Why Donald Trump’s plans to prosecute flag burning divides his supporters

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Clodagh Harrington, Lecturer in American Politics, University College Cork

“If you burn a flag, you get one year in jail. No early exits. No nothing.” This is what US president Donald Trump announced in the Oval Office in the last week in August. Ever the master media manipulator, America’s communicator-in-chief issued this as an executive order.

An executive order is issued by the president and doesn’t need to be passed by Congress. They are, however, expected to relate to existing law. Trump so far has signed 196. His latest directive, which aims to restore “respect, pride and sanctity” to the US flag, instructs the Department of Justice to investigate instances of burning the nation’s insignia under particular circumstances.

While the practice of flag burning as protest has a long history in the US, dating back to the US civil war, it is not a regular occurrence, and has been constitutionally permitted for decades.

The issue is already creating divisions among Republicans. There are three broad categories of GOP reaction. First, the Maga faithful are unlikely to complain. Unconditional support for their leader is a key trait of this group. And the executive order includes language with guaranteed appeal to those for whom terms such as “American patriots” and “foreign nationals” are predictable triggers. The president has long excelled at rallying his supporters on flag-related matters.

Beyond red-meat-for-the-base appeal, both the executive order and GOP support for it get a little more complex. Traditional conservatives, including Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell, are a group that may have strongly negative feelings about flag burning, but their adherence to the first amendment and associated freedom of expression would generally override this.

Those who hold constitutional principles in high regard are increasingly concerned about a president demonstrating his desire for expansive power. And, the US Supreme Court has clearly ruled on more than one occasion that the act, however distasteful, is constitutionally permitted.

Antonin Scalia, the late Supreme Court justice and noted constitutional textualist, famously stated that “if it were up to me, I would put in jail every sandal-wearing, scruffy-bearded weirdo who burns the American flag”. But, he added: “I am not king.” Alongside the more centrist Anthony Kennedy, these justices upheld the right to burn the US flag in the 1989 landmark case of Texas v Johnson, despite Scalia’s personal distaste for the act. In his writings, Scalia differentiated between the form of expression that was flag burning, and an act of insurrection, which, he noted, was “something quite different”. The first amendment, as he understood it, allowed for symbolic political protests, regardless of how offensive such expressions might be to patriotic sensibilities.

Already, analysts have highlighted how the president’s efforts to sidestep the constitution are laden with problems. Executive orders cannot override a Supreme Court ruling. Even Donald Trump should know that.

Getting around current law

What the executive order does attempt to do is to get around the law that allows flag burning. To do so, it focuses on associated crime such as property destruction, open burning violations and disorderly conduct. The attorney general, Pam Bondi, was instructed to pursue cases against those who “incite violence or otherwise violate our laws while desecrating this symbol of our country”. So, when someone is (legally) burning a flag, they may be acting illegally at the same time by, for example, committing a hate crime. And this could trigger prosecution.

Donald Trump signs an executive order on flag burning.

Furthermore, the executive order nods to a key flashpoint of the current climate by leveraging immigration law, and potentially facilitating the deportation of non-citizens who engage in flag-burning. Beyond the smoke-filled headlines, what this ruling does is circumvent the core ruling of Texas v Johnson by focusing on the circumstances surrounding any flag burning, rather than the act itself. A further aspect will involve the extent to which the courts could expand existing first amendment exceptions. This can only make for nervous constitutional conservatives.

The third group who mostly reside on the Trumpian side of the partisan fence are libertarians such as Republican senator Rand Paul. In a similar vein to their conservative counterparts, their worldview would sit uncomfortably with the president’s foray into testing constitutional principles, and not standing up for more wide-ranging free speech.

Flags and freedom

Libertarians tend to feel strongly about freedom of expression. And when their president picks a fight with the first amendment for no apparent reason beyond a mention he made of it on the campaign trail, he may end up aggravating more supporters than he pleases.

Writing on Reason.com, libertarian journalist Robby Soave argued that Trump is the “last person who should confuse protected speech with incitement to violence”. He added: “Any administration that purports to care about freedom of speech should easily reach the conclusion that criminalizing provocative yet nonviolent acts of political expression is a violation of this principle.”

For a president who deliberately and controversially appointed “Scalia-like” judges during his first term, his latest executive order seems at odds with this vision. Such inconsistency, for what may involve more Justice Department smoke than actual fire, may not serve the president well if many conservatives remain uncomfortable with the move.

To misquote a famous phrase attributed to Voltaire, the US Supreme Court has repeatedly ruled that whatever a majority of the justices think of those who actually want to burn the US flag, they will all but defend to the death your right to burn it.

The waters are further muddied now that a self-described combat veteran has set fire to the flag in response to the executive order. It is unlikely he is a “sandal-wearing weirdo”. Hence, the president’s patriotic script may end up somewhat singed around the edges.

The Conversation

Clodagh Harrington does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why Donald Trump’s plans to prosecute flag burning divides his supporters – https://theconversation.com/why-donald-trumps-plans-to-prosecute-flag-burning-divides-his-supporters-264059

Can vitamin D supplements really slow ageing, as a recent study suggests?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dervla Kelly, Associate Professor, Pharmacology, University of Limerick

NataschaS/Shutterstock.com

Vitamin D supplements could help protect the caps on our chromosomes that slow ageing, sparking hopes the sunshine vitamin might keep us healthier for longer, a recent study suggests.

The researchers discovered that taking 2,000 IU (international units, a standard measure for vitamins) of vitamin D daily helped maintain telomeres – the tiny structures that act like plastic caps on shoelaces, protecting our DNA from damage every time cells divide.

Telomeres sit at the end of each of our 46 chromosomes, shortening every time a cell copies itself. When they become too short, cells can no longer divide and eventually die.

Scientists have linked shorter telomeres to some of our most feared diseases of ageing, including cancer, heart disease and osteoarthritis. Smoking, chronic stress and depression all appear to speed up telomere shortening, while inflammatory processes in the body also take their toll.

Beyond strong bones

It is well known that vitamin D is essential for bone health, helping our bodies absorb calcium. Children, teenagers and people with darker skin or limited sun exposure particularly need adequate levels to build and maintain strong bones.

But vitamin D also powers our immune system. A review of evidence found that vitamin D supplements can cut respiratory infections, especially in people who are deficient.

Early research even suggests it might help prevent autoimmune diseases like rheumatoid arthritis, lupus and multiple sclerosis, though more trials are needed.

Since inflammation damages telomeres, vitamin D’s anti-inflammatory effects could explain its protective role.

In this recent study, from Augusta University in the US, the researchers followed 1,031 people with an average age of 65 for five years, measuring their telomeres at the start, after two years, and after four years. Half took 2,000 IU of vitamin D daily, while the other half received a placebo.

The results showed that telomeres were preserved by 140 base pairs in the vitamin D group, compared with a placebo. To put this in context, previous research found that telomeres naturally shorten by about 460 base pairs over a decade, suggesting vitamin D’s protective effect could be genuinely meaningful.

This isn’t the first promising finding. Earlier studies have reported similar benefits, while the Mediterranean diet – rich in anti-inflammatory nutrients – has also been linked to longer telomeres.

Telomeres explained.

The catch

But there are some important points to note. Some researchers warn that extremely long telomeres might actually increase disease risk, suggesting there’s a sweet spot we don’t yet understand.

There’s also no agreement on the right dose. The Augusta researchers used 2,000 IU daily – much higher than the current recommended intake of 600 IU for under-70s and 800 IU for older adults. Yet other research suggests just 400 IU might help prevent colds.

Experts say the optimal dose probably depends on individual factors, including existing vitamin D levels, overall nutrition and how the vitamin interacts with other nutrients.

Although these findings are exciting, it’s too early to start popping high-dose vitamin D in the hope of slowing ageing. The strongest evidence for healthy ageing still points to the basics: a balanced diet, regular exercise, quality sleep, not smoking and managing stress, all of which naturally support telomere health.

