Source: The Conversation – UK – By Natalie Hanley-Smith, Teaching fellow in early modern history, University of Warwick
The Stolen Kiss by Jean Honore Fragonard (1787).Hermitage Museum
A stolen glance across a crowded room, a shadowy figure slipping through a doorway, a lover hidden behind a curtain – adultery has long been a drama of secrecy. From Renaissance masterpieces to tabloid snapshots, the act of romantic betrayal has not only shaped personal lives but also left its mark on art history. Painters across the centuries have turned this most intimate of transgressions into art, inviting viewers to become voyeurs of passion, guilt and desire.
Historically, artistic representations of adultery have been used to raise questions about the importance of love and sexual desire in marriage. Artists have also used their works to explore themes of culpability and punishment, and to explore the consequences of infidelity for the families of the adulterers.
Renaissance and Baroque artists picked up on the theme of adultery by depicting episodes from the Bible. Portraying scenes that were set in eras during which the punishment women faced for adultery was death, artists including Rembrandt, Rubens and Tintoretto, explored religious disciplinary processes and the difficulties of pronouncing moral judgments.
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Rembrandt’s The Woman Taken in Adultery (1644) tells the story of how Christ’s compliance with Jewish law was put to the test by a council of Pharisees (members of a biblical Jewish sect who were fanatic about obeying religious laws), who bring an adulteress before him.
The punishment for her crime according to Mosaic law was to be stoned to death. Christ’s response, “he that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her”, emphasised the moral hypocrisy of the men who stood as judges.
Close up of The Woman Taken in Adultery by Rembrandt (1644). National Gallery
Although the figure of Jesus is prominent in the painting, the adulteress is central. She appears penitent, dressed in white and bathed in light – a striking contrast to the dark male figures that surround her.
That is not to say women were always portrayed as vulnerable. Throughout early modern Europe (circa 1450-1800), perceptions of women were heavily influenced by biblical figures such as Eve.
Women were largely believed to be the more lustful sex, weaker and more likely to succumb to temptation, and to be more deceptive and manipulative than men. The German Renaissance painter, Lucas Cranach demonstrated this belief in The Fable of the Mouth of Truth (1534).
The painting depicts another married woman surrounded by men who are scrutinising her. But in this case, she is not repentant. Instead, she is trying to trick her way out of receiving any punishment for her infidelity with the help of her lover, who is masquerading as a fool.
Certain artistic genres were employed to publicise and critique changes to laws regarding adultery and divorce. For centuries, church courts dealt with marital disputes and adultery in Britain.
A full divorce (that allowed both parties to remarry) was only possible by act of parliament, which made it unobtainable for all but very wealthy men.
The art of divorce
After the Matrimonial Causes Act was passed in 1857, divorce became a matter for the civil courts, and therefore a viable option for a greater proportion of British society.
Several pre-Raphaelite artworks, including Augustus Egg’s Past and Present series, depicted the damage that infidelity and subsequent divorce could have on the family unit. Egg’s work emphasised that women, who were often ostracised and cut from their social and familial networks after divorce, were punished more severely than men for their transgressions.
Past and Present Number Two by Augustus Egg (1858). Tate Britain
Satirists including James Gillray and Thomas Rowlandson chose very different devices to critique laws concerning adultery when they ridiculed “Criminal Conversation”, a civil suit that was introduced in the early 18th century, and only ended with the 1857 Act.
“Crim con” allowed a man to sue his wife’s lover for robbing him of her affections and domestic support. If his suit was successful, the husband could claim financial compensation from his rival, sometimes to the tune of tens of thousands of pounds.
Perhaps unsurprisingly, such suits were most often pursued by members of the landed gentry and the aristocracy. Moreover, as they were heard in the Court of the King’s Bench, which was open to journalists and the public, the salacious details of the affairs were published in newspapers and pamphlets.
The 1782 cartoon by James Gillray, depicting Sir Richard Worsley helping George Bisset view his wife naked in a bath-house. National Portrait Gallery
Crim con suits were much deplored by contemporary moralists. They emphasised the impropriety of a man receiving money from another man for the sexual services of his wife, as well as the debauchery of some elite husbands, who were viewed as being culpable and complicit in their wives’ affairs.
The crim con trial of Worsley versus Bisset in February 1782 attracted a considerable amount of publicity and was depicted by several of London’s best satirists. A story about the affair that inspired many satirical prints had been discussed at length in court. Lady Worsley had been enjoying a dip at Maidstone bathhouse, when her husband allegedly hoisted her lover, Captain Bisset, on to his shoulders, so that he could see her naked body.
The notion that Worsley was a voyeur who had pimped his wife out for his own delectation was so popular that it even influenced the judge, who awarded him a humiliating one shilling in damages.
The satires were meant to entertain and titillate their audiences, but they also raised awareness of the apparent profligacy of the ruling elite. Representations of the adulterous liaisons of celebrities, including military heroes like Admiral Lord Nelson, politicians like Charles James Fox, actresses like Mary Robinson, and even royals, such as George IV, were used to highlight their moral corruption, and they provided much fodder for activists demanding political reform.
The history of adultery in art draws attention to the intersections between personal relationships and the public realm. Even today, when consensual relationships between adults are not formally policed, affairs continue to prompt public discussions about private morality, ideal marriages and the suitability of casting judgment. We continue to enjoy the opportunity to moralise while being entertained by the salacious portrayals of other people’s affairs.
Natalie Hanley-Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Giray Gozgor, Associate Professor of Economics & Finance, School of Management, University of Bradford
Historically, UK spending on defence has often been pitted against welfare, education and local government. But at a time when the government has pledged to meet Nato’s target for defence spending – 5% of GDP in the next decade, up from around 2.3% – it appears to be offering a different fiscal equation.
The government has suggested that it aims to shift the tax burden upwards, targeting especially large profits and tax avoidance. Despite recent fury over its welfare reforms, as far as taxes go, the government still appears to believe that those with the broadest shoulders should carry the weight.
Past approaches to balancing the books relied on austerity or slashing welfare spending. Throughout the 2010s and early 2020s, Conservative governments framed public finance as a rigid trade-off. This mentality dominated budget decisions, forcing domestic priorities to shrink as defence budgets grew.
However, Labour now appears to want to boost defence spending without austerity-level cuts to public services.
Beyond defence, this shift of the tax burden could signal a broader transformation in how national priorities are financed. If implemented effectively, this approach could protect public services even during times of global insecurity.
But while it may seem like a win-win, reforms of this nature have often faced political resistance or been deprioritised in favour of short-term fixes. What is different now is that global economic uncertainty is creating growing pressure for more sustainable and equitable choices.
So who pays?
The core question in any public finance debate is not what the money is spent on, but who pays for it. First, the government wants to close some of the loopholes that allow large firms to legally reduce their tax bill. Of course, the risk here is that some leave the UK and their taxes are lost entirely.
The government also has in its sights high-income individuals. While around 60% of tax receipts come from the top 10% of earners, these people can also benefit from lower effective tax rates thanks to tax-efficient investments, for example. Again though, the risk for Labour is that it causes some of them to leave the country.
