, but his future remains deeply uncertain. He has no passport, no family and no country to return to. When asked about his hopes, he says simply he wants a place where he can start over – it doesn’t matter where. He is also desperate to start searching for his family back home. He doesn’t even know if they are still alive.

End of an industry?

Cambodian officials have framed the operations as a decisive break with the past. They have vowed to eradicate the powerful online scam networks in the country by April.

However, it’s unclear if the raids signal a sustained policy shift or are a temporary response to heightened diplomatic scrutiny. Although this is the most comprehensive action Cambodia has taken to date, it is far from the first time the government has cracked down. The industry has always survived.

Empty compounds remain guarded, but we managed to visit one since the crackdown. While the computers, cameras and other items have largely been removed, the physical infrastructure remains intact and ready to be reactivated.

And pockets of the industry remain active. Based on our monitoring of Telegram groups used by scammers and conversations with industry insiders, many are still operating in areas such as Koh Kong and Poipet.

Moreover, scam groups are continuing to recruit workers trapped inside the country. Many of the stranded victims have told us of being approached with job offers, presented as an easy way to earn enough money for a flight home.

Job advertisements are also circulating on Telegram, targeting these same individuals with purported “opportunities” at precisely the moment when they are most vulnerable. Many have endured severe abuse and are in urgent need of psychological support.

So far, the survivors’ appeals to the international community have largely gone unanswered. Without a timely and coordinated intervention to help them, the outlook is bleak, and the advantage will once again lie with the scammers.

The Conversation

In 2024, Ivan co-founded EOS Collective, a non-profit organisation dedicated to investigating the dynamics of the online scam industry and the criminal networks behind it, and supporting survivors of forced criminality in these operations.

Charlotte Setijadi has previously received research funding from Singapore’s Ministry of Education and the Singapore Social Science Research Council. She is currently one of the co-convenors of the University of Melbourne’s Indonesia Forum.

In 2024, Ling Li co-founded EOS Collective, a non-profit organisation dedicated to investigating the dynamics of the online scam industry and the criminal networks behind it, and supporting survivors of forced criminality in these operations.

ref. They escaped appalling conditions in scam factories. Now, they are living on the streets in Cambodia – https://theconversation.com/they-escaped-appalling-conditions-in-scam-factories-now-they-are-living-on-the-streets-in-cambodia-275218

Christchurch terror appeal: why now, and what is really being decided?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Kris Gledhill, Professor of Law, Auckland University of Technology

Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

The New Zealand Court of Appeal is this week hearing a case that is unusual in a number of respects.

The person bringing it is Brenton Harrison Tarrant, the 35-year-old Australian man convicted and sentenced for the murder of 51 people in Christchurch in March 2019.

Tarrant – who earlier pleaded guilty to those murders, along with attempting to murder 40 others and committing the acts as terrorism – is seeking to reopen his conviction and sentence.

At first glance, this might seem baffling: how can a person who earlier admitted to serious crimes – and who was sentenced years ago – be trying to appeal? The answer lies in some important rules that illustrate how New Zealand’s legal system works.

Tarrant was sentenced five years ago. How can he appeal now?

Legal systems have to balance competing principles. One principle is that decisions by criminal courts should be final, so that those affected can move on.

At the same time, it is important the decision is the right one, since an incorrect finding by a criminal court is problematic.

As a result, those convicted have a right to appeal, but the Criminal Procedure Act 2011 gives them 20 days to file their application. Additionally, the Appeal Court can extend that time limit if there are good reasons to override the need for finality.

So, the hearing now before the court is actually an application for an extension of time. Tarrant’s notice of appeal against conviction and sentence was filed in November 2022: it should have been filed in September 2020, as he was sentenced in August 2020. So the application is to extend time by over two years.

If the Court of Appeal is not persuaded there are good reasons to extend the time limit, the judges will refuse the application to extend time. There is one final avenue then, which is an application to the Supreme Court.

But he pleaded guilty. How can he appeal that?

A second part of the application Tarrant has made is to set aside his guilty pleas. This can happen for various reasons. The central argument he has raised is that he was acting irrationally when he pleaded guilty because of mental health issues caused by prison conditions.

An admission of guilt, which in this case led to the severest sentence available in our legal system – life without parole – has to be an informed decision. The legal system has processes for when people are not fit to stand trial.

If it is a temporary problem, trials can be adjourned until the person is well enough. If it is a more long-term problem, there can be a modified trial that looks at whether the person did the acts charged without looking at whether they had a criminal state of mind.

That is why the evidence before the Court of Appeal includes him, his trial lawyers and experts. This will allow an assessment of the reliability of the pleas that were entered.

This is the real issue for the Court of Appeal. If the guilty pleas can’t be relied on, that might be a good reason to extend time. However, that is not automatic. The legal test is whether there has been a miscarriage of justice.

This allows the Court of Appeal to consider whether the evidence available showed guilt beyond a reasonable doubt in any event. An admission of guilt and a finding of guilt by a court weighing the evidence lead to the same verdict.

Why don’t we know the names of his lawyers?