However, if you’re deficient in vitamin D or at risk of poor bone health, supplements remain a sensible choice backed by decades of research. As scientists continue unravelling the mysteries of ageing, vitamin D’s role in keeping our cellular clocks ticking may prove to be just one piece of a much larger puzzle.

The Conversation

Dervla Kelly does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Can vitamin D supplements really slow ageing, as a recent study suggests? – https://theconversation.com/can-vitamin-d-supplements-really-slow-ageing-as-a-recent-study-suggests-263680

How Sweden’s ‘secondhand only’ shopping mall is changing retail

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mary-Ann Ball, Senior Lecturer, Fashion Sustainability and Marketing, Nottingham Trent University

Second-hand books for sale at ReTuna, Sweden’s shopping centre dedicated to only selling preloved items. Mary-Anna Ball, CC BY-NC-ND

As a fashion sustainability researcher, finding the ReTuna shopping mall in Eskilstuna was a delightful surprise. Stepping into this Swedish shopping centre felt refreshingly different – it is the first in the world to sell only secondhand and repurposed items.

During numerous visits to the shopping mall over the last 18 months, I have spoken to customers, managers and employees – all of whom seemed excited by ReTuna’s innovative business model.

The mall instantly feels very different to the cluttered charity shops or vintage boutiques most of us associate with pre-owned retail. There is a wide range of products on sale – fashion, sports equipment, household items, children’s toys, antiques – and even an Ikea secondhand store selling previously used and repaired furniture.

This is not just a retail space. It is a municipality-led experiment in circular consumption, where everything sold has been donated by the public.

ReTuna was established in 2015 as part of Eskilstuna’s climate and waste reduction strategy. Built alongside the city’s recycling centre, it includes a dedicated drop-off point called The Return, where residents donate unwanted items. These are sorted and redistributed to the retailers in the mall, creating a low-cost, low-waste circular system.

The model is only possible because of public funding and local government support – a reminder that circular innovation often requires structural investment, not just consumer goodwill.

However, what makes ReTuna so distinctive is not just its inventory but its atmosphere. Consumers describe it as “accessible”, “curated” and “convenient”. The mall’s layout and product displays mirror conventional retail spaces, making secondhand shopping feel stylish and enjoyable.

second hand clothing in a store
ReTuna sells only secondhand clothing, books, bikes and other items.
Mary-Anne Ball, CC BY-NC-ND

One shop manager told me customers often mistake the secondhand items for new, a testament to how fashionability and design are used to make reuse attractive without increasing cost. At ReTuna, the clean, calm environment helps make ethical consumption feel desirable and emotionally rewarding. As one shopper put it: “It’s not just ethical, it’s beautiful.”

Retailers use low-cost stock and infrastructure to create visually appealing stores. The result is a pleasurable shopping experience that challenges the stigma of secondhand. While affordability and environmental values remain central, ReTuna also reimagines what sustainable retail can look and feel like.

Demand for pre-loved

Consumer interest in “pre-loved” fashion is accelerating, with the secondhand market growing 2.7 times faster than the broader apparel market, according to one recent industry report. Globally, it is projected to reach US$367 billion (£272 billion) by 2029.

And it is not only pre-owned fashion that is growing. Another market research report forecasts the wider secondhand products market will reach US$1.04 trillion by 2035, growing at a compound annual rate of 17.2%.

In a YouGov survey spanning 17 markets, 43% of secondhand buyers favoured instore purchases, compared with 39% who preferred online (19% were undecided). ReTuna is part of this shift – not as an outlier, but a glimpse of what mainstream retail could become.

This pioneering Swedish mall turned ten this year. It has grown from a local government initiative to an internationally recognised model of circular retail. The mall’s success shows that secondhand shopping does not have to feel like a compromise – it can be stylish, convenient and socially meaningful.

Circular retail is not just about what we buy, but how and where we buy it. ReTuna demonstrates that with the right infrastructure, design and public support, sustainable consumption can be embedded into everyday life – not as a chore but a rewarding experience.


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The Conversation

Mary-Ann Ball does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How Sweden’s ‘secondhand only’ shopping mall is changing retail – https://theconversation.com/how-swedens-secondhand-only-shopping-mall-is-changing-retail-260459

La nouvelle Constitution gambienne est à nouveau au point mort : 5 raisons qui expliquent cette situation

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Satang Nabaneh, Director of Programs, Human Rights Center; Research Professor of Law, University of Dayton School of Law, University of Dayton

La transition démocratique post-dictature de la Gambie a récemment subi un revers. Le projet de loi sur la Constitution de la République de Gambie (2024) n’a pas été adopté en deuxième lecture à l’Assemblée nationale.

L’adoption du projet de loi nécessitait le soutien d’au moins 75 % des 58 membres du Parlement gambien, y compris le président. Aujourd’hui, l’avenir des réformes démocratiques du pays est incertain.

La Gambie reste donc régie par la Constitution de 1997 rédigée sous la junte militaire de Yahya Jammeh. La Constitution de 1997 était largement considérée comme un outil permettant à l’exécutif d’abuser de ses pouvoirs. Elle ne prévoit pas de limitation du nombre de mandats, bloque les réformes démocratiques essentielles et n’offre pas une protection suffisante des droits de l’homme et des principes démocratiques.

L’échec de l’adoption de la nouvelle Constitution est un revers pour le programme « New Gambia », une promesse électorale de la coalition au pouvoir en 2016. Ce programme visait notamment la rédaction d’une nouvelle Constitution et la reddition de comptes pour les violations passées des droits humains. Son blocage pourrait raviver les tensions politiques.

Les partisans du projet de Constitution ont salué un pas vers l’institutionnalisation des contre-pouvoirs et le renforcement des libertés civiles. Les détracteurs ont dénoncé le manque de transparence, l’absence de consultation approfondie des parties prenantes et certaines clauses controversées.

Parmi ces dispositions, on trouvait la suppression rétroactive de la limitation des mandats présidentiels, un affaiblissement des contre-pouvoirs avec un contrôle parlementaire réduit sur les nominations, ainsi qu’un risque d’atteinte à l’indépendance judiciaire.

En tant que chercheure en droit gambien et spécialiste des droits humains, je suis de près le processus de consolidation de la démocratie en Gambie depuis la dictature de Jammeh. Dans cet article, je présente cinq points clés pour comprendre cette réforme constitutionnelle et les raisons de son blocage.

Comprendre l’échec de la nouvelle Constitution gambienne : origines et obstacles

1. La recherche infructueuse d’une nouvelle base :

Une Constitution véritablement démocratique est une promesse centrale depuis le départ de l’ancien président Jammeh en 2017.

Un premier projet de 2020, fruit de vastes consultations nationales, n’a pas non plus été adopté. Des désaccords ont surgi au sujet de certaines dispositions, telles que la limitation rétroactive du nombre de mandats présidentiels. Mais le projet de loi de 2024 continue de se heurter à des obstacles politiques et sociaux.

La Constitution de 1997 présente une approche paradoxale de la gouvernance démocratique, en particulier dans ses mécanismes de transition politique et de modification constitutionnelle. Par exemple, elle impose des conditions strictes pour toute modification constitutionnelle : une majorité des trois quarts des voix de tous les membres de l’Assemblée nationale lors de deux lectures.

Elle exige également un référendum national, avec une participation électorale de 50 % et 75 % des voix.

Un seuil élevé pour les modifications constitutionnelles peut protéger contre des changements impulsifs. Mais cela confère également un pouvoir disproportionné à une super majorité parlementaire. Cela politise la réforme constitutionnelle, la rendant dépendante de l’allégeance des partis et des manœuvres stratégiques plutôt que d’un large consensus national.