Similarly, those with a high net worth often hold assets offshore in order to pay less tax in the UK. This can be legal, but opaque, and the government would like to increase the tax these people pay.
Lastly, Labour is looking more closely at what to do about taxing sectors with windfall profits, namely energy.
This approach is not only ideological but also strategic. By targeting wealth and excess, the government hopes to fund new priorities without alienating working and middle-class voters, and to avoid painful cuts to essential services.
But clearly, it is not quite as simple as that. To make this sustainable, a combination of targeted tax reform, economic growth and spending efficiency will be needed. However, this approach could mark a pivot towards a fairer way of sharing the burden. It also reflects a more profound shift in political storytelling.
Labour leaders have made clear that there will be no return to austerity. The broader policy direction suggests ambitions to invest in the NHS, early-years and social housing, as well as refining in-work welfare benefits such as universal credit.
But these aims require fiscal headroom, and this is where the challenge lies. Parallel commitments such as raising defence spending and funding welfare might look impossible to live up to. Many are questioning whether the government can maintain economic stability without increasing the overall tax burden on ordinary households.
The answer depends on three things: political will, economic performance and execution. Even if there is public support for a fairer tax system, building and enforcing it will require effort and patience beyond this parliament. The government will need to strengthen tax compliance, close legal loopholes and prevent the flight of capital.
None are easy, but we argue they are entirely achievable. Progress globally is already proving it. Automatic tax-data sharing between nations and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development’s global minimum tax (which ensures that large corporations operating in member nations pay at least 15% tax) have made offshore tax havens far less viable.
At home, modernising tax laws and properly funding enforcement can shut down legal exploitation of the system. With political will and international cooperation, these reforms can deliver a fairer system without sacrificing competitiveness.
The UK’s debt to GDP ratio is very high, and economic growth is sluggish. Therefore, there is little space for manoeuvre. That’s why tax reform, not just tax increases, will be key. Efficiency in collection, transparency and closing loopholes are just as crucial as raising tax rates.
The financial implications of military expansion are real, but so are the choices in how the country funds it. Labour is betting that a fairer tax system can finance Britain’s rising defence commitments while protecting public services. However, efforts to procure or produce new military equipment rank very low on the public’s priorities..
Aiming taxes upwards could be a vote-winner with lower and middle earners. JMundy/Shutterstock
Defence needs steady funding to handle national security threats. Welfare programmes are vital to support vulnerable people, reduce economic inequality and to help more people into paid work.
Progressive taxation taps wealth from the richest but often sparks fierce resistance from powerful groups. The alternative (cutting schools, hospitals or pensions) is politically and morally costly.
But this strategy requires clear communication and a commitment to both security and social justice. If successful, it could mark a real turning point in how the UK balances its responsibilities.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sarah Parkhouse, British Academy Research Fellow, Centre for Biblical Studies, University of Manchester
Cynthia Erivo, the award-winning actor and star of Wicked, will play Jesus Christ at the Hollywood Bowl in Los Angeles between August 1 and 3 2025.
Unsurprisingly perhaps, the casting of the Wicked star as the son of God in Tim Rice and Andrew Lloyd Webber’s provocative rock opera Jesus Christ Superstar has caused upset on social media. Accusations of blasphemy have been made based on Erivo’s gender, sexuality, race – and even hairstyle.
The UK-based Christian magazine Premier Christianity responded to the outcry, featuring articles on whether a female Jesus was “inclusive” or “offensive”. Erivo laughed it all off.
I’m an expert in the reception of Biblical narratives. As such, I believe the outrage over this particular casting choice misses the fact that women have been involved in reimagining and retelling the Jesus story since antiquity.
The earliest gospels were originally written anonymously. They have only retroactively been ascribed to male authors, Matthew, Mark, Luke and John. Within a few generations after Jesus’s death, a work titled the Gospel of Mary was written from the perspective of Mary Magdalene, positioning her as Jesus’s favoured disciple and bearer of secret knowledge.
While we can’t prove the Gospel of Mary was written by a woman any more than we can prove the four canonical gospels were written by men, within the text the male disciple Peter attacks Mary precisely for being a woman. This suggests that the author was clued into gender dynamics, especially in the context of early Christian discourse and authority.
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As Christianity was gaining state approval within the Roman empire in the fourth and fifth centuries, the elite woman poet Faltonia Betitia Proba and the Byzantine empress Aelia Eudocia composed their own gospel retellings. They reconfigured the Hebrew Bible and gospel stories by using verses from Virgil and Homer.
These ancient works offer a distinctively female perspective. Their retellings pay careful attention to the experiences of female characters who are often marginalised in the canonical tradition, depicting the particularly gruelling experience of Mary’s maternal grief when her son was crucified.
These retellings aren’t apocryphal outliers – they belong to the same literary tradition of the four gospels Bible readers know today.
Just as Matthew and Luke (and possibly John) very clearly reworked Mark by adapting and rearranging scenes and strings of words, so too the Gospel of Mary retells the resurrection scene from John. Proba and Eudocia combine and rearrange gospel material to tell the story anew again.
Women continue to retell the Jesus story today, sometimes focusing more on the female characters. In Edinburgh, director Suzanne Lofthus has been writing and directing the city’s annual Passion Play for the last 20 years. Her 2024 and 2025 productions reimagined Jesus’s masculinity and placed the experiences of women at its centre. This year, she showed Jesus willingly getting stuck into the “women’s work” of making bread at the house of Mary and Martha, and questioning the culpability of the man in the story of the woman caught in adultery.
The Nativity Story focused on women’s experiences.
Catherine Hardwicke, meanwhile, best known for directing the first Twilight movie, directed The Nativity Story in 2006, a tender portrayal of Mary’s journey through her pregnancy, with particular emphasis on the women around her.
These creative contributions are really quite different to brutal, hypermasculine retellings such as Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ (2004), for which a sequel is reportedly in development. Hardwicke herself contrasted The Nativity Story with The Passion, noting striking differences “especially [in] the quarts of blood per frame”.
Women playing Jesus
The role of Jesus is often played by women in these retellings. Erivo herself sang the role of Mary Magdalene in a 2017 New York concert that led to two all-female concept albums, controversially titled She Is Risen. The project was the brainchild of singer and actor Morgan James, who performed the role of Jesus.
Just last year, an all-female cast performed Jesus Christ Superstar in Santa Barbara, California. And a gender-blind casting led to the role of Jesus being given to Mina Kawahara in a 2017 production of the hippy-ish retelling of the gospel, Godspell, at Villanova Theatre, Pennsylvania. She followed a precedent of other female leads in this musical. The Japan-born Kawahara donned a white pantsuit with flowers in her hair.
A Japanese woman named Yuko Takeda took on the role of the son of God in the 2010 Helsinki Passion Play – another casting choice that enraged some conservative Christians. The female director, Miira Sippola, commented that the decision would free the audience from focusing too much on whether the performer resembles the Jesus of medieval artwork – already so far from the historical Jesus.
Over in New Jersey, a 15-year-old American girl played the role of Jesus in a 2023 passion play, carrying a 12-foot cross for over two miles in bare feet. These are a mere smattering of examples, of which there are many more.