Another unusual feature of this case is that we don’t know the names of Tarrant’s lawyers. This is because, in a judgment in November 2024, the Court of Appeal allowed them to be anonymous. This rested on evidence of concerns for their safety.

The Supreme Court declined to hear a further appeal against this ruling. This is why the appeal is being heard in a closed court but with a delayed video link.

This reveals that some people misunderstand the role of defence lawyers. The legal system only works if lawyers are willing to represent unpopular people and present their case in a professional manner.

This does not mean the lawyer believes in or otherwise supports the person they are representing. Rather, they are doing a job that is necessary for the legal system to work properly.

But wasn’t the evidence clear?

Most people charged by the police plead guilty or are found guilty; and most appeals are unsuccessful. But in a minority of situations, police and prosecutors or trial courts don’t get it right.

There have been past instances where people have made confessions to things they did not actually do or did not do with a criminal state of mind.

No-one benefits from an incorrect guilty verdict. That is why we have appeals, including appeals out of time, and a Criminal Cases Review Commission.

Particularly for such a uniquely horrible event, and when the sentence imposed is the most severe one our system can impose, it is important to be sure it was correct. That is what is being assessed. It is also why the Court of Appeal has appointed a lawyer to be on stand-by in case the lawyers for the defence are sacked.

Something similar happened at the sentencing hearing: the trial judge appointed a lawyer to make arguments at the sentencing hearing because Tarrant seemingly accepted the sentence of life without parole and told his lawyers not to argue against it.

The resilience of the victims and their families is again on display. For them in particular, but also for New Zealand more generally, we should remember that court judgments are also important historical records.

Judges give reasoned findings into significant events. The three judges of the Court of Appeal are playing this important role, with the assistance of all the lawyers involved.

The Conversation

Kris Gledhill is currently working on a criminal sentencing project funded by the Borrin Foundation, and is a member of the Executive Committee of the Criminal Bar Association, which represents prosecution and defence lawyers. The views expressed here are his own.

ref. Christchurch terror appeal: why now, and what is really being decided? – https://theconversation.com/christchurch-terror-appeal-why-now-and-what-is-really-being-decided-275541

Trump’s plan to wipe out US climate rules relies on EPA rescinding its 2009 endangerment finding – but will it survive court challenges?

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Gary W. Yohe, Professor of Economics and Environmental Studies, Wesleyan University

Trucks leave a smoggy Port of Long Beach in 2008, the year before the endangerment finding was released. Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

In 2009, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency formally declared that greenhouse gas emissions, including from vehicles and fossil fuel power plants, endanger public health and welfare. The decision, known as the endangerment finding, was based on years of evidence, and it has underpinned EPA actions on climate change ever since.

The Trump administration now wants to tear up that finding as it tries to roll back climate regulations on everything from vehicles to industries.

But the move might not be as simple as the administration hopes.

An airplane flying over a packed highway with San Diego in the background.
Transportation is the nation’s leading source of emissions, yet the federal government aims to roll back vehicle standards and other regulations written to help slow climate change.
Kevin Carter/Getty Images

EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin sent a proposed rule to the White House Office of Management and Budget in early January 2026 to rescind the endangerment finding, and the White House announced that Zeldin would make the move official on Feb. 12, 2026.

There’s no question that rescinding the endangerment finding would be challenged in court. The world just lived through the three hottest years on record, evidence of worsening climate change is stronger now than ever before, and people across the U.S. are increasingly experiencing the harm firsthand.

Several legal issues have the potential to stop the EPA’s effort. They include emails submitted in a court case that suggest political appointees sought to direct the scientific review that the EPA is using to defend its plan. A federal judge also ruled on Jan. 30 that the Department of Energy violated the law when it handpicked five researchers to write that climate science review. While that ruling doesn’t necessarily stop the EPA, it raises questions.

To understand how we got here, it helps to look at history for some context.

The Supreme Court started it

The endangerment finding stemmed from a 2007 U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Massachusetts v. EPA.

The court found that various greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide, were “pollutants covered by the Clean Air Act,” and it gave the EPA an explicit set of instructions.

The court wrote that the “EPA must determine whether or not emissions from new motor vehicles cause or contribute to air pollution which may reasonably be anticipated to endanger public health or welfare.”

But the Supreme Court did not order the EPA to regulate greenhouse gas emissions. Only if the EPA found that emissions were harmful would the agency be required, by law, “to establish national ambient air quality standards for certain common and widespread pollutants based on the latest science” – meaning greenhouse gases.

The Supreme Court justices seated for a formal portrait.
The Supreme Court under Chief Justice John Roberts in 2007 included seven justices appointed by Republican presidents. Front row, left to right: Anthony M. Kennedy (appointed by Ronald Reagan), John Paul Stevens (Gerald Ford), John Roberts (George W. Bush), Antonin Scalia (Reagan) and David Souter (George H.W. Bush). Standing, from left: Stephen Breyer (Bill Clinton), Clarence Thomas (George H.W. Bush), Ruth Bader Ginsburg (Clinton) and Samuel Alito Jr. (George W. Bush).
AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite

The EPA was required to follow formal procedures – including reviewing the scientific research, assessing the risks and taking public comment – and then determine whether the observed and projected harms were sufficient to justify publishing an “endangerment finding.”