Un tel dispositif peut freiner l’évolution naturelle de la gouvernance démocratique et limiter l’adaptation de la loi fondamentale à la volonté populaire.

2. Préoccupations non résolues concernant les pouvoirs présidentiels :

L’une des principales raisons pour lesquelles le projet de 2024 a suscité une opposition aussi forte concernait les pouvoirs présidentiels. Le projet de 2020 prévoyait une limitation à deux mandats avec une clause rétroactive (ce qui signifiait que le président Adama Barrow ne pourrait pas se présenter aux élections de 2026). Mais le projet de 2024 a supprimé ce décompte rétroactif.

Ce point est resté controversé, alimentant les craintes d’une éventuelle manipulation de la limitation du nombre de mandats. Plus généralement, le projet de loi proposait de supprimer le contrôle parlementaire pour toutes les nominations, y compris celles des ministres, de la Commission électorale indépendante et des institutions indépendantes.

Il visait également à accorder au président plus de pouvoir sur les membres de l’Assemblée nationale. Ces propositions ont été considérées comme une centralisation excessive du pouvoir et un recul par rapport à la Constitution de 1997.

3. Menaces non traitées à l’indépendance de la justice :

L’objectif déclaré du projet de loi en matière d’indépendance de la justice a été compromis par certaines dispositions. Le projet de 2024 a supprimé l’obligation pour l’Assemblée nationale de confirmer la nomination du président et des juges de la Cour suprême.

Il a également supprimé l’exigence d’être un citoyen gambien pour le président de la Cour suprême. Compte tenu de l’histoire récente de la Gambie, où des juges étrangers sur des contrats renouvelables attribués sur la base de critères politiques ont servi d’outil de répression et ont érodé la confiance du public. Ces changements ont donc suscité des inquiétudes quant à l’impartialité de la justice et à la disparition progressive de tout contre-pouvoir.

Le projet omettait aussi le chapitre V du projet de 2020 sur «Leadership et intégrité», cadre essentiel pour la conduite des responsables publics et la lutte contre la corruption.

4. Dispositions controversées sur les droits de l’homme et les libertés civiles :

Si le projet de 2024 visait globalement à moderniser les droits fondamentaux et à introduire des protections socio-économiques supplémentaires, il contenait également des restrictions spécifiques que les défenseurs des droits humains ont critiquées. Il s’agissait notamment de l’allongement de la durée de la garde à vue de 48 à 72 heures et de restrictions perçues comme portant atteinte au droit à l’éducation, au droit de pétition contre des fonctionnaires et à la liberté de réunion.

Les dispositions relatives à la citoyenneté par mariage (doublement de la période d’attente pour les conjoints étrangers souhaitant obtenir la citoyenneté) et à la limitation de la propriété et de l’exploitation des médias laissées aux seuls citoyens gambiens ont suscité des débats sur l’inclusivité et la liberté des médias.

Ces clauses ont probablement contribué à l’insuffisance des votes pour l’adoption du projet de loi.

5. Lassitude du public face à l’échec du projet de loi :

L’échec du projet de loi constitutionnelle de 2024 en deuxième lecture reflète un débat public complexe et polarisé. Alors que le gouvernement défendait le projet de loi comme essentiel à la stabilité et à une république moderne, le principal parti d’opposition, le Parti démocratique uni, s’y est opposé.

De nombreuses organisations de la société civile ont exprimé leurs préoccupations concernant l’affaiblissement des garanties démocratiques et l’extension des pouvoirs présidentiels. En fin de compte, l’absence perçue d’une véritable participation publique a empêché son adoption.

La voie à suivre

Cet échec montre une division au sein de la population. Une partie de la population, lassée par ce processus de réforme constitutionnelle long et complexe, souhaite avant tout la stabilité. D’autres souhaitent continuer à œuvrer pour une constitution véritablement transformatrice.

Cette division est aggravée par une désillusion généralisée due aux difficultés économiques et à la lenteur des progrès réalisés dans le cadre des différentes réformes depuis le début de la transition post-dictature.

L’échec du projet de loi de 2024 laisse la Gambie dans un état d’incertitude quant à son cadre juridique fondamental.

Comme je l’ai déjà souligné ailleurs, il est temps que tous s’engagent dans un processus de réforme inclusif.

The Conversation

Satang Nabaneh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. La nouvelle Constitution gambienne est à nouveau au point mort : 5 raisons qui expliquent cette situation – https://theconversation.com/la-nouvelle-constitution-gambienne-est-a-nouveau-au-point-mort-5-raisons-qui-expliquent-cette-situation-263947

Senegal’s rating downgrade: credit agencies are punishing countries that don’t check their numbers

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Daniel Cash, Reader in Law, Aston University

Senegal’s dramatic two-notch credit rating downgrade in February 2025 by the credit rating agency Moody’s was followed by a Standard & Poor’s downgrade in July.

Moody’s decision marked a three-notch deterioration in Senegal’s rating in four months. The scale of the revisions was rare, especially for countries not already in default or active restructuring.

The ratings collapse triggered a selloff in Senegal’s Eurobonds. It also cast a shadow over the country’s ongoing negotiations with the International Monetary Fund.

More broadly, it sent a signal about how the credit rating agencies are now responding to governance failures, not just macroeconomic trends. For others watching closely, this was not just a market correction, it was a warning.

So why did it happen?

A report released by Moody’s in July 2025 on “large, unaccounted for debt increases” provides context. The report looked at how fiscal transparency failures – situations where governments provide incomplete, outdated or inaccurate information about their debts and budgets – undermine sovereign creditworthiness. This applies globally, not just to African countries.

Moody’s research centres on stock-flow adjustments. This is the gap between how much a government’s total debt rises in a year, and what that increase should be, based on the officially reported budget deficit. In other words, if a country runs a US$5 billion deficit, you would expect its debt to rise by about US$5 billion. When that debt increases by much more (or less), it suggests that something is missing or misreported in the official data.

The research demonstrates a clear correlation between large stock-flow adjustments and weaker governance scores.

Moody’s downgrade of Senegal’s sovereign rating, and its research report, underscore how transparency and governance issues are increasingly influencing sovereign credit assessments. Rating agencies have improved their methodologies to capture these risks. Governance factors now represent about 25% of sovereign ratings across major agency frameworks.

In addition, transparency issues are showing up as a stumbling block in debt restructuring negotiations. Zambia’s restructuring process took 3.5 years (2021-2024), partly due to transparency complications. Ethiopia’s ongoing restructuring (since 2021) demonstrates similar challenges. For its part, Ghana’s relatively faster process benefited from greater initial debt transparency.

As a researcher who has looked closely at the working of rating agencies, I suggest that Moody’s comprehensive analysis provides governments with a diagnostic tool as well as an early warning system for potential transparency issues.

The message for sovereign debt managers is clear: in an era of enhanced transparency requirements and sophisticated rating methodologies, the quality of fiscal data has become inseparable from creditworthiness.

Early warning signs

Moody’s research found that large and persistent stock-flow adjustments often signal weak fiscal transparency. And that, over time, they reflect incomplete reporting and weak expenditure controls.

Critically, Moody’s noted that

frontier markets in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America have experienced the biggest stock-flow adjustments over the past decade.

There are many technical drivers behind stock-flow adjustments. Many are often legitimate. These can include debt management operations, asset acquisitions, arrears clearance and statistical revisions.

But Moody’s research pointed out that these technical reasons accounted for only half of the stock-flow adjustments. The other half remained unexplained – an indicator Moody’s treats as a serious red flag for fiscal credibility.

Senegal’s transparency failures

Senegal’s situation exemplifies how transparency gaps can rapidly destabilise sovereign credit profiles.

Following the March 2024 election audit findings by Senegal’s Inspectorate of Public Finances, its Court of Auditors report revealed “substantially weaker fiscal metrics” with “central government debt at close to 100% of GDP in 2023, around 25 percentage points higher than previously published”.