The controversy over Erivo’s casting reveals more about cultural assumptions than historical precedent. The Hollywood Bowl’s Jesus Christ Superstar continues the often-overlooked tradition of women who have long participated in retelling, reshaping and performing the story of Jesus — on the page, on screen and on stage.
Sarah Parkhouse receives funding from the British Academy.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rachael Eastham, Lecturer in Young People’s Health Inequalities, Division of Health Research, Lancaster University
Homabay, Kenya, in February 2025.Rachael Eastham, CC BY
My phone wouldn’t stop ringing – nurses, social workers, young mothers – all begging for help. ‘I’ve lost my job,’ ‘I have no food,’ ‘What do we do now?’ I felt helpless.
These are the words of Rogers Omollo, founder and CEO of Activate Action – a youth-led non-profit organisation that supports young people with HIV and disabilities in Homa Bay, a town in west Kenya on the shores of Lake Victoria.
As specialists in youth and sexual and reproductive health, we were on a field trip to learn from Omollo and others like him. We wanted to find out about the work they were doing to tackle HIV, stigma and health inequalities.
But our time there was dominated by one thing: President Donald Trump’s executive order which put almost all international spending by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) on pause for a 90-day review and subsequently took a wrecking ball to all international aid programmes funded by the US.
In July, research published in The Lancet medical journal found that the US funding cuts towards foreign humanitarian aid could cause more than 14 million additional deaths by 2030, with a third of those at risk of premature deaths being children. Davide Rasella, who co-authored the report, said low- and middle-income countries were facing a shock “comparable in scale to a global pandemic or a major armed conflict”.
In the immediate aftermath, we saw firsthand the profound impact the “pause” had in this community. Activate Action is not directly funded by USAID, but as we followed in the footsteps of our host, Omollo, meeting the organisation’s collaborators and beneficiaries, the true extent of the funding freeze became shockingly apparent.
Places like Homa Bay relied heavily on USAID funding to keep hospitals and clinics running, to ensure access to essential medicines, and to support reproductive health and HIV programmes. The executive order, in principle, resulted in the immediate halting of over US$68 billion (£51 billion) in foreign aid, a substantial portion of which supports lifesaving reproductive health and HIV programmes worldwide.
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As we walked through abandoned offices and healthcare facilities speaking to bewildered people out of work and in need of critical services in February 2025, the chilling reality set in. Omollo reflected:
People who have spent years saving lives are now struggling to survive. The clinics are empty, the hope in their voices fading. It broke my heart. I wanted to scream, to fix it, but the truth hit hard – we can’t depend on one lifeline. If funding stops, lives should not. We must build something stronger, something that lasts.
So, before we even set off on our research trip to unite sexual and reproductive health advocates and collaborate with African partners, we knew we were swimming against this tide.
Final figures remain unclear but in early 2025, the abrupt suspension of an estimated US$500 million of funding to Kenya was suggested by Amnesty International to have led to the layoff of 54,000 community health workers – many of whom had been part of robust, locally led responses to HIV, tuberculosis and malaria.
The decision to do this was driven by US audit and efficiency “reevaluations” over 8,000 miles away in Washington. Decisions were made and implemented by small numbers of people within the Trump administration including Elon Musk, whose estimated individual wealth far exceeds the gross domestic product of many entire east African nations, including Kenya.
Despite years of progress in community-based healthcare systems managed by Kenyans just like Activate Action, these cuts by one external donor disrupted critical services overnight. This also demonstrated that African health systems, no matter how effective, remain subject to profound external control.
Our project was funded in October 2024, before Trump’s re-election. One week of activities in the UK, one week in Kenya. By the time Activate Action visited Lancaster, in the north of England, in January 2025, we had already started to raise eyebrows as our colleagues began receiving communications from USAID-funded initiatives about pausing projects. Two weeks later, by the time we gathered in Kenya, the immediate human cost was clear to see.
‘The field has been eviscerated’
We sat at the back of a meeting observing training for an Activate Action initiative that would see community health champions offer peer support for their neighbours on safer sex and HIV prevention. In a building that was usually busy and populated by USAID-funded staff, the lights remained on in only one room.
Before visiting Homa Bay, we knew of its reputation when it came to the so-called triple threat of gender-based violence, HIV infection and teenage pregnancy rates – all of which disproportionately affects this semi-rural county in west Kenya.
As we watched the training, a colleague based in Europe (who was instrumental in connecting some of the members of our group) texted after learning we were in Kenya, saying:
It’s terrifying. Document it. No one gets it. The field has been eviscerated.
So, what did this evisceration look like?
Staff directly affected by the order were either not permitted to talk about what was happening on the record or didn’t feel safe doing so. We spoke to at least five people who told us directly they couldn’t “speak out” and were nervous about us taking any photographs.
An Activate Action event on International Condoms Day in February 2023. Rogers Omollo, CC BY
We saw how scores of people were served their notice to cease projects, backdated and effective immediately – a stop work order, followed by (for reasons with cloudy legal foundations) official terminations to contracts. Their economic and professional futures left hanging in the balance.
As we navigated workshops and meetings, Omollo (now unexpectedly advantaged through Activate Action not being USAID-funded) continued to receive multiple texts, calls and emails from people seeking work.
A researcher we know working on a USAID supported HIV and maternity care project described doing frantic overtime in the face of uncertainty. She needed to put in hours of extra (unpaid) work to communicate with research participants as it would not be ethical to abruptly disappear on people currently engaged in an active research programme.
She had no way to manage expectations with those she spoke to and no way of knowing if they were saying a final “thank you and goodbye” to the people she had been working with for months. Despite the descriptions of USAID project funds being “paused”, she was quickly served a full termination of employment notice.
In east Africa, where this sudden and mass unemployment of vital technical and administrative staff is happening, more than half of young people aged 15-35 are unemployed. The rate is even higher among young women in rural areas (up to 66%.)
A greater horror unfolds when you consider who these unemployed workers are usually paid to help because they serve communities with some of the highest needs related to HIV, teenage pregnancy and gender-based violence.
The youth health facility we visited, for example, was locked up when we arrived. We sat in stunned silence in an empty three-roomed building with a youth HIV counsellor. We were shown photographs that showed how it was once a vibrant and busy place.
Locked up youth health facility. Rachael Eastham, CC BY
Here, the free services and information on HIV, contraception and mental health was being delivered by skilled and non-judgmental youth specialists. But it was closed down from January 20, 2025 and its future remains uncertain. A free condom dispenser outside lay empty, all supplies given out on closure day in a last ditch attempt to help young people remain safe over the coming weeks.
In Homa Bay, huge achievements have been made in addressing teenage pregnancy and adolescent HIV infection in recent years. There has been a remarkable decline in prevalence rates, new infections, and HIV-related deaths, aided by robust treatment programmes that contribute to better health. People have been living with HIV at undetectable levels, therefore unable to transmit infection. But this “safe” status requires ongoing treatment with antiretroviral medication.
What now in the absence of USAID?