That process took two years. EPA Administrator Lisa Jackson announced on Dec. 7, 2009, that the then-current and projected concentrations of six key greenhouse gases in the atmosphere – carbon dioxide, methane, nitrous oxide, hydrofluorocarbons, perfluorocarbons and sulfur hexafluoride – threatened the public health and welfare of current and future generations.

Challenges to the finding erupted immediately.

Jackson denied 10 petitions received in 2009-2010 that called on the administration to reconsider the finding.

On June 26, 2012, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit upheld the endangerment finding and regulations that the EPA had issued under the Clean Air Act for passenger vehicles and permitting procedures for stationary sources, such as power plants.

This latest challenge is different.

It came directly from the Trump administration without going through normal channels. It was, though, entirely consistent with both the conservative Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025 plan for the Trump administration and President Donald Trump’s dismissive perspective on climate risk.

Trump’s burden of proof

To legally reverse the 2009 finding, the agency must go through the same evaluation process as before. According to conditions outlined in the Clean Air Act, the reversal of the 2009 finding must be justified by a thorough and complete review of the current science and not just be political posturing.

That’s a tough task.

Energy Secretary Chris Wright has talked publicly about how he handpicked the five researchers who wrote the scientific research review. A judge has now found that the effort violated the 1972 Federal Advisory Committee Act, which requires that agency-chosen panels providing policy advice to the government conduct their work in public.

All five members of the committee had been outspoken critics of mainstream climate science. Their report, released in summer 2025, was widely criticized for inaccuracies in what they referenced and its failure to represent the current science.

Scientific research available today clearly shows that greenhouse gas emissions harm public health and welfare. Importantly, evidence collected since 2009 is even stronger now than it was when the first endangerment finding was written, approved and implemented.

Map shows many ares with record or near record warm years.
Many locations around the world had record or near-record warm years in 2025. Places with local record warmth in 2025 are home to approximately 770 million people, according to data from Berkeley Earth.
Berkeley Earth, CC BY-NC

For example, a 2025 review by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine determined that the evidence supporting the endangerment finding is even stronger today than it was in 2009. A 2019 peer-reviewed assessment of the evidence related to greenhouse gas emissions’ role in climate change came to the same conclusion.

The Sixth Assessment of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, a report produced by hundreds of scientists from around the world, found in 2023 that “adverse impacts of human-caused climate change will continue to intensify.”

Maps show most of the US, especially the West, getting hotter, and the West getting drier.
Summer temperatures have climbed in much of the U.S. and the world as greenhouse gas emissions have risen.
Fifth National Climate Assessment

In other words, greenhouse gas emissions were causing harm in 2009, and the harm is worse now and will be even worse in the future without steps to reduce emissions.

In public comments on the Department of Energy’s problematic 2025 review, a group of climate experts from around the world reached the same conclusion, adding that the Department of Energy’s Climate Working Group review “fails to adequately represent this reality.”

What happens if EPA does drop the endangerment finding

As an economist who has studied the effects of climate change for over 40 years, I am concerned that the EPA rescinding the endangerment finding on the basis of faulty scientific assessment would lead to faster efforts to roll back U.S. climate regulations meant to slow climate change.

It would also give the administration cover for further actions that would defund more science programs, stop the collection of valuable data, freeze hiring and discourage a generation of emerging science talent.

Cases typically take years to wind through the courts. Unless a judge issued an injunction, I would expect to see a continuing retreat from efforts to reduce climate change while the court process plays out.

I see no scenario in which a legal challenge doesn’t end up before the Supreme Court. I would hope that both the enormous amount of scientific evidence and the words in the preamble of the U.S. Constitution would have some significant sway in the court’s considerations. It starts, “We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union,” and includes in its list of principles, “promote the general Welfare.

This article, originally published Feb. 2, 2026, has been updated with the White House announcing a date for rescinding the endangerment finding.

The Conversation

Gary W. Yohe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Trump’s plan to wipe out US climate rules relies on EPA rescinding its 2009 endangerment finding – but will it survive court challenges? – https://theconversation.com/trumps-plan-to-wipe-out-us-climate-rules-relies-on-epa-rescinding-its-2009-endangerment-finding-but-will-it-survive-court-challenges-274194

En rupture avec l’Occident, Moscou resserre ses liens africains

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Maxime Duchateau, Doctorant en science politique, spécialiste de la politique étrangère de la Russie, Université de Montréal

Rompu avec l’Occident depuis l’invasion de l’Ukraine, Moscou resserre ses liens avec l’Afrique, consolide ses partenariats et fait de l’Égypte un pivot stratégique sur le continent.


En décembre, la capitale égyptienne a accueilli la deuxième conférence ministérielle du Forum de partenariat Russie-Afrique. L’événement a réuni au Caire une cinquantaine d’officiels africains, ainsi que des représentants de l’Union africaine et de la Communauté économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (Cédéao), aux côtés de leur homologue russe, Sergueï Lavrov.