The scale of the revisions was unprecedented: debt-to-GDP ratios jumped from a reported 74.4% to 99.7% for end-2023. The fiscal deficit was revised upward from 4.9% to 12.3% of GDP.

Moody’s assessment was unambiguous:

The scale and nature of the discrepancies portray a much more limited fiscal space and higher funding needs than previously thought, while also indicating material past governance deficiencies.

The rating impact was swift and severe. Moody’s downgraded Senegal’s rating to B3 from B1 in February 2025, changing the outlook to negative, following an earlier downgrade from Ba3 in October 2024.

Senegal’s debt metrics reflect the severity of the fiscal challenge. The International Monetary Fund estimates Senegal’s debt reached 105.7% of GDP by end-2024, with gross financing requirements – the total amount the government needs to repay and borrow again to keep functioning – projected at around 20% of GDP in 2025 by the Senegalese budget.

The International Monetary Fund suspended its US$1.8 billion Extended Credit Facility in June 2024 following the misreporting discovery. However, the fund, in a note on negotiations during an August 2025 staff visit that was focused on working with Senegal in light of the post-election audits, wrote:

The IMF staff team commended the Senegalese authorities on their commitment to fiscal transparency and accountability, following their disclosure of the large misreporting that occurred over the past few years.

Troubling patterns

Moody’s emphasises that stock-flow adjustments occur across all regions and income levels. But the persistence and magnitude differ significantly by region. Recent African cases demonstrate particularly troubling patterns.

Some examples include:

Why this matters

The economic logic of the correlation between large stock-flow adjustments and weaker governance scores is straightforward. Persistent positive stock-flow adjustments indicate that fiscal deficits may not accurately represent government financing needs. As Moody’s explains:

when stock-flow adjustments are positive, a higher primary balance is required to stabilise debt over the long term.

This creates both fiscal and credibility challenges that rating agencies must incorporate into their assessments.

For countries with histories of significant adjustments, Moody’s notes it may

make a more negative assessment of fiscal policy effectiveness.

Transparency matters too because a lack of it can complicate debt restructuring efforts. An example is negotiations under the G20 Common Framework, which aims to coordinate debt relief among official and private creditors.

The process depends on clear and comprehensive debt data to determine how much relief is needed, and who should provide it. When key debts are hidden, disputed, or poorly recorded, the entire negotiation slows down, or stalls entirely.

The way forward

The convergence of rating methodology enhancements and transparency requirements creates both challenges and opportunities for sovereign borrowers.

Improving fiscal data systems is no longer merely a technical accounting exercise. It’s a strategy for maintaining market access and creditworthiness.

The rating agency response suggests this trend will intensify.

For emerging and frontier market sovereigns, there are clear incentives for transparency improvements. Research shows governance improvements lead to decreased “spreads” in the market, while poor governance adds 50-200 basis points to sovereign spreads.

In other words, for sovereign borrowers, it pays to demonstrate better governance; investors clearly respond positively to the prospect of investing in borrowers who have clearly defined and transparent governance structures.

From warning to opportunity

Senegal’s case illustrates how transparency failures can trigger rapid and severe credit deterioration. But it also demonstrates the rating agencies’ increasing sophistication in detecting and penalising such weaknesses.

Sovereign borrowers shouldn’t view enhanced transparency requirements as burdensome oversight. They are opportunities to reduce borrowing costs.

The Conversation

Daniel Cash does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Senegal’s rating downgrade: credit agencies are punishing countries that don’t check their numbers – https://theconversation.com/senegals-rating-downgrade-credit-agencies-are-punishing-countries-that-dont-check-their-numbers-261583

Más allá del fuego: los incendios forestales plantean nuevos desafíos para la salud pública

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Tania Fernández Villa, Profesora Titular de Universidad en el Área de Medicina Preventiva y Salud Pública, Universidad de León. Centro de Investigación Biomédica en Red de Epidemiología y Salud Pública (CIBERESP)., Universidad de León

Extinción de un incendio en la provincia de Córdoba en julio de 2025. Carlos Calvo Torregrosa/Shutterstock

El 2025 está siendo un año bastante atípico en su meteorología a consecuencia del cambio climático. En agosto, una gran ola de calor ha asolado España durante más de 16 días, la tercera más larga de la historia desde 1975, según la Agencia Estatal de Meteorología (AEMET).

Todo ello, unido a un cúmulo de circunstancias, está dejando un panorama desolador en gran parte de España.

Se han contabilizado varias personas fallecidas de manera directa por golpe de calor y muchas más defunciones, más de 2 000 en lo que llevamos del mes de agosto, atribuibles a los efectos del calor extremo.

Los grandes incendios forestales han devastado más de 300 000 hectáreas, una superficie superior al tamaño de la provincia de Álava.

A medida que la superficie de los incendios aumenta, se liberan a la atmósfera grandes cantidades de gases de efecto invernadero y partículas: monóxido de carbono (CO), dióxido de carbono (CO2), metano (CH4), óxido nitroso (N2O), óxido de nitrógeno (NOx), carbono orgánico volátil (VOC), material particulado (PM).

Todo ello contribuye a la carga global de gases de efecto invernadero, incrementando aún más el cambio climático y favoreciendo que los incendios sean cada vez más frecuentes e intensos.

Partículas tóxicas

Pero el caso de las partículas producidas en los incendios tiene una especial importancia. Su composición puede ser más tóxica al incluir hidrocarburos aromáticos policíclicos y benzopireno, sustancias reconocidas como carcinógenas por las agencias de salud internacionales.

Como hemos podido comprobar durante la ola de incendios que está asolando España este verano, y países cercanos como Portugal, las columnas de humo que contienen un cóctel tóxico de partículas finas (con un diámetro <2,5 micras), monóxido de carbono y otras sustancias químicas nocivas, pueden viajar largas distancias y empeoran la calidad del aire mucho más allá de la zona afectada por el incendio.

La acumulación y exposición prolongada a estas sustancias pueden tener consecuencias muy graves para la salud no sólo para el personal de primera línea de respuesta (bomberos y equipos de emergencias), sino también para la población en general, especialmente para aquellas personas que trabajan o pasan tiempo al aire libre.

Entre los principales efectos agudos destacan la dificultad respiratoria, con un aumento de crisis asmáticas o bronquitis, así como complicaciones cardiovasculares. Se incrementa también el riesgo de sufrir ataques cardíacos, accidentes cerebrovasculares y ritmos cardíacos irregulares, especialmente en personas con patologías previas.

A todo ello hay que añadir la amenaza a la seguridad alimentaria e incremento de riesgo de malnutrición debido a cortes de suministro en las áreas afectadas.

Efectos a largo plazo

También se observan consecuencias en materia de salud mental, tanto de las propias familias desalojadas o afectadas por pérdidas materiales y humanas, como de los equipos que trabajan en la extinción (“burnout”). Además se producirá el incremento futuro de desigualdades sociales, especialmente en población en situación de vulnerabilidad. Los programas de atención psicosocial son una herramienta necesaria para paliar estos efectos en la salud mental.




Leer más:
El fuego no es el único enemigo: el ‘burnout’ en los bomberos


Pero los efectos no se producen solamente de forma aguda. A medio-largo plazo se pueden originar problemas de salud pública de mayor gravedad, tanto a nivel respiratorio (enfermedad pulmonar obstructiva crónica, cáncer de pulmón y otras enfermedades respiratorias crónicas), como cardiovascular (hipertensión, insuficiencia cardíaca y otras complicaciones cardiovasculares) y neurológico (riesgo elevado de deterioro cognitivo, demencia y otras enfermedades neurodegenerativas).

La exposición a partículas también se ha visto asociada con efectos sobre la salud infantil y el embarazo, como nacimientos prematuros, de bebés con bajo peso y alteraciones en el neurodesarrollo.