But at the time of our visit, the delivery of antiretroviral therapy was becoming more restricted and would require collection by the user every three weeks, rather than the usual three months, therefore lasting the user a shorter time. To service providers we spoke to, this increase in the frequency of collection of medication was known to be a significant barrier for people having to travel long distances more frequently without transport to get their supply replenished.
Omollo explained to us that Homa Bay is also a medication hub, of sorts. People come here from other communities where, due to stigma, the risks of being identified as someone who is HIV positive in their own communities are much higher.
Every conversation we had yielded new information about the reality. Gender-based violence projects were also suspended, in part because of the Trump administration’s intentions to end “gender ideology”. A service provider joked despondently during a presentation how: “I got sacked for saying gender.”
In Kenya, femicide (the murder of women or girls because of their gender) has been described as a “crisis” requiring urgent action. In Homa Bay specifically, the sexual and gender-based violence statistics are higher than national averages and have been on the rise, especially among young people.
This follows alarming countrywide coverage about femicide across Kenya including high profile and horrifying cases such as that of the Ugandan athlete Rebecca Cheptegei.. Official figures are unclear but there are currently widespread protests and calls to action related to this injustice.
Activate Action had recently won one USAID award focusing on men living with HIV and substance use problems (factors that are both implicated in gender-based violence). Since the USAID funding freeze this offer has instantly been dissolved with no expectation of reinstatement.
Meanwhile, the fight against cervical cancer – the leading cause of cancer death in Kenya – has also been hit. Human papilloma virus (HPV) vaccination campaigns across the county have stalled, despite the fact the vaccines help prevent cervical cancer.
At one point, a 23-year-old mother of three small children asked us directly if we found it troubling (as she did) that she will not be able to receive maternal healthcare and her contraception. The list of effects is grim and feels endless.
Collateral damage
When our group convened for a workshop at a community venue with sexual and reproductive health and rights staff from across the area, the chatter was similarly focused on the effects of the USAID funding freeze, but this time in the direct shadow of operations.
Next door, four-wheel drive Jeeps had been recalled and locked behind USAID premises gates, gathering dust instead of being out in the field delivering HIV outreach services. They represented the stasis of operations more widely.
Dr Peter Ibembe, from a party of service providers visiting from Uganda, was formerly a Programme Director for the non-governmental organisation Reproductive Health Uganda where he was in charge of service delivery. He spoke to us about the atmosphere:
An eerie tone of quiet has descended on the place. Many have been suddenly rendered jobless; creating mental stress, depression, anxiety. But there has also been an indirect effect on the wider community through the entire value chain: landlords, banks and other credit institutions; food vendors; gas stations; transportation facilities and companies; hotels, restaurants and lodges; schools hospitals and the like.
Everyone has been left in limbo. Kenya, despite gradual improvements, is a lower middle income country. Poverty identified by the World Bank as a key development challenge for the nation with, in 2022, over 20 million Kenyans identified as living below the poverty line. So these knock-on effects can be drastic.
At an organisational level we also saw clearly how the boundaries of any one project running within any organisation cannot be neatly drawn, nor can projects be plucked from this matrix discretely in the way we might imagine when we hear how “USAID projects” have been suspended. This way of thinking profoundly undermines the reality of what these cuts mean because many projects are interdependent and interrelated. Omollo added:
Whilst Activate Action was not directly funded by USAID, the overall reduction in health services affects the community they serve. The lack of support for HIV prevention, mental health and economic empowerment programmes placed additional strain on grassroots organisations like us … which have had to fill gaps with limited resources.
Omollo taking a selfie with Activate Action on International Condoms Day in February 2023. Rogers Omollo, CC BY
Services the world over, especially community based services, usually operate with multiple funding streams each providing different projects. Naturally the people, resources and activities overlap. To stress, this is not evidence of the “corruption” the Trump administration claims it wants to weed out, but it is the reality of how services reliant on external funding work.
It is usual that a patchwork of project grants function together to keep the doors open and the lights on. In fact, the sharing of operational resource is what bolsters an organisation’s capacity to serve its communities most effectively.
Considering “USAID projects” as single discretely bounded entities belie the messy complexity of how community and healthcare services work.
For another example of this kind of inter-connection, look no further than “table banking”. Table banking has been described as a “microcredit movement by women and for women” – effectively a DIY bank. We saw table banking used at Activate Action’s Street Business School, an initiative that tackles HIV through training women and building economic sustainability so they do not become trapped in poverty which may force them into have transactional sex. From a seated circle under trees, we watched as the collective pay in and take out loans to support their businesses from a central informal “bank account”.
Beneficiaries from this project continue to come together every Thursday, pooling finances and taking loans to sustain their business needs for the coming week (for example, buying stock for their market stalls). They told us how they are planning to collaborate on a catering business which will mean the older, sicker members of the group remain able to work and earn.
Similarly, Omollo told us how “a bit like table banking”, among his friends and colleagues, they also pool finance on a weekly basis to tick off items on a collective shopping list. He said: “One week we buy for one person, the next week, the next person and so on, until we all have a microwave.”
These demonstrations of microfinance arguably present, however idealistic, inspiration for a more financially sustainable future whereby its principles offer a “light of hope” at grassroots level, possibilities for nations in meeting sustainable development goals and, crucially in this context, freedom from dependency on external donors.
Social dictators of health
When we planned this exchange project, we wanted to work with Activate Action because of our shared interests.
Its explicit focus on the “social determinants of health” (the non-medical factors that affect health) is a refreshing departure from so many health programmes that seek to intervene on a person’s behaviour without attending to how it may be shaped by the wider social system.
For example, in the case of Homa Bay, Activate Action works to address root causes, such as poverty. Poverty means that transactional sex (which could be sex for food or period products) is common. Unsafe sex can be a hallmark of these sexual encounters, increasing HIV risk and transmission. Helping women build businesses, earn their own money to buy food and make their own period pads, reduces the need to trade sex for necessities.
As we sat discussing the various ways the cancelling of USAID would have devastating effects on different programmes and so the lives of different people, we realised how myriad social determinants – such as income, unemployment and healthcare services – are overwhelmingly contingent on distant regimes. Regimes run by people who seem to demonstrate little regard for the lives of disadvantaged and minoritised people.
No period of consultation, no management of expectations – a profound example of how bigger systems that govern our social lives can, in fact, dictate the outcomes of our health.
Antiretroviral drugs for HIV literally keep people alive and prevent transmission to others. Efforts to critique the USAID freeze by the inspector general of USAID, Paul Martin, saw him sacked. Again, no reason was given, and the White House did not have any comment.
When we were trying to explore whether termination notices for staff in Kenya were even legal, one media report about a judicial effort to halt the USAID stop work order noted that Trump has a “high threshold for legal risk”. An insight into what type of threats we may need to consider when trying to understand risks to and protections for health in the future.
Dr Ibembe, who provided closing remarks to our workshop, highlighted how “the effect of USAID cuts on the east African development landscape has been nothing short of seismic. It has created an environment of uncertainty, fear and stress. In some instances, up to 80% of health-related initiatives are donor supported. The funding and operational gap created is almost insurmountable.”
This reliance on external financial support and limited domestic financing in Kenya and other sub-Saharan African countries is common. This makes a nation vulnerable. Kenya also experiences substantial “donor dependency” especially across the health system which makes it harder to absorb the shock of a donor pulling funds.