Il s’agissait de préparer le troisième sommet Russie-Afrique, prévu en 2026 après deux premières éditions organisées à Sotchi en 2019 et à Saint-Pétersbourg en 2023.

Au-delà de l’agenda institutionnel, cette conférence constitue un signal diplomatique fort. Elle illustre la capacité de la Russie à approfondir ses relations extérieures en Afrique, dans un contexte de rupture durable avec les puissances occidentales depuis le déclenchement de la guerre en Ukraine en 2022.

Elle met aussi en lumière le rôle croissant de l’Égypte comme partenaire stratégique de Moscou sur le continent. Ces enjeux liés aux recompositions de la politique étrangère russe en direction du continent africain font l’objet de mes recherches doctorales en science politique à l’Université de Montréal.




À lire aussi :
L’invasion de l’Ukraine annonce-t-elle un nouvel ordre mondial ?


Une réorientation vers l’Afrique qui ne date pas de 2022

Le pivot de la politique étrangère russe vers l’Afrique ne constitue pas une réaction à l’isolement diplomatique consécutif à l’invasion de l’Ukraine. Cette réorientation est antérieure et s’inscrit dans une trajectoire amorcée dès le milieu des années 2010.

Après une période de retrait relatif dans les années 1990 et 2000, la Russie a progressivement réinvesti le continent africain, renouant avec un espace où l’Union soviétique disposait autrefois d’importants relais politiques, militaires et idéologiques. La guerre en Ukraine n’a pas créé cette dynamique, mais l’a rendue plus visible, en mettant en évidence les enjeux africains d’une confrontation géopolitique plus large entre grandes puissances.

L’Afrique apparaît dans ce contexte comme un espace stratégique à plusieurs titres : réservoir de soutiens diplomatiques dans les enceintes multilatérales, marché en expansion pour les exportations russes (notamment dans les secteurs de l’énergie, de l’industrie lourde, de l’armement et des céréales), et terrain d’affirmation d’un discours alternatif à l’ordre international dominé par les États occidentaux.

La conférence du Caire s’inscrit dans cette dynamique de long terme. Sa forte médiatisation, notamment sur le réseau social Telegram, souligne d’ailleurs le rôle désormais central des outils de diplomatie publique russes en Afrique. Ambassades et Maisons russes de la culture y contribuent à la diffusion du discours officiel de Moscou, tout en servant de relais pour le développement de partenariats économiques.




À lire aussi :
Cyberattaques, sabotage, ingérence, drones… Bienvenue à l’ère de la guerre hybride


Une Russie loin d’être isolée sur la scène internationale

La forte participation africaine à la conférence du Caire constitue un démenti au récit d’un isolement diplomatique total de la Russie. Selon le ministère russe des Affaires étrangères, des négociations bilatérales ont été menées en marge de l’événement avec 17 gouvernements africains, parmi lesquels figurent l’Algérie, l’Égypte, le Rwanda, la Tanzanie, le Zimbabwe ou encore la Namibie, ainsi qu’avec la Cédéao.

Cette diversité géographique et politique est une preuve de plus que la présence russe ne se limite plus aux pays historiquement proches de Moscou durant la guerre froide, tels que l’Algérie ou l’Angola. Elle s’étend désormais à des États aux trajectoires diplomatiques plus variées, traduisant une volonté d’élargir le rayon d’action russe sur le continent.

L’Afrique offre en outre à la Russie un espace diplomatique où les injonctions occidentales liées à la guerre en Ukraine sont souvent reçues avec distance. De nombreux États africains privilégient une posture de non-alignement, voire de neutralité active, qui laisse à Moscou une marge de manœuvre politique appréciable.

Dans ce contexte, les forums Russie-Afrique servent autant à approfondir des coopérations économiques et commerciales concrètes qu’à consolider un réseau de partenaires capables de relativiser l’isolement international de la Russie.

Les questions de sécurité régionale ne sont pas absentes du discours russe sur l’Afrique, mais elles n’ont pas constitué un axe structurant de la conférence du Caire, largement dominée par des enjeux diplomatiques, économiques et institutionnels. Cela étant, la Russie développe sa présence militaire en Afrique depuis plusieurs années, en envoyant des instructeurs, des combattants liés au groupe Wagner puis à l’« Africa Corps », ainsi qu’en fournissant des armes et une formation aux armées locales. Elle présente cette coopération comme un moyen d’aider certains États à lutter contre les groupes djihadistes et à renforcer leur sécurité. Cependant, cette stratégie vise aussi à étendre l’influence de la Russie en Afrique.

Le Caire, vitrine du rapprochement russo-égyptien

Le choix du Caire pour accueillir la deuxième conférence ministérielle du Forum de partenariat Russie-Afrique revêt une portée hautement symbolique. L’Égypte figure aujourd’hui parmi les partenaires les plus importants de la Russie sur le continent africain, tant sur le plan économique que stratégique. C’est aussi pour Moscou un point d’ancrage diplomatique majeur en Afrique du Nord et au Moyen-Orient.