Las personas mayores o con enfermedades crónicas son más susceptibles de sufrir estos efectos a corto, medio y largo plazo.

Problemas asistenciales y enfermedades zoonóticas

Los programas de vigilancia en salud pública son importantes para identificar los efectos de los incendios en la salud de la población y grupos de riesgo.

Los desplazamientos de la población, que pueden verse agravados por los fuegos, incrementan aún más la despoblación de áreas rurales, llevan a la rotura de redes sociales y dificultan el acceso a recursos sanitarios, lo que ocasionará problemas asistenciales.

Por otra parte, los incendios alteran profundamente el ecosistema natural, promueven la degradación del suelo, haciéndolo más susceptible a riadas, y privan a las poblaciones humanas y animales de recursos naturales.

La salud debilitada de las poblaciones animales aumenta el riesgo de enfermedades zoonóticas, que pueden ser un vector para enfermedades en humanos.

Las previsiones, por desgracia, no son buenas. Se estima que los incendios seguirán incrementándose, hasta un 30 % para el 2050 y hasta un 50 % a finales de siglo, si no se actúa con urgencia.

Este panorama tan desalentador supone nuevos desafíos para la salud pública. Es necesario incluir el enfoque de Una Sola Salud en los planes de prevención y actuación, reforzar la vigilancia en salud pública, incrementar los recursos y establecer una coordinación adecuada y fomentar la profesionalización y capacitación de equipos especializados en emergencias sanitarias. Además, necesitamos reforzar la educación, información y percepción del riesgo en la ciudadanía.


Artículo escrito con el asesoramiento de la Sociedad Española de Epidemiología.


The Conversation

María Isabel Portillo es investigadora en el Instituto de Investigación Biobizkaia. Coordinadora Cribados Osakidetza. Miembro de la Asociación Española Contra el Cáncer. Secretaria de la Junta Directiva de la Sociedad Española de Epidemiología.

Maria João Forjaz recibe fondos, obtenidos en concurrencia competitiva, del Instituto de Salud Carlos III, para la realización de proyectos de investigación. Es la actual presidenta de la Sociedad Española de Epidemiología.

Óscar Zurriaga recibe fondos, obtenidos en concurrencia competitiva, del Instituto de Salud Carlos III, para la realización de proyectos de investigación. Ha sido presidente de la Sociedad Española de Epidemiología (SEE).

Rebeca Ramis Prieto recibe fondos, obtenidos en concurrencia competitiva, del Instituto de Salud Carlos III, para la realización de proyectos de investigación.

Esther Vicente Cemborain, Lucía Martín de Bernardo Gisbert, Maica Rodríguez-Sanz, Pello Latasa y Tania Fernández Villa no reciben salarios, ni ejercen labores de consultoría, ni poseen acciones, ni reciben financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y han declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del puesto académico citado.

ref. Más allá del fuego: los incendios forestales plantean nuevos desafíos para la salud pública – https://theconversation.com/mas-alla-del-fuego-los-incendios-forestales-plantean-nuevos-desafios-para-la-salud-publica-263653

How does your body make poop?

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Brian Robert Boulay, Associate Professor of Medicine, University of Illinois Chicago

Your small intestine is lined with tiny protrusions called villi that play a big role in digestion. Sebastian Kaulitzki/Science Photo Library via Getty Images

Curious Kids is a series for children of all ages. If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, send it to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com.


How does your body make poop? Owen, 4, Wakefield, Massachusetts


Much of the food you eat is absorbed by your digestive system, which includes your stomach and your intestines.

But some of what you eat makes it all the way through those twists and turns and comes out the other end as poop. How does that happen?

Imagine you start your day by eating a bowl of crunchy cereal with milk. The process of digestion begins as you start to chew.

Your teeth grind up the cereal into smaller particles, making it easier to swallow and digest. Your saliva contains an enzyme, a kind of chemical, called amylase that starts breaking down the cereal on a molecular level.

I’m a doctor who regularly treats children and adults with digestive problems. Some of my patients have problems absorbing nutrients from their food and others poop too often or not often enough. When they describe their symptoms, I consider the process of how our bodies make poop and which steps can go wrong.

Your stomach is full of enzymes and acid

Everything you eat contains three types of molecules that provide your body with the energy you need to live: carbohydrates, fats and proteins.

Amylase, an enzyme in saliva, begins breaking down the starches, a kind of carbohydrate, while the cereal is still in your mouth.

After you swallow, the milky cereal travels down your esophagus, a tube that carries swallowed food from your mouth to your stomach. That’s where digestion really gets going.

Your stomach contains hydrochloric acid, which breaks the food down into much smaller pieces. Over several hours, that acid and additional enzymes continue to pulverize the carbohydrates and protein from your bowl of cereal.

Diagram of the human gastrointestinal tract
What you ingest travels a long way before what’s left makes an exit.
Veronika Zakharova/Science Photo Library via Getty Images

Your long and winding small intestine

Two or three hours later, your breakfast will leave your stomach and enter the small intestine, which is a long and coiled tube that is contained in your abdomen behind your belly button. By that point, the digestive process will have turned those big chunks of cereal into tiny particles that are small enough for your body to absorb.

By coursing through your bloodstream, these teeny particles will deliver energy and the building blocks for growth to the cells all over your body.

The small intestine is perfectly suited to perform the job of absorbing nutrients partly because it’s gigantic. Regardless of your height, it can be over 20 feet (6 meters) long, and its surface is covered with villi, tiny protrusions with a texture that resembles a shag carpet.

Those millions of villi create a huge amount of surface area, which is ideal for absorbing the nutrients in what you’ve eaten once it has been digested. The small intestine also contains many types of bacteria, which assist in breaking down the food particles.

The small intestine also produces more enzymes to help break down the carbohydrates in breads and pasta into simple sugars that are easily absorbed. As food enters into the small intestine, other organs also contribute their digestive juices to the mix.

The liver and gallbladder mix a greenish liquid called bile into the food.

Bile helps break down fats contained in food. Pancreatic enzymes help break down the carbohydrates, fats, proteins and the other nutrients in the food you eat.

Pink picture of the intestines.
Your small intestine and large intestine both have important jobs.
Dmytro Lukyanets/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Your slow and short colon

The journey through your small intestine takes between two and six hours to complete. By this point, your bowl of cereal is unrecognizable. It has turned into chyme, a greenish liquid. Chyme gets its color from the bile made in the liver.

As the chyme reaches the end of the small intestine, it enters into your large intestine, also known as the colon. The large intestine gets its name due to being wider than the small intestine, even though it is much shorter.

The colon is about 5 feet (1.5 meters) long. Unlike the villi-lined small intestine, it doesn’t absorb any nutrients. Instead it does another important job: It absorbs water from the slimy green chyme your digestive system made from your breakfast. The small intestine also absorbs water into the bloodstream, where it is delivered to your kidneys to make urine.

So the intestines also play a small part in making your pee, as well as your poop.

This process is much slower than those earlier steps. It can take a whole day, and up to three days, to complete. By the time the chyme reaches the end of the colon, it has solidified and probably turned from green to brown.

The brown color of poop comes from the bile that is added by the liver to your bowl of cereal as it makes its way through the small intestine. The bile is changed by bacteria from green to brown. Without bile your poop would be a pale silver or clay color.

Lots of bacteria

What’s in your poop?

When it leaves your body, poop contains some leftover water, as well as undigested food such as plant fiber, as well as some dead intestinal cells. And, it may surprise you to learn, almost half of it, measured by weight, consists of bacteria.

Your intestines contain trillions of these bacteria, which help you digest what you eat. Unlike some other kinds of bacteria, they do not make you sick. The ones that come out as part of your poop give it that stinky smell.