In other words, this is a highly precarious system that is going through a shock which it will find incredibly difficult to withstand.
The situation is a stark reminder of just how unfair the power dynamics are that dictate African health governance and sovereignty.
Conversations about reducing the dependence of countries like Kenya on external donors have been going on for a long time. Throughout it has been acknowledged that any transition away from donor dependence needs to be carefully managed to avoid upsetting all the gains that have been made through initiatives like those funded by USAID. This has been completely impossible given the pace of change since January 2025 when the USAID stop work order came into play.
African solutions to African problems
The question now is not merely how African institutions will survive these disruptions but how they will leverage them as an impetus for change. Discussions about donor dependency arguably contribute to the framing of African states and institutions that are economically vulnerable and a “risk”. This in turn creates a negative bias that has recently been identified as costing African nations billions in lost or missed investment opportunities.
While financial constraints are a reality, the dominance of stereotypes also means we may overlook the effective strategic responses and resilience demonstrated by African organisations over the years. The challenge is not simply to reduce donor reliance but to reposition African institutions as key architects of health solutions through approaches that emphasise ownership, sustainability and regional integration.
Omollo talking to The Street Business School in January 2023. Rogers Omollo, CC BY
The Afya na Haki (Ahaki) institute provides a clear example of this shift towards what they refer to as “Africentric” models of health governance. The aim is to build African solutions to African problems.
This approach is anchored on four key pillars: amplifying positive African narratives; strengthening engagement with African regional institutions; supporting and fostering collaboration among African non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and other organisations; and bringing together African experts and communities to create knowledge that reflects local realities and needs.
Yet, restrictive policies that pre-date the USAID cuts such as the global gag rule which means NGOs are prohibited from receiving any US government funding if they provide, advocate for, or even refer to abortion services, have significantly disrupted this work, forcing institutions to rethink their operational strategies. An Ahaki staff member told us how their core focus on empowering Africans has been “thrown into disarray”.
Research that puts African stories and priorities front and centre is crucial – not just for shaping policies but for shifting the focus from dependence on external aid to African-led solutions and self-determination.
‘Hope hasn’t disappeared’
Within days of the USAID executive order on January 20, the USAID website was unreachable and our colleagues in Homa Bay sat reeling. By February 14, just after our visit, it was confirmed that a federal judge had successfully blocked the funding suspensions, although the relevance of this for people and projects like those we met in Homa Bay, whose contracts had already been terminated, was limited.
This executive order is one of many that has triggered global shockwaves. But for every action there is a reaction and we have also witnessed international resistance, from protests of USAID and nonprofit workers in Washington, to 500 Kenyan community workers demanding their unpaid salaries.
Musk’s company Tesla has been subject to widespread boycott and coordinated protest by “Tesla Takedown” in over 250 cities around the world. Canada has also made strides to reject American imports and strengthen its domestic markets, building greater independence from the USA, echoing desires of many African nations in relation to US donor dependence.
Musk suggested that USAID needs “to die” due to widespread corruption – an assertion that remains unsubstantiated. However, the violence and damage of this sentiment is being realised. As the sites we visited remain eerie and empty, gathering dust, our immediate concern is for the people and communities that agencies once funded by USAID represent and serve.
Omollo, and others like him, are now finding new ways to navigate these problems. The ripple effects of the USAID funding freeze have hit hard, programs have stalled, uncertainty has grown and communities are feeling the strain.
“But in the cracks, we’ve found ways to adapt,” he said. “At Activate Action, we’ve leaned on local partnerships, stretched every resource, and kept showing up for young people. Hope hasn’t disappeared; it’s just become something we fight for daily.”
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We would like to acknowledge the specific contribution of Rogers Omollo from Activate Action in developing this article.
Christopher Baguma works with Afya na Haki as a Director of Programmes.
At the moment, everyone needs to fill in an individual voter registration application at least 12 days before an election. Automatic registration would enable electoral officials to update the electoral rolls without people having to make an application to register to vote. They could use other reliable data to make the electoral register as accurate and complete as possible.
Electoral officials would then write to the potential voter to inform them that they had been added to the register. They would have the opportunity to make any corrections needed.
The details are still to be worked out and the change would not come overnight. The process may be semi-automated to begin with – with the individual process sitting alongside some automation.
Why is automatic registration needed?
Many people don’t register in time for elections. Some don’t intend to vote, but others assume that they’re already registered. Some are also just busy.
The result is that there are around 7-8 million people who are not correctly registered when the polling stations open on election day. A significant number are then turned away. The problem is getting worse as the number of people who are not registered is also rising at an alarming rate.
Estimated number of people missing from the electoral register at UK general elections, 1945-2024.
What is especially troubling is that there are large gaps in registrations by age, gender, ethnicity and socioeconomic status. Nearly all over-65-year-olds are on the register, but younger people are increasingly missing. Only 60% of 18-to-19-year-olds are on the electoral rolls – and 16% of the soon-to-be-enfranchised 16- to 17-year-olds (you can currently register to vote at 16).
Automatic registration will therefore be crucial to making votes at 16 a success. Asking and reminding young people to register would inevitably involve an enormous administrative effort. But if data could be transferred from schools and government departments to election officials to put them straight onto the roll, it would save both time and money – and bring about a higher participation rate.
Does automatic voter registration work?
Roughly half of countries around the around the world use automatic voter registration – including Germany, the Netherlands, Iceland and Finland. Countries which have historically not had automatic registration, such as the US, Malta, Canada and Australia, have all moved to at least partially implement it over recent years.
In a recent report with colleagues, I set out how this can be implemented and suggested a range of datasets that could be securely used.
Electoral rolls could be updated when people apply for a passport, register to pay council tax, update their driving licence details, register at university or claim benefits. Electoral officials could also be authorised to update the electoral rolls with data such as council tax data and information held by the Department for Work and Pensions.
One option would be to register people to vote when they apply for a passport. Shutterstock/ClimbWhenReady
Data sharing is already used in electoral registration. Every time a voter registration application is made, it is checked against another government dataset. There is therefore already the data infrastructure to enable automatic registration to work.
Electoral officials already use such data to register, remove or re-register people. This has enabled a lot of savings and less administrative hassle for many people.
Voter identification changes
The government’s election bill proposals will also extend the forms of identification that voters can present at polling stations to include bank cards. It clears the path for future digital forms of ID to be accepted.
The last government introduced a requirement for everyone to provide photographic identification at polling stations at UK general elections and some local elections. Accepted forms of identification include passports and driving licences but also a range of other options. If citizens don’t have identification, then they can apply for a free voter authority certificate, provided that they do so before the deadline.
However, our research found that many people were turned away in polling stations as they did not have required identification. Poll workers reported that the impact particularly affected some groups, such as students and women.
They may not, however, go far enough. The previous government restricted the independence of the Electoral Commission and these changes have not been reversed by the Labour government. The Electoral Commission will play an important role in automatic registration, so the government could renew its independence to help build confidence and trust in elections.