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Les relations bilatérales se sont sensiblement intensifiées au cours de la dernière décennie, notamment dans le domaine agricole et industriel. En 2023, la Russie a fourni 65 % du blé importé par l’Égypte, soulignant la dépendance croissante du pays à Moscou pour cette denrée stratégique.

Parallèlement, plusieurs projets structurants illustrent la profondeur de cette coopération. Parmi eux figurent la construction de la centrale nucléaire d’El-Dabaa — la première en Égypte — par l’agence russe Rosatom. Un projet de zone industrielle russe à proximité du canal de Suez est aussi prévu, ainsi que d’importants contrats de modernisation du réseau ferroviaire égyptien.

Du point de vue égyptien, l’organisation de la conférence constitue une opportunité diplomatique majeure. L’événement s’est tenu en périphérie de la nouvelle capitale administrative, un projet emblématique du régime de Sissi. Le président égyptien al-Sissi a en effet lancé la construction d’une nouvelle capitale à l’est du Caire pour désengorger cette mégalopole surpeuplée, et symboliser la modernisation du pays. Bien que critiqué pour son coût élevé et son accessibilité limitée pour la majorité des Égyptiens, le projet vise aussi à afficher la puissance et l’ambition économique du régime. En y accueillant la conférence ministérielle du Forum de partenariat Russie-Afrique, l’Égypte entend donc affirmer également son rôle central comme hub diplomatique africain, capable d’accueillir des négociations de portée continentale.

Cette dynamique prend une résonance particulière dans la perspective du troisième sommet Russie-Afrique, prévu en 2026 et destiné, pour la première fois, à se tenir sur le continent africain. Aucune décision n’a encore été prise quant au pays hôte. Addis-Abeba, la capitale éthiopienne, avait initialement été largement évoquée, notamment en raison de son statut de siège de l’Union africaine et de la forte légitimité symbolique qui en découle. Toutefois, plusieurs États africains ont depuis manifesté leur intérêt pour accueillir l’événement.

Dans ce contexte, la tenue de la conférence au Caire peut être interprétée comme un signal diplomatique adressé à Moscou et aux partenaires africains. Elle s’inscrit dans une rivalité régionale latente entre l’Égypte et l’Éthiopie, exacerbée notamment par les tensions autour du grand barrage éthiopien de la Renaissance. L’Égypte craint que ce barrage, mis en service en septembre 2025, réduise le débit du Nil et menace sa sécurité hydrique, puisque le pays en dépend presque entièrement pour son agriculture et son approvisionnement en eau. L’Éthiopie estime quant à elle exercer un droit légitime sur une ressource située sur son territoire, dans le but de produire de l’électricité et soutenir son développement économique.

Si Le Caire venait à accueillir le sommet de 2026, il s’agirait d’un succès diplomatique significatif, confirmant le rôle central que l’Égypte entend jouer dans les recompositions géopolitiques afro-russes.

La Conversation Canada

Maxime Duchateau ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. En rupture avec l’Occident, Moscou resserre ses liens africains – https://theconversation.com/en-rupture-avec-loccident-moscou-resserre-ses-liens-africains-272547

Affaire Grok : les GAFAM doivent être tenus responsables des violences sexistes liées à leur technologie

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Kyara Liu, PhD Candidate, Public Health, University of Toronto

À la veille de Noël, l’entreprise xAI clamait que son agent conversationnel Grok offrait une nouvelle fonctionnalité d’édition d’images et de vidéos qui permettrait « d’ajouter le père Noël à vos photos ». Depuis, elle a plutôt généré des milliers d’images sexuellement explicites et non consenties de femmes et de mineurs.

Ce désastre illustre parfaitement la facilité croissante avec laquelle les nouvelles technologies permettent de commettre des violences sexuelles.

Il est urgent que les entreprises technologiques et les décideurs politiques priorisent la sécurité et la réglementation de l’intelligence artificielle de toute urgence. Dans une optique de santé publique, il s’agit de protéger les populations contre des dommages à grande échelle.

À travers diverses collaborations et mes études doctorales sur l’intersectionnalité entre violence sexiste et santé publique, j’ai pu vérifier qu’il est possible d’utiliser l’intelligence artificielle comme outil pour aider les victimes de violence.




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Grok, l’IA de Musk, est-elle au service du techno-fascisme ?


Appli qui dénudent

Les préoccupations relatives à l’hypertrucage (les deepfakes en anglais) sexuellement explicite ne datent pas d’hier. En 2018, sur Reddit, on retrouvait déjà des outils d’apprentissage automatique capable de plaquer le visage Taylor Swift et autres célébrités sur du matériel pornographique.

D’autres sites, plus confidentiels, proposaient également des programmes d’hypertrucage permettant de dénuder des personnes en image.

Cette technologie est désormais accessible à tous. L’agent conversationnel Grok, outre son propre site web et son appli, est ouvert à tous les utilisateurs de la plate-forme de médias sociaux X.