Each part of your digestive system, from your mouth to your colon, plays an important role in extracting from what you eat the energy and water that your body needs. They all work together to help you absorb most of that energy and water, while eliminating what you do not need.


Hello, curious kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com. Please tell us your name, age and the city where you live.

And since curiosity has no age limit – adults, let us know what you’re wondering, too. We won’t be able to answer every question, but we will do our best.

The Conversation

Brian Robert Boulay does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How does your body make poop? – https://theconversation.com/how-does-your-body-make-poop-261911

¿Quién decide qué tragedias cuentan y cómo se cuentan? Lo que revelan los periodistas sobre sus redacciones

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Leila Nachawati Rego, Profesora asociada de comunicación, especialización en conflicto, migraciones, comunicación ciudadana, censura, libertad de expresión, apagones de internet, Universidad Carlos III

La cobertura de la migración por parte de los periodistas en España está limitada por factores como la escasez de periodistas y presupuesto y los intereses políticos o económicos del medio. Framalicious/Shutterstock

Cuando el submarino Titán desapareció, el 18 de junio de 2023, con cinco turistas a bordo, medios de comunicación de todo el mundo cubrieron el caso al detalle, casi minuto a minuto.

Pocos días antes, el naufragio del Adriana, un barco con cientos de personas migrantes a bordo frente a las costas de Grecia, había recibido una cobertura muy limitada.

¿Qué motiva una atención mediática tan distinta ante el hundimiento de dos barcos, casi al mismo tiempo?

Esa fue una de las preguntas que nos llevó a entrevistar a 21 periodistas especializados en migraciones en España. Buscábamos entender cuáles son los factores que condicionan la cobertura mediática de este ámbito.

Las respuestas apuntan a un desequilibrio llamativo: los periodistas manifiestan tener margen para decidir, pero son los directivos de los medios quienes determinan en gran medida, motivados por intereses políticos o económicos, el enfoque, la intensidad y el tono de estas coberturas.

A lo largo de las entrevistas, detectamos dos marcos narrativos que se repiten en la cobertura mediática de la inmigración. Por un lado, el esencialismo cultural, que tiende a encasillar a las personas migrantes en estereotipos y visiones reduccionistas o descontextualizadas: el migrante como víctima pasiva, como amenaza o como carga para la sociedad. Por otro lado, el paralelismo institucional, que alinea los relatos con las versiones oficiales o, dicho de otro modo, narrativas que parten de enfoques alejados de los derechos humanos.

Estas formas de representación no son solo fruto de decisiones editoriales. Están influidas por factores estructurales que van desde la precariedad laboral en las redacciones hasta la presión por obtener clics y satisfacer a los anunciantes.

En palabras de uno de los periodistas entrevistados: “Imagina que tengo que elegir entre el Titán y el Adriana. Me quedo con el naufragio porque soy muy sensible a estos temas, pero también tengo que encontrarle un lugar a la implosión porque, aunque hubo cuatro millonarios que fueron voluntariamente, el público se lo comió. ¡Se lo comió! Y tengo que cumplir con los objetivos diarios de audiencia. Es terrible, pero así es”.

Periodistas bajo presión: precariedad y falta de libertad

Uno de los hallazgos del estudio remite a la escasez de recursos humanos y materiales, lo que dificulta una cobertura matizada y rigurosa. La mayoría de periodistas entrevistados afirmó que no hay suficientes reporteros especializados, ni presupuesto para viajar a los lugares de origen o tránsito de las personas migrantes.

“Hay escasez de reporteros en las redacciones y, por lo tanto, de especialistas dedicados a las migraciones y los derechos humanos”, afirmó una de las personas entrevistadas. Esto aumenta la dependencia de fuentes institucionales, ya que acceder a información directa suele ser difícil o costoso.

A esta escasez se suman otros factores: plazos ajustados, falta de formación específica y una precariedad generalizada. Todo esto limita el margen para construir relatos complejos, matizados y contextualizados.

La tiranía de las audiencias

Otro factor central es la presión de las audiencias. En muchos medios, especialmente los privados, se prioriza aquello que genera tráfico web: titulares impactantes, emociones rápidas e intensas, historias virales. La inmigración, salvo en momentos de tragedias extremas, no suele encajar en ese perfil que satisface la búsqueda del clic. Y en esos casos, a menudo se priorizan fórmulas sensacionalistas que incurren en la deshumanización de sus protagonistas.

“Algunos medios de comunicación realizaron una cobertura destacada, aunque fueron muy pocos”, señalaba otra de las entrevistadas. Entre sus valoraciones y las del resto de periodistas, destacan términos como cobertura “predecible”, “imprecisa”, “información epidérmica” o “de menor impacto”. También otros, en referencia al accidente del Titán, como “objetivación”, “sobreinformación”, “espectacularización” o “morbo” (un adjetivo recurrente) o expresiones características de la industria del entretenimiento: “Un espectáculo en vivo”, “un reality show”, una cobertura “basada en una cuenta atrás que mantuvo enganchada a la audiencia”.

Varios periodistas señalaron también que existen presiones políticas, ya directas o indirectas, sobre la forma de contar la inmigración. Esta presión se manifiesta en alineamientos ideológicos, autocensura o en decisiones empresariales que priorizan no incomodar a ciertos sectores. “La llegada de migrantes es susceptible de ser manipulada por políticos demagógicos o populistas, con un trasfondo de exaltación nacionalista”, señalaba otro de los entrevistados.

Una autonomía más percibida que real

Paradójicamente, la mayoría de periodistas entrevistados afirmó sentirse libre para elegir y desarrollar sus historias. Lo cierto es que el grado de autonomía que ejercen los periodistas en los procesos selectivos y creativos está muy influido por factores originados a nivel gerencial o de propiedad del medio.

El análisis sugiere que la empresa tiende, por un lado, a atender las demandas percibidas del público para optimizar las estrategias de monetización, lo que explica en parte por qué ciertas historias reciben más atención y recursos que otras.

Además, se reduce la inversión en recursos humanos y técnicos en el lugar de trabajo, lo que obliga a los reporteros a depender de información proveniente de fuentes institucionales.

Por último, la empresa impone narrativas alineadas de un modo u otro, y con distintos grados de intensidad, con discursos políticos externos. Esta contradicción entre la libertad insinuada por los entrevistados y los condicionantes derivados de las dinámicas empresariales sugiere una autonomía más simbólica que real.

La migración no es un fenómeno excepcional, sino una constante en la historia de la humanidad, que ha sido nómada desde sus orígenes. En el contexto actual, marcado por conflictos armados, crisis políticas y emergencias climáticas, todo indica que los flujos migratorios y las solicitudes de asilo seguirán aumentando.

Ante este escenario, los medios de comunicación tienen la responsabilidad de abordar estas realidades con rigor, empatía y profundidad, evitando silenciar, deshumanizar o criminalizar a quienes se encuentran en situaciones de extrema vulnerabilidad.

Para ello, es necesario repensar los modelos de negocio de los medios, fortaleciendo la independencia editorial, mejorando las condiciones laborales del periodismo y priorizando enfoques basados en los derechos humanos por encima del clic fácil o de presiones políticas, económicas o ideológicas.

The Conversation

Las personas firmantes no son asalariadas, ni consultoras, ni poseen acciones, ni reciben financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y han declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado anteriormente.

ref. ¿Quién decide qué tragedias cuentan y cómo se cuentan? Lo que revelan los periodistas sobre sus redacciones – https://theconversation.com/quien-decide-que-tragedias-cuentan-y-como-se-cuentan-lo-que-revelan-los-periodistas-sobre-sus-redacciones-258784

Israel’s ‘double-tap’ hospital strike probably breached rules of war

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sam Phelps, Commissioning Editor, International Affairs, The Conversation

This article was first published in The Conversation UK’s World Affairs Briefing email newsletter. Sign up to receive weekly analysis of the latest developments in international relations, direct to your inbox.