Nonetheless, the move to automatic registration would be a major step forward for a changing democracy – as long as the government now puts on the afterburners to power the effort needed to make these changes work effectively in time for the next election.
Toby James has previously received funding from the AHRC, ESRC, Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust, British Academy, Leverhulme Trust, Electoral Commission, Nuffield Foundation, the McDougall Trust, Unlock Democracy, International IDEA and the Canadian SSHRC.
At its recent conference in Brighton, the union Unite voted overwhelmingly to expel deputy prime minister Angela Rayner from membership.
The successful motion denounced the way Birmingham’s Labour council has handled a pay dispute with the city’s bin workers, which, it claimed, involved large pay cuts. The motion also condemned the Labour government for supporting the council.
Rayner was suspended because, in the words of Unite general secretary Sharon Graham, she had “backed a rogue council that has peddled lies and smeared its workers fighting huge pay cuts”.
The resolution called upon the union leadership to “re-examine” its relationship with the Labour party. Graham added: “People up and down the country are asking whose side is the Labour government on and coming up with the answer, not workers”.
Rayner’s suspension seems an extraordinary move. The soft-left deputy PM is the most senior pro-union voice in the government and has a long history in the union movement. Crucially, when in opposition, Rayner was primarily responsible for hammering out a package of measures with the unions that was designed to bolster employee rights. These measures are now in the process of being codified in the employment rights bill that is making its way through parliament.
Why Rayner (along with some Birmingham Labour councillors) was selected for expulsion is unclear. Perhaps the union was simply lashing out. The impact of its decision was lessened by the fact that Rayner says she had already resigned from Unite and remains a member of Unison, a union in which she once served as an official.
Unite and Labour
The more significant move was (or appeared to be) the pledge to “re-examine” Unite’s relationship with the party. This should be placed in the context both of recent controversies over attempts to means-test winter fuel payments and cut disability benefits, and of reports of moves to form a new leftwing party under the putative leadership of Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana..
Might Unite disaffiliate from Labour and rally behind the new party? Given that Unite, with its 1.2 million members, is Britain’s second largest union (after Unison), and, over the years, has been a generous donor to Labour, such a move would be significant. Support from Unite could give the new leftwing party real heft and allow it to pose a worrying threat to Labour’s electoral prospects.
Unite’s recent history might suggest this as a possibility. With a long tradition stretching back over three quarters of a century, Unite (and its precursor, the TGWU) has been a stalwart of the Labour left. Under its leftwing general secretary, Len McCluskey, Unite made a major contribution to Ed Miliband’s election as party leader in 2010. McCluskey subsequently attacked Miliband for drifting too far to the right.
The union then played a crucial role in sustaining Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership: indeed, without its support, Corbyn might not have survived so long. And as it became evident that Keir Starmer was determined to wrench the party to the right, Unite once more became the centre of leftwing dissent.
McCluskey retired in 2021, but neither of the two candidates affiliated to his “Unite left” faction won the election to succeed him. Unexpectedly, they were both defeated by Graham, another leftwinger who believed that Unite had become too embroiled in internal Labour party matters and was determined to divert resources away from funding the Labour party to industrial activities.
The dog that hasn’t barked
However, Graham’s desire to divest from Labour should not be taken as a sign that she wants to reinvest in another party. The whole thrust of Graham’s leadership is to give much higher priority to industrial than to political concerns.
Even had she not been so explicit about this, union leaders are, above all, realists. They are concerned with the practicalities of protecting the interests of their members and hence averse to risky political experimentation.
And, however contentious a role Unite has played in the Labour party, multiple ties, in terms of history, tradition, ethos and interest, still bind the two together.
The row between Unite and Labour shouldn’t lead us to overlook the fact that, despite all the controversies and disappointments, the other major union affiliates, including Unison, GMB and USDAW, have largely refrained from public criticism of the government.
This is a sign of loyalty. The unions do not wish to add to the massive problems the Starmer government already faces. But it’s also evidence that, however undersold, the Labour government is delivering on the issues that matter to unions. Its employment rights bill promises the most significant enhancement of individual and collective worker rights in a generation. The unions will allow nothing to jeopardise this.
But for Starmer, there is no room at all for complacency. With a stuttering economy, greatly overstretched public services, a cost of living crisis and very difficult public sector pay negotiations, even the most sympathetic union leaders will come under great pressure from a disgruntled rank and file to take a tougher line with the government. The road ahead will be rocky.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Cate Williams, Knowledge Exchange Fellow at Institute of Biological, Environmental and Rural Sciences, Aberystwyth University
Bluetongue causes illness and death in cattle, sheep, goats and other ruminants.Juice Flair/Shutterstock
A tiny midge, no bigger than a pinhead, is bringing UK farming to its knees. The culprit? A strain of the bluetongue virus that’s never been seen before.
As of July 1, the whole of England has been classed as an “infected area” due to bluetongue virus serotype 3 (BTV-3).
There are movement restrictions and testing in place in Scotland, Wales and the island of Ireland. No animals from England – or that have passed through England – are allowed to attend this year’s Royal Welsh Show on July 21-24, for example.
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The virus, which causes illness and death in sheep, cattle, goats and other ruminants, is spread by biting midges. Although it poses no risk to humans and can’t be transmitted from one animal to another, the latest outbreak is more severe than previous ones. And it could cause lasting damage to UK farming.
Bluetongue isn’t new to the UK, however. A different strain, BTV-8 was detected in 2007 and contained. But BTV-3 is a different story. First detected in the Netherlands in late 2023, it was quickly spotted in the UK, where an early containment effort initially appeared successful.
But the virus made a comeback in autumn 2024 – and this time it spread. On its second attempt, the virus was able to circulate and caused an outbreak. With little existing immunity, BTV-3 has now established itself, prompting concerns about animal welfare, food production and farming livelihoods.
What does the disease do?
Sheep tend to be the most severely affected, though all ruminants are at risk. Clinical signs are species-specific but can include swelling of the face, congestion, nasal discharge, ulcers in the mouth and nose, difficulty breathing and abortion or birth deformities.
Bluetongue can cause the animal’s tongue to swell. It can also turn blue from lack of blood flow – although this is somewhat rare.
Bluetongue disease causes suffering in animals, and while there is a vaccine, there is no treatment for the disease once it’s contracted.
BTV-3 appears to be more lethal than earlier strains. In the Netherlands, vets report that BTV-3 is causing more severe symptoms than BTV-8 did.
Vets in England reported that in some herds 25-40% of cows failed to get pregnant, and there was a high rate of birth defects and stillborn calves. One farm in Suffolk started the calving season with 25% of their cows not pregnant and ended with just 48 calves from 97 cows.
Belgium has seen a fall in calf births, reduced milk deliveries and higher mortality in small ruminants compared to the previous three years.
How is it spread?
Bluetongue virus is transmitted by midges from the Culicoides genus. These are tiny, biting insects that thrive in mild, wet conditions.
Multiple midges can bite the same animal, and it only takes one of them to carry BTV before that animal becomes a host for further transmission. When animals are transported long distances, infected individuals can be bitten again and introduce the virus to previously uninfected midge populations.