Si l’on demande à Grok de créer des images pornographiques, celui-ci répondra qu’il est programmé pour ne pas le faire, certes, mais il est facile de contourner ce garde-fou.

Dans un communiqué publié sur sa propre plate-forme, Elon Musk, propriétaire de xAI, affirme prendre les mesures nécessaires contre les contenus illégaux sur X. L’entreprise, lit-on, les supprime, suspend les comptes de manière définitive et, si nécessaire, collabore avec les autorités.

Cependant, on ignore comment et quand ces mesures seront mises en œuvre.

Rien de nouveau sous le soleil

Ça n’est pas d’hier que les technologies numériques servent de support à la violence sexuelle et aux comportements sexuels préjudiciables virtuels ou réels. Les femmes, les minorités sexuelles et les mineurs en sont les principales victimes.

La pornodivulgation, qui consiste à diffuser des images explicites d’une personne sans son consentement, est une forme de violence sexuelle qui a fait l’objet d’une attention particulière. Les victimes rapportent des effets durables sur leur santé mentale, notamment par la rupture de relations et l’isolement social.

Certains médias sociaux interdisent la diffusion de contenus intimes non consensuels et appliquent des mécanismes de signalement et de suppression de tels contenus.

Google et Bing acceptent également de supprimer de leurs pages de résultats les contenus qui enfreignent leur politique en matière de contenu et qui sont dommageables pour la personne. Au Canada, la « pornographie de vengeance » est un crime passible de cinq ans de prison.

Tout comme les victimes de pornodivulgation, les victimes d’hypertrucage font état de détresse mentale (sentiment d’impuissance, humiliation, honte). Certaines ont même subi de l’extorsion.

L’hypertrucage sexuellement explicite est même devenu un moyen de cyberharcèlement et de censure à l’endroit de journalistes et de femmes politiques.




À lire aussi :
Grok, est-ce que c’est vrai ? Quand l’IA oriente notre compréhension du monde


Et maintenant ?

La grave faille de sécurité révélée par l’affaire Grok était par ailleurs prévisible. Depuis des mois, des experts éminents en la matière et des organisations de protection de l’enfance nous prévenaient que sa nouvelle fonctionnalité était un « outil de dénudement qui ne demandait qu’à servir d’arme ».

Le 9 janvier, en réaction, xAI a limité l’accès à la fonctionnalité d’édition d’images aux seuls abonnés de X, mais celle-ci demeure accessible gratuitement sur l’appli Grok.

Grok s’est vu également interdire de télécharger automatiquement ces images dans les commentaires. Cependant, l’onglet Grok sur X permet toujours aux abonnés de générer des images sexualisées, qu’ils peuvent ensuite publier manuellement sur la plate-forme.

La Malaisie et l’Indonésie ont pris des mesures pour bloquer l’accès à Grok.

Regard vers l’avenir

Ce n’est ni la première fois ni la dernière qu’une entreprise technologique affiche un tel manque de jugement quant au risque de violences sexuelles découlant de l’usage de ses produits.

Le Canada devrait prendre les mesures suivantes :

1. Modifier le Code criminel

Des juristes plaident pour que le législateur criminalise la création et la distribution d’hypertrucages sexuellement explicites et non consensuels, à l’instar des lois existantes sur la pornodivulgation.

2. Réglementer les entreprises et les tenir responsables

Le Canada n’a encore adopté aucune loi pour réglementer l’intelligence artificielle. Malheureusement, le projet de loi C-63 sur les préjudices en ligne est mort au feuilleton suite à la prorogation du Parlement en janvier 2025. Suite à l’affaire Grok, le ministre canadien responsable de l’intelligence artificielle est revenu sur le sujet, mais sa réponse ne comporte ni échéance ni sentiment d’urgence.

Alors que l’IA progresse, la législation devient nécessaire pour prévenir d’autres préjudices liés à la violence sexuelle. Les nouveaux produits devraient se voir imposer des contrôles de sécurité approfondis, quitte à ralentir les activités des entreprises concernées.

Il faut également s’interroger quant à la responsabilité des préjudices causés.

Trois sénateurs américains ont demandé à Apple et Google d’appliquer leur propre politique et de retirer Grok de leur boutique d’applications. Après tout, plaident-ils, elles l’ont déjà fait dans d’autres cas et très rapidement.


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3. Élargir la portée des services sociaux

Face à la multiplication des violences sexuelles commises à l’aide des technologies d’IA, il faut élargir le champ d’action des organismes de lutte contre la violence sexuelle. Il s’agirait de tirer parti des services existants, notamment les soins de santé mentale et l’aide juridique, pour inclure les victimes d’hypertrucage.

4. Démanteler la culture du viol

La principale cause de la violence sexuelle réside dans la prédominance d’une culture du viol sous-jacente. Celle-ci trouve un environnement particulièrement favorable en ligne, où les abus et le harcèlement sexuel sont tolérés, voire encouragés.

Pour démanteler cette culture du viol, il importe de dénoncer tout ce qui normalise ces actes et de placer leurs auteurs devant leur responsabilité.