A video broadcast earlier this week captured the horrifying moment rescuers and journalists were killed in a “double-tap” strike on the Nasser hospital in southern Gaza. They had rushed to the scene of an initial Israeli attack, only for the same location to be bombed minutes later. Five journalists and several medical staff were killed by the second strike.

The attack prompted a wave of international condemnation. UK foreign secretary David Lammy wrote on social media: “Horrified by Israel’s attack on Nasser hospital. Civilians, healthcare workers and journalists must be protected. We need an immediate ceasefire”.

Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, initially called the strikes a “tragic mishap”. He added: “Israel values the work of journalists, medical staff and all civilians”. But the strikes have now been characterised by Israel as a targeted attack on Hamas fighters.

An initial inquiry by Israel’s military says “it appears” its troops “identified a camera that was positioned by Hamas in the area of the Nasser hospital that was being used to observe the activity of IDF troops” in order to direct attacks against them.

Whether or not charges relating to the attacks are ever brought remains to be seen. But James Sweeney of Lancaster University’s School of Law, believes there should be no doubt that the double tap tactic falls into the category of acts of war that are prohibited by the law of armed conflict.

Sweeney examines how international law operates in situations like this, identifying four fundamental rules on methods that govern the conduct of hostilities: humanity, necessity, distinction and proportionality.

He says the Israeli strikes almost certainly breached the rule on distinction, which requires that only lawful objectives should be targeted for attack. He explains that there are very limited circumstances in which a hospital or its medical staff could ever be a lawful target. The same goes for journalists. Both are protected under the Geneva Conventions.

Sweeney also sees Israel’s attack as violating the rule on proportionality, which says expected “collateral damage” should not be excessive to the expected military advantage of the attack. Even if the claim that the hospital was being used by Hamas to stage attacks on Israeli forces stands up, thus possibly making it a lawful target, the collateral damage was likely going to be vast.




Read more:
Was the ‘double tap’ attack on Gaza’s Nasser hospital a war crime? Here’s what the laws of war say


Excessive collateral damage has been a grim theme of the war. Israeli government officials consistently say their military works hard to keep civilian harm to a minimum, for example by making phone calls and sending text messages to those residing in buildings designated for attack.

However, Israel’s own numbers cast doubt on this claim. Figures from a classified Israeli military intelligence database, reported by the Guardian last week, indicate that 83% of the Palestinians killed by Israeli forces in Gaza have been civilians. This is a rate of civilian killing far higher than other modern wars, says Neta Crawford of the University of Oxford.

Crawford, an expert on international relations, reports that western militaries began to take steps to minimise inadvertent harm to civilians after the Vietnam war in 1975. These practices, which include making collateral damage estimates prior to carrying out a strike, have not always been adhered to.

But when they have been followed, the rate of civilian killing has been reduced. In American wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Crawford reports, civilian casualty rates were 68% and 26% respectively – far lower than in Gaza.

“Given the kind of war Israel is fighting – using large, indiscriminate weapons to destroy buildings and failing to distinguish between combatant and noncombatant – it has unsurprisingly produced high civilian casualty rates,” she says.




Read more:
Gaza: civilian death toll outpaces other modern wars


Peacekeeping in Lebanon

The UN security council, meanwhile, is voting today on whether to extend a long-running peacekeeping mission in Lebanon for one final time. Vanessa Newby and Chiara Ruffa of Monash University and Sciences Po respectively reported earlier this week that the mission, which has patrolled Lebanon’s southern border with Israel since 1978, is at risk of being discontinued.

The Trump administration wants to reduce US financial commitments to UN peacekeeping. It argues that expensive and longstanding missions should be downsized to cut costs. Israel has, at the same time, insisted that the mission has been ineffective in addressing the existential threat posed by Hezbollah.

Newby and Ruffa are critical of this latter assessment. They write that the mission’s mandate has never been to disarm Hezbollah directly. Instead, it is tasked with creating and maintaining a space free of armed groups in southern Lebanon by supporting the Lebanese armed forces.

The council is reportedly expected to adopt a French draft resolution that sees the operation continue until the end of 2026. It will then begin a year-long “orderly and safe drawdown and withdrawal” – a compromise with the US.

This is a welcome outcome. Dismantling the peacekeeping mission would, in Newby and Ruffa’s view, create a dangerous security vacuum along the Israeli-Lebanese border.

Lebanon’s army remains weak, so a sudden withdrawal risks a surge in Hezbollah activity in the south. This would increase the prospect of another direct conflict between Hezbollah and Israel, they say, and another Israeli invasion of Lebanon.




Read more:
US and Israel push to end UN peacekeeping mandate in south Lebanon risks regional chaos


‘Fortress belt’

Russia is continuing to pound Ukrainian towns and cities, most recently launching strikes on Kyiv that killed at least 17 people. Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, has accused Moscow of choosing “ballistics instead of the negotiating table”, while UK prime minister Keir Starmer says Russia’s continuing attacks are “sabotaging hopes of peace”.

Talks on ending the war have been taking place for several weeks, though there has been no breakthrough. Russian leader Vladimir Putin is demanding that Kyiv cede control of the entirety of its Donetsk oblast, a region in eastern Ukraine, to Russia.

The Trump administration, keen for the war to end, seems to back this idea. When asked a question recently about Russia keeping territory it has seized, vice-president J.D. Vance remarked that “every major conflict in human history” has ended “with some kind of negotiation. Chris Smith, a historian at Coventry University, interrogates the truth of this claim here.




Read more:
J.D. Vance is wrong about history – here’s why this matters for Ukraine


Kyiv is unsurprisingly resistant to Putin’s demands. Rod Thornton and Marina Miron, security experts at King’s College London, say this would effectively be tantamount to an acceptance of overall defeat for Ukraine. Kyiv would be giving up its principal defensive barrier against further Russian encroachment into the rest of the country.

Thornton and Miron stress the strategic importance of Ukraine’s so-called “fortress belt” – the name given to the complex series of defensive lines established between towns and cities in the west of the Donetsk region. Russia has largely been unable to break through these lines, so has been prevented from surrounding any major urban area there.

Gaining control of western Donetsk is the key to winning the war, write Thornton and Miron. So Putin, unable to break through the fortress belt, is now trying to acquire it through a peace deal brokered with US assistance. This would settle the war, but in Russia’s favour.




Read more:
Forcing Zelensky to hand Putin Ukraine’s ‘fortress belt’ in Donetsk will lose it the war


Meanwhile a far larger belt of fortifications is taking shape across eastern Europe, as Russia’s neighbours race to protect themselves in light of the war in Ukraine. Natasha Lindstaedt, a specialist in authoritarian regimes at the University of Essex, believes the recent shift in US foreign policy and its telegraphed move away from being Europe’s security guarantor, has prompted countries including Finland, the Baltic states and Poland to take extra precautions.

As Lindstaedt explains, these border defences will be using the latest technology and early warning systems and artillery units. The project is going to require a high level of cooperation between these countries to ensure that there are no loopholes which could be exploited by a Russian offensive.

The hope is that all concerned have learned the lesson of the much-vaunted French Maginot Line, which Germany simply bypassed during the second world war.




Read more:
Why a new ‘iron curtain’ is being built across Europe. This time it’s to keep Russia out



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The Conversation

ref. Israel’s ‘double-tap’ hospital strike probably breached rules of war – https://theconversation.com/israels-double-tap-hospital-strike-probably-breached-rules-of-war-264142

Por qué los grupos de infantil no deberían ser de más de 10 niños

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Marta Casla Soler, Profesora del dpto. Psicología Evolutiva y de la Educación. Facultad de Psicología, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid

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Imaginemos un grupo de veinte niñas y niños de 2 y 3 años en un aula. Son muy activos, algunos acaban de incorporarse a la escuela. Tras reunirlos en corro, Verónica, una de las dos educadoras del grupo, les pregunta por la tormenta del día anterior: “¿Con quién estabais cuando cayó la granizada?”