Climate change is making outbreaks like this more likely. Milder winters and cooler, wetter summers are ideal for midges, increasing both their numbers and their biting activity.
While there’s no danger to human health, the consequences of BTV-3 are far-reaching. Limitations on movement, exports and imports are being imposed to help prevent the spread of the disease, but this could also hamper farming practices and trade.
The disease and its associated restrictions pose another source of stress for farmers, 95% of whom have ranked mental health as the biggest hidden problem in farming.
Genetic pick and mix
One of the reasons bluetongue is so tricky to manage is its ability to evolve. It has a segmented genome, meaning its genetic material, in this case RNA, is split into ten segments. This characteristic is exclusive to “reassortment viruses” and means that they can easily exchange segments of RNA. It’s like a genetic pick and mix with ten different types of sweets that come in an unlimited number of flavours.
This allows BTV to create new, genetically distinct “serotypes”, which may have a selective advantage or a disadvantage. Those with an advantage will emerge and spread successfully, while those with a disadvantage will not emerge at all. This process, known as “reassortment”, is partly responsible for the numerous influenza pandemics throughout history and has even allowed diseases to jump the species barrier.
Although bluetongue doesn’t affect humans directly, its spread poses a growing threat to the UK’s livestock sector and food supply. It’s important to learn from other countries that are further along in the BTV-3 outbreak so that the likely effects can be anticipated in the UK.
Cate Williams does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
With the rise of sustainable tourism (travelling in a way that minimises harm to the environment, and benefits local communities), words such as “sustainable”, “”eco” and “green” appear on countless holiday brochures. From five-star hotels promoting “eco luxury” to airlines pledging to reduce carbon emissions and destinations making various green claims, sustainability is increasingly being used as a marketing tool.
But with so many green claims floating around, it’s hard to know who is really providing sustainable travel and who is just greenwashing. A recent report shows that 53% of green claims are vague, misleading, or unfounded – and half of all green labels offer weak or non-existent verification.
So, how can travellers distinguish genuine sustainability from greenwash that exaggerates environmental claims to attract eco-conscious travellers?
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Sustainability certification is a voluntary, third-party assessment that verifies a product, service, or organisation meets certain environmental, social, or ethical standards. These certifications provide a structure to manage, improve and communicate sustainability performance.
More than 100 sustainable certifications promise that they have vetted tourism businesses so you can have a satisfying and guilt-free holiday.
Yet, not all certifications are made equal, as our recent research shows. Most certification schemes audit actions taken, rather than assessing how effective these are.
They assure you that the hotel you are staying in has an environmental policy or that it is progressively reducing some of its negative effects on the environment, but not that their energy or water consumption is well below that of its competitors, for example.
Choosing a sustainable holiday involves more than just travel to your destination. PhotoSunnyDays/Shutterstock
One major challenge is that consumers are not using these labels to inform their buying decisions. Next time you travel, select businesses certified by an organisation with a proven track record of verification and transparency. There are several things a strong certification should do:
First, it should be third-party verified. This ensures that the green claims are independently checked.
Second, it needs specific and clear criteria. Beware of vague sustainability claims, such as “eco-friendly”. Look for certifications that require transparent reporting on performance for specific environmental actions, such as waste management, or responsible sourcing.
Third, it should go beyond eco-savings. Reducing energy and water consumption saves the hotel money. They should not get a prize for that. Seek evidence of the certification promoting best practice in complex issues like biodiversity conservation and dignity in the workplace.
Examples of sustainable tourism certifications to keep an eye on include Green Key (the largest label in Europe); B Corp (which measures a company’s entire social and environmental impact); The Long Run (a promoter of nature conservation); and Fair Trade Tourism (a promoter of fair working conditions). These certifications require businesses to undergo regular audits to maintain them.
In case you are thinking it’s not your responsibility to find out who is any good – you are right. The EU Green Claims Directive (due to be implemented by 2026) is a new legislation that requires companies to prove their environmental claims and labels, and ensure they are credible and trustworthy. This directive recognises the greenwash problem and will require certification to be based on assessment of actual performance – in tourism, and every other sector of the economy. The directive applies to any business anywhere in the world that sells to consumers from the EU. Expect fewer, but more respected and recognisable labels, that reduce consumer confusion.
Certification is only part of the picture. Your next holiday can make a greater contribution to local communities while minimising its harm to the environment. Take the time to consider how your trip can be part of a larger, positive contribution. Here are more ways to ensure that your holiday supports local communities and the environment:
Make sure you travel shorter and stay longer. Research shows that transport is a major part of the carbon footprint of your trip. Fly less (if at all). Choose flights with lower carbon footprints – various booking sites now tell customers the carbon footprint for each flight at the time of purchase. And stay longer so you spend more locally, for that same flight.
Choose tour operators that prioritise locally owned and small suppliers. Buy souvenirs that are made locally, and you can only find in that country. Travel slow – soak in where you are. Hike, cycle, use local transport. You will see more of the real place you are in.
Choose buses and trains over private cars. Rent electric vehicles and select accommodation that provides charging facilities. And enjoy local and seasonal rather than imported food. Eat everything in your plate, rather than create food waste.
Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
In 2022, somebody in the UK Ministry of Defence (MoD) mistakenly shared a spreadsheet containing the personal information associated with 18,714 Afghans and their family members. This data breach, and the efforts to cover it up, raises serious questions about state secrecy, blame-shifting and accountability.
After discovering the mistake in August 2023, the government covered up their spectacular error with an unprecedented injunction “contra mundum” (against the world). This “superinjunction” prohibited journalists and others in the know – like one author of this article (Professor Sara de Jong) – from reporting the breach and even the very existence of the injunction.
When the superinjunction was finally lifted on July 15, John Healey, the defence secretary, revealed that the MoD had operated a secret resettlement scheme for Afghans whose data had been leaked at risk from the Taliban. To date, 900 Afghans and 3,600 family members have been flown to Britain or are currently in transit via this scheme. A further 600 people and their immediate family members are still in Afghanistan, being promised evacuation. Many thousands of others on the list were already resettled in the UK via two other official routes.
The spectacular nature and impact of this data leak should not distract from the fact that it is not entirely unique. The personal data of Afghan applicants had already been exposed by the MoD in an earlier series of data breaches in September 2021.
The superinjunction is only the latest in a string of silences that have prevented accountability on Afghanistan and other issues to do with national security.
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In the wake of the dramatic Nato withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021, the foreign affairs select committee was dependent on whistleblowers to get to the truth about then prime minister Boris Johnson’s prioritisation of an animal charity for evacuation, over others at acute risk. Political accountability over the chaos of the evacuation was compromised by the foreign office who, according to then committee chair Tom Tugendhat, “repeatedly has given us answers that, in our judgement, are at best intentionally evasive, and often deliberately misleading”.
The Ministry of Defence – including Healey in his statement on the data breach – routinely cites the deaths of 457 British soldiers as the “costs of war” in Afghanistan. But the department only released the data on how many Afghan interpreters died alongside them after a freedom of information request by Sara de Jong. The MoD, even after several freedom of information Requests and appeals, refuses to provide further details about the circumstances of their deaths.
