For children with autism spectrum disorder and with an intellectual disability, the options for improving communication and social skills are limited.
Talking therapies and behavioural programmes can help some children develop these skills, but they depend on specialists who are in short supply – even in wealthy countries.
That gap motivated us to test a different kind of intervention: using brief, targeted magnetic pulses to stimulate specific parts of the brain. The technique, known as non-invasive brain stimulation or neuromodulation, involves no surgery, no anaesthetic and no drugs.
A device held close to the scalp generates a rapidly changing magnetic field that passes harmlessly through the skull and stimulates the activity of neurons underneath. It has been used for years to treat depression, and researchers have increasingly been exploring whether it might also help with the social and communication difficulties that are a key symptom of autism.
The version we tested uses a technique called theta-burst stimulation, which delivers pulses in rapid clusters rather than one at a time. This makes each session much shorter than conventional approaches, which is a significant practical advantage when you are asking young children to sit still and cooperate.
In our study, published in the BMJ, each session lasted only a few minutes, and the full course ran over just five days. One group of children received real stimulation, another received a sham version. In the sham treatment, the equipment was applied in the same way and delivered vibrations, but no active pulses were delivered. That way, we could compare results without either group knowing what they’d received, which helps keep the findings reliable.
One hundred and ninety-four children took part, with an average age of around six and a half years. Roughly half had IQ scores below 70, which is typically described as the low-functioning range, though all scored above 50 – the minimum needed to ensure a reliable diagnosis and meaningful participation in the study.
Parents filled in a questionnaire about their child’s social communication, before the treatment, right after, and again a month later.
The improvements seen after five days were still there after a month, and the size of the effect was large by the standards of clinical research. Children also showed gains in language ability.
No serious side-effects were reported and all minor side-effects resolved without treatment.
Children were recruited from multiple sites by advertisements posted in outpatients clinics and through local clinical registries. All legal guardians gave written consent.
Children with intellectual disability are so often left out of trials of this kind that the evidence for treating them has remained seriously lacking. That this trial included them at all – and in significant numbers – is itself noteworthy. But it is only a first step.
It is still unclear how long the benefits last beyond a month, how many sessions would be needed to maintain them, or how the approach would work when moved from a research setting into an ordinary clinic.
Brain stimulation is not a replacement for behavioural support, and the equipment needed is not cheap or universally available. But conventional approaches – where they exist at all – often require daily sessions over several weeks with a professional, which carries its own costs in time, money and specialist input.
A five-day course is a different proposition. For families who are already stretched, even modest and durable gains in a child’s ability to communicate could matter enormously to them and their families and greatly improve their wellbeing and quality of life.
Barbara Jacquelyn Sahakian receives funding from the Wellcome Trust. Her research work is conducted within the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (BRC) Mental Health and Neurodegeneration Themes. She receives Royalties from Cambridge University Press for Brain Boost: Healthy Habits for a Happier Life.
Christelle Langley is funded by the Wellcome Trust. Her research work is conducted within the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (BRC) Mental Health and Neurodegeneration Themes. She receives Royalties from Cambridge University Press for Brain Boost: Healthy Habits for a Happier Life.
Fei Li receives funding from the National Natural Science Foundation of China. She is affiliated with Department of Developmental and behavioral pediatrics, Society of Pediatrics, Chinese Medical Association.
Qiang Luo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – France – By Eliana Canavesio, Senior Research Associate and Project Coordinator, European University Institute
Artificial intelligence is transforming our world and financial services are no exception. AI is reshaping the personal banking sector but where does it currently stand on gender parity, transparency and fairness?
When someone applies for a loan today, there is