La Conversation Canada

Kyara Liu ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Affaire Grok : les GAFAM doivent être tenus responsables des violences sexistes liées à leur technologie – https://theconversation.com/affaire-grok-les-gafam-doivent-etre-tenus-responsables-des-violences-sexistes-liees-a-leur-technologie-273956

Flag politics in Canada and New Zealand resulted in drastically different outcomes

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Paul Hamilton, Associate Professor of Political Science, Brock University

National Flag Day, Feb. 15, marks the 61st anniversary of Canada’s Maple Leaf. Fading in the public consciousness are the debates that accompanied Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson’s proposal to replace the Red Ensign in the 1960s.

Of course, Canada isn’t the only state to have considered changes to its national flag. There are numerous example of flags redesigned to reflect a variety of political agendas.

Flags are treated with reverence in public ceremonies. As we’re witnessing as we take in this year’s Winter Olympic Games, flags brand a nation. They serve as a symbol uniting diverse populations of citizens who share this instant sign of belonging.

Irish political scientist Benedict Anderson referred to these populations as “imagined communities” united by symbols, mass media and myth. Flags are great examples of what British social psychologist Michael Billig refers to as “banal nationalism”. But while flags are often taken for granted, proposals to redesign them can arouse great passion.

Canada versus New Zealand

The Canadian process differed from New Zealand’s, which is interesting since the two cases share so much else in common.

Canada and New Zealand are both British settler states with large Indigenous and immigrant populations. Neither achieved independence by revolution and both retain strong ties to the Commonwealth.

A red flag with a Union Jack in the top left corner.
The Canadian Red Ensign used between 1879 and 1898.
(WikiMedia Commons), CC BY

These ties have been reinforced by the First and Second World Wars, when Canadians and New Zealanders shed blood with Great Britain.

Canada became self-governing in 1867, but relied on Westminster to pass constitutional amendments until 1982. New Zealand became self-governing in 1907, but only ended Britain’s role in some legislative matters in 1986.

Both countries also experienced a post-war reassessment of their ties to their colonial pasts, evident in the Union Jack occupying the upper left quadrant of each flag. But the efforts to redesign the Canadian and New Zealand flags followed different pathways.

In the case of Canada, the process ended with an entirely new flag. In the case of New Zealand, the status quo prevailed.

Canadian debate

The debate in Canada was dominated by political leaders, accompanied by lively coverage in the media. Conservative John G. Diefenbaker defended the status quo, while Pearson championed a new design.

The question was whether the new flag should represent a fresh start or retain symbols of a colonial past. Polls revealed that about half of Canadians wanted a new flag, enough to engage politicians but not enough to establish a clear direction.

Canada’s flag debate, which inspired the longest parliamentary session in history, was the country’s top news story of 1964. Politicians tinkered with designs to appease British imperialists, Québec and those who wanted something new.

After more than 200 Conservative speeches — and on the recommendation of the 15-member all-party committee — Parliament voted 163 to 78 in favour of the new flag in December 1964.

The flag was raised for the first time on Feb. 15, 1965. When Diefenbaker died in 1979, his coffin was draped with both the Maple Leaf and the Red Ensign, the symbol he fought so hard to keep, perhaps signalling a societal transition.

According to a recent poll, the flag is now the national symbol that Canadians are most proud of (79 per cent).

New Zealand votes

Unlike Canada, New Zealand held a public consultation about its proposed flag redesign involving two referendums in 2015-16.

The rationale for change was similar to Canada’s but also inspired by mix-ups where the New Zealand flag was mistaken for the Australian one. The referendum was promised by John Key’s National Party after it won the 2014 general election.

A public consultation attracted 10,292 designs, including one featuring a Kiwi firing a laser from its eyes.

Voters were asked to select one of five designs in the first referendum held in November and December 2015. The winner, featuring a silver fern and no Union Jack, was then pitted against the official flag in the second referendum held from March 3-24, 2016. Ultimately, almost 60 per cent of voters chose to keep the official flag that had been adopted in 1902.

In Canada, there was little consultation with Indigenous Peoples about the new flag.

In New Zealand, Maori voters mainly supported the status quo, partly out of a concern with the connection to the British monarchy, the guarantor of the Treaty of Waitangi. A new flag without a Union Jack could have signalled a step toward republicanism and a weakening of Maori political rights and status.

National identity

In both countries, the chance to change the flag represented an opportunity to reflect on their national identity. The New Zealand process took public opinion seriously, but binary referenda may not be the ideal method for choosing a new flag and turnout was low (67 per cent).




Read more:
Next wave: what Australia can learn from New Zealand’s flag referendum


In the Canadian case, it seems highly unlikely that such an important change would be enacted today by a simple vote in the House of Commons. A third option, for any country, would be a citizens’ assembly that could deliberate over a longer period and solicit the views of all community members.