Even the latest shocking revelations didn’t end with the lifting of the superinjunction. A secondary injunction was lifted on July 17, revealing that the leaked list also contained the identities of dozens of British officials, including spies and special forces.
Selective secrecy
In the wider context of government leaks and secrecy, critical questions need to be asked about which secrets are kept, by whom and why.
In his judgement lifting the superinjunction, Mr Justice Chamberlain credited media organisations and individual journalists involved with the fact that they had kept the leak confidential. Like Sara, some had become aware of the breach several months before Healey (the then-shadow defence secretary was informed in December 2023). But all kept quiet to keep Afghans at risk safe, not to cover up their own errors.
The government invests in secrecy when it also has its own embarrassment to hide, whether it is an extraordinary superinjunction or secrecy about the prioritisation of a pet charity during the Afghanistan evacuation.
Appeals to national security routinely obstruct media, legal and public access to information to hold the government to account. Meanwhile, many Afghans are left wondering why their and their loved ones’ data was on a spreadsheet that could be emailed around with a click of the wrong button.
Effects on Afghans
The consequences of the cover-up will be felt most acutely by Afghans – those on the leaked list still waiting for evacuation, including family members of Afghans already in the UK, whose own presence may be complicated further by anti-immigration sentiment.
Following the revelations, Healey announced that the secret relocation scheme was now closed, following the sudden decision to close the two official Afghan resettlement schemes.
The decision to shut down the two publicly known resettlement schemes, he claimed, was based on “policy concerns about proportionality, public accountability, cost and fairness”, as well as a commissioned report on the impact of the leak.
He defended his decisions saying that “the taxpayer should be paying £1.2 billion less over the next few years, and that around 9,500 fewer Afghans will come to this country”. In the context of ongoing anti-immigration rhetoric, the mention of costs combined with refugees is as unsurprising as it is inflammatory.
On the day of announcement, affected Afghans were sent a notice by the MoD and a link where they could find out if their data had been compromised. The email said very little about what the MoD could offer, and said a lot about what measures Afghans were now supposed to take: use a virtual private network, limit who can see your social media profiles.
Afghans unlucky enough to be Afghanistan were simply advised that, “If you are outside the UK, please do not try to travel to a third country without a valid passport and visa. If you do so, you will be putting yourself at risk on the journey, and you may face the risk of being deported back to Afghanistan”.
It is almost impossible for Afghans to travel legally without international assistance. And, since the Taliban are not recognised as a legitimate government, embassies are closed for citizens to even obtain legal travel documentation.
Given that the British government recognises the real risk of rights violations in Afghanistan, as well as the ongoing assault on women’s rights by the Taliban, it seems contradictory – and a remarkable abdication of responsibility – to close routes to safety.
Victoria Canning has received funding from UKRI and British Academy.
Sara de Jong has received funding from the British Academy (Mid-Career Fellowship 2022) for research on Afghan interpreters and their claims to protection and rights. She is the chair of the board of trustees of the Sulha Alliance CIO, which advocates for and supports Afghan interpreters employed by the British Army.
Suaalii only switched codes from rugby league to rugby union in 2023 and has just five international caps to his name. But despite his lack of union experience, he has been catching attention lately for more than just his powerful runs and physicality. In recent weeks, Suaalii’s unusual pre-match warm-up has also sparked curiosity, most notably, his use of juggling and peripheral awareness drills to prepare his visual system.
For many spectators, seeing a player showing off their juggling skills is more suited to a circus performance than international rugby. But there is science behind his bizarre approach. This preparation could be giving him an edge the Lions should fear.
Growing evidence
Visual performance in elite sport remains an under-applied area of sport science, yet the evidence for its effectiveness is growing.
My own research has found that a county cricket team which underwent six weeks of visual training improved their basic cricket skills more than a control group which did extra cricket skills exercises. This demonstrates that we need to be looking beyond the confines of the sport itself to bring about maximal performance.
Visual skill in sport is about more than just 20/20 vision. Each sport has its own specific demands, and rugby requires skills such as peripheral awareness, depth perception, rapid eye movement, reaction speed, dynamic visual acuity and eye-body coordination.
Combining these visual skills will allow the most accurate information to be sent to the brain for processing – helping players to make the best decisions, even under intense pressure and high levels of fatigue.
By using exercises such as juggling, Suaalii is training several of these visual skills at once. Juggling requires excellent eye-body coordination, the use of the peripheral system and reaction speed. These are all skills which are also used in rugby for catching high balls kicked by opponents, reading attacking threats and spotting the movement of teammates and opposition players.
Juggling has also been shown to bring about positive structural changes in the human brain – particularly in areas linked to processing visual information – and integrating this with motor control.
This demonstrates that this relatively simple exercise can lead to improvements not only in the eyes, but also the brain. In rugby, the visual array will be constantly changing. A shift in the defensive line, a looping support run, a player slightly slow to recover from a ruck, or a spiralling high kick – the ability to spot, process and respond to these visual cues can be the difference between success and failure.
Suaalii is by no means the first rugby player to train his visual system. Former coach Clive Woodward famously brought in a visual performance coach to work with the England team – and they went on to win the 2003 Rugby World Cup.
I also worked with the Harlequins rugby team in the English Premiership as a visual performance coach. We won three trophies in my first three seasons with the team, which is known for free flowing, creative play. This style of play places extremely high demands on the players’ visual systems.
Lions test series
So what particular visual skills can you look out for over this Lions test series and how might they impact the outcome?
When defending close to their own try line, players should be scanning across the width of the pitch to ensure that they do not become outnumbered on either side of the field. Conversely, the attackers should be making rapid scans to quickly identify any mismatch (for example, a slow front row forward versus a swift and agile winger) they can take advantage of.
In these situations, players can often focus too much on the ball, allowing opposition players to craftily reposition themselves unseen. The best players will, wherever possible, be looking at everything, everywhere, all at once, improving their spatial awareness and enabling them to maintain an overview of the game in their minds.
To catch a kicked spiralling highball, a fullback or winger needs exceptional tracking ability and depth perception. Players in this situation are sometimes let down by “convergence issues”, where as the eyes track an object moving towards them, they can drift outwards or become misaligned. This can cause players to mistime their jump, or for the ball to hit their chest before being caught, wasting vital milliseconds. Training these convergence issues has been shown to bring about improvements in sports performance.
As a scrum-half is collecting the ball from a breakdown, they need quickly to scan the positions of teammates on either side of them, and be aware of the depth of the defensive line. Having this visual information will lead to better decisions and creating faster attacking opportunities.
A crunching tackle may seem like a purely strength-based skill. But to ensure it is both perfectly timed and legal, a defender must perfectly anticipate the speed and direction of the oncoming player. They can then use this information to precisely position their own body to impart their full momentum, while using their reaction speed to make last-second adjustments to ensure they do not put their opponent in danger.
Subtle visual advantages, honed through practice, can influence these moments. During this test series, they may well be the difference between winning and losing. Suaalii’s juggling may seem better suited to the circus, but it could be the secret weapon Australia need to secure the series.
Zoe Wimshurst is the owner and director of Performance Vision Ltd, a company which provides visual training and consultancy services.
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