Como es lógico, las respuestas se producen de forma desordenada y se forma cierta algarabía: varios hablan a la vez, otros se levantan, saltan. Verónica intenta que se sienten y les anima a escuchar. Al terminar, solo unos pocos logran compartir su experiencia y recibir una respuesta directa de Verónica o Miriam, sus dos “profes”. Otros intervinieron una o dos veces, sin que nadie les respondiera directamente.

En un grupo tan amplio de niños tan pequeños esta escena es habitual. Sin embargo, no poder establecer un verdadero diálogo con las educadoras o sus compañeros puede tener efectos a largo plazo para los pequeños, especialmente si se vuelve algo recurrente.

La importancia de la ratio en infantil

Las habilidades comunicativas y lingüísticas que desarrollamos en los primeros años no se adquieren mediante instrucción formal, sino que se construyen en las interacciones cotidianas que tienen lugar en casa, en la comunidad o en la escuela. Es en estos espacios donde aprendemos a tomar la palabra, ser escuchados, escuchar a otros, respetar turnos y atender incluso al habla que no va dirigida directamente a nosotros.

En la escuela infantil, el número de participantes por grupo es clave para garantizar la participación activa y la inclusión. Pero ¿cuál es la proporción adecuada para que eso ocurra?

Algunas organizaciones internacionales han establecido recomendaciones claras. Es el caso de organizaciones británicas y australianas, como la National Association for the Education of Young Children, el Early Years Foundation Stage o el National Quality Framework. Todas coinciden en recomendar un adulto por cada cuatro niños en grupos de bebés y niños de un año (con un máximo de ocho). A partir de los dos años, proponen un adulto cada cuatro niños, bien uno cada seis en grupos de hasta doce participantes.

La Comisión Europea, en cambio, no fija una ratio concreta, ya que depende de la regulación de cada país, pero insiste en garantizar ciertos estándares de calidad. En su guía de 2021 se destaca el ejemplo de Suecia, con un adulto por cada tres bebés y uno por cada siete niños menores de tres años (Comisión Europea, 2021).

¿Cuál es la ratio en España?

España, junto con Croacia, es uno de los países europeos que permite un mayor número de niños por adulto en educación infantil. Aunque las cifras varían según la Comunidad Autónoma, las diferencias son significativas. En la Comunidad de Madrid, por ejemplo, se permite una educadora para cada ocho bebés, 16 niños y niñas en el grupo de 1-2 años, y hasta 20 en el grupo de 2-3 años, con una figura de apoyo compartida entre varias aulas.

Otras comunidades optan por ratios más ajustadas. En Navarra, por ejemplo, se fijan en 8, 12 y 16 para los grupos de 0-1, 1-2 y 2-3 años, respectivamente. En Canarias, las cifras suben ligeramente: 8, 13 y 18.




Leer más:
¿A qué edad pronuncian los niños sus primeras palabras y cuándo debemos preocuparnos si no lo hacen?


¿Qué implica esta proporción en una etapa tan importante para el desarrollo del lenguaje? La evidencia no es unánime: algunos estudios no encuentran una relación directa entre la ratio y el desarrollo del lenguaje, mientras que otros muestran que los niños en grupos más numerosos tienden a obtener puntuaciones más bajas en pruebas de lenguaje.

Hablar más o menos en el grupo de infantil

En una investigación reciente, realizada en aulas de educación infantil de la Comunidad de Madrid y Toledo, analizamos cuántas oportunidades reales tienen los niños y niñas de participar verbalmente en actividades grupales y cómo influye el tamaño del grupo en esas interacciones. Los resultados son contundentes: cuantos más niños hay en el grupo, menos oportunidades tiene cada uno de hablar y ser escuchado, incluso cuando participa más de una educadora.

El efecto es aún mayor en los grupos de los más pequeños. No es tanto la ratio adulto-niño lo que determina la participación verbal, sino el tamaño total del grupo. En la práctica, un grupo de 8 niñas y niños con una educadora favorece más las interacciones lingüísticas que un grupo de 16 con dos educadoras.

Oportunidad de participar y habilidades del lenguaje

Las niñas y niños que menos hablan son también quienes tienen menos oportunidades de recibir habla dirigida específicamente a ellos, sobre todo en grupos numerosos. En nuestro estudio, realizado con grupos de entre 9 y 16 niños y niñas de 2-3 años, observamos diferencias claras en la participación.

En la ventana de dos segundos después de intervenir en una actividad grupal, la educadora puede responder al niño o niña directamente, contestar a otro niño o, simplemente, dirigir su respuesta al grupo en general. En los grupos grandes, quienes participan menos o tienen menor vocabulario son los que tienen menos probabilidades de recibir una respuesta individualizada.

Por ejemplo, si un niño dice “¡Lluvia!”, y la educadora responde “Sí, cayó mucha lluvia ayer, ¿te asustaste?”, está reconociendo y ampliando su intervención. Pero cuando hay muchos niños en el grupo, y especialmente si algunos tienen más iniciativa verbal que otros, estas respuestas se reparten de manera desigual.




Leer más:
La importancia de los gestos en el desarrollo del lenguaje


La importancia del énfasis y los gestos

En nuestro estudio observamos que las educadoras y educadores recurren a distintas estrategias de énfasis (como autorrepeticiones o gestos sincronizados) tanto al dirigirse a un niño o niña en concreto como al grupo entero.

Otros trabajos, en España y en otros países, muestran que la combinación de habla y gesto (cuando el adulto señala, mueve las manos o enfatiza visualmente lo dicho) resulta clave para que los niños pequeños entiendan y participen en las interacciones. A menudo, además, los gestos del adulto se sincronizan con los del niño, generando momentos especialmente ricos para el aprendizaje y la interacción.

Ahora bien, en nuestro estudio vimos que este tipo de énfasis multimodal se emplea mucho más al hablar al grupo entero que al responder a un solo niño de forma individual. Y esta diferencia se acentúa cuanto mayor es el número de niños en el aula.

El tamaño del grupo y la igualdad de oportunidades

Nuestros hallazgos muestran que, en grupos de más de diez niños y niñas de entre 1 y 3 años, la participación activa en las interacciones grupales no está garantizada, incluso con varios adultos presentes.

Esto limita sobre todo a quienes tienen un menor nivel lingüístico, que son precisamente quienes más se beneficiarían de recibir habla dirigida y respuestas individualizadas. La consecuencia es clara: menos participación implica menos oportunidades para desarrollar habilidades comunicativas. Y cuando esas oportunidades no se reparten de forma equitativa, se amplían las desigualdades desde los primeros años de vida.

Estos resultados invitan también a repensar cómo se organiza la acción educativa cuando hay más de una educadora en el aula. Contar con dos profesionales no debería reducirse a “más manos”, sino a la posibilidad real de dividir al grupo en momentos clave, favoreciendo interacciones más individualizadas, sobre todo con los niños y niñas que menos hablan. Reducir la ratio es importante, pero no basta: es necesario reorganizar tiempo y espacio para garantizar que todos puedan hablar, escuchar y ser escuchados.

The Conversation

Marta Casla Soler recibe fondos del Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (Agencia Estatal de Investigación) con la cofinanciación de la Unión Europea, proyecto PID2021-123907NB-I00. Ella es miembro de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid.

Ana Moreno Núñez recibe fondos de la Agencia Estatal de Investigación (Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación), cofinanciados por el Fondo Social Europeo (PID2024-155267NB-I00).

Alba Torres Mendoza no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Por qué los grupos de infantil no deberían ser de más de 10 niños – https://theconversation.com/por-que-los-grupos-de-infantil-no-deberian-ser-de-mas-de-10-ninos-258205