A flag is not just a national garment; it’s the national self-portrait. Debates about designs are debates about who we are and can arouse great passion. Such debates are not trivial — they’re essential parts of the evolving nation-building project.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Flag politics in Canada and New Zealand resulted in drastically different outcomes – https://theconversation.com/flag-politics-in-canada-and-new-zealand-resulted-in-drastically-different-outcomes-274905

For women who live on the margins, health care is often out of reach. Here’s how we can build a bridge to access

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sonia S Anand, Associate Vice-President Global Health, McMaster University

Most Canadians either know personally or are aware that getting an appointment with a family doctor can be difficult. Across the country, it’s estimated that 6.5 million people do not have a family doctor or nurse practitioner they see regularly.

For women who live on the margins — those experiencing poverty, racism, trauma, care-giving stress or unstable housing — the barriers to care are even greater.

From adolescence through to mid-life, such women often put their own health needs last. Even if they have a family doctor, the structural realities of care — uneven geographical access, long waits, limited appointment slots and rigid scheduling systems — are difficult for most people to navigate. For women with limited resources of income, time and agency, the barriers to access are, too often, insurmountable.

Life satisfaction is lower among women in Canada than men, and serious conditions such as cardiovascular disease, cancer or reproductive health problems are often diagnosed late. For many women, cultural norms may make it difficult to raise issues such as sexual health, contraception or depression within a 15-minute medical visit, especially if they lack language or gender concordance with their family doctor.

The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that primary care can deliver more than 90 per cent of essential health services, but only if people can access it. For women who live on the margins, gaining this access is difficult.

Real-world needs not met

In 2023, the federal government’s agreement with the provinces committed to expanding access to family health services, especially in rural and remote areas, and to supporting health workers while reducing backlogs.

Under this plan, Ontario was designated receive $2.5 billion between 2023 and 2026 to strengthen family health services, including $90 million specifically to expand inter-professional primary care teams in high-need communities and to help existing teams manage rising costs.

Ontario’s Primary Care Action Plan has committed to incentives and investments to improve rates of attachment to team-based primary care. But it’s not clear if these can overcome the barriers for marginalized women.

There are other forces that impact the availability of access to family physicians. Studies from the United States indicate that if primary care physicians followed every preventive and chronic-care guideline, they would need 27 hours a day — more than half of that devoted to prevention alone.

The system as designed may not be able to meet the real-world needs of patients, especially those with complex social and health circumstances.

A bridge to access: Learning from global innovation

Women on the margins often experience stigma, mistrust and have a scarcity mindset, and are unable to prioritize their own health needs. As a result, they end up in walk-in clinics or emergency departments at a late stage of serious illnesses. Our current system — stretched and time-deficient — is not optimized for preventive, trust-based, community-embedded care.

As physicians and population health researchers, we propose importing and adapting a proven innovation from the Global South — the Community Health Worker model, first endorsed by WHO and UNICEF in the 1978 Alma-Ata Declaration.

A community health worker (CHW) is typically a trusted member of the local community who understands the challenges of those who are sick or socially excluded. With targeted training, CHWs can conduct basic health screenings for conditions such as high blood pressure, diabetes, breast and cervical cancer, and reproductive and mental health problems.

Importantly, CHWs act as bridges to primary care physicians, meaning when a woman’s screening reveals a concern, the CHW can prioritize her for a physician review. This approach builds trust, continuity and access — creating the “first mile” of connection to the health system for women who might otherwise remain invisible.

Unlike nurses, CHWs do not require professional credentials, though many have college or allied-health backgrounds such as a personal support worker or occupational therapy assistant. Their greatest assets are trust, cultural competence and mobility — the ability to meet marginalized women where they are at.

Implementation is key

The CHW model has the potential to deliver community-based, first-contact access — what we call “A Bridge to Access.” These workers can provide the first mile of care, ensuring that prevention, screening and support reach the women who need it most.

While CHWs can be equipped with digital or artificial intelligence (AI) enabled screening tools to optimize the connection with care, technology should complement — not replace — human connection. Digital tools can support communication and record-keeping, but relationships and trust remain the foundation of effective care.

Money alone cannot fix Canada’s patchwork health-care system of today. Funding is necessary, but innovation is essential. The CHW model — an evidence-based success in countries from India to Indonesia — represents an opportunity for reverse innovation: bringing proven global strategies from the Global South to Canada.

If implemented well, CHWs have the potential to strengthen first-contact accessibility, foster trusting relationships and deliver person-centred, integrated care. For women on the margins, this could mean earlier diagnosis, greater continuity and restored faith in a system they currently cannot access easily.

Testing and evaluating the CHW model in Canada offers a path to close the health-equity gap for women and other underserved populations. If successful, it could be scaled across provinces, contributing to a stronger, more inclusive health-care system — one that delivers on prevention, screening and primary care for those most in need.

The Conversation

Sonia Anand receives funding from Public Health Agency of Canada, and the CIHR. She receives speaking honoraria from pharmaceutical companies. She volunteers for the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada.

Gina Ogilvie receives funding from Canadian Institutes of Health Research.

Cathy Risdon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. For women who live on the margins, health care is often out of reach. Here’s how we can build a bridge to access – https://theconversation.com/for-women-who-live-on-the-margins-health-care-is-often-out-of-reach-heres-how-we-can-build-a-bridge-to-access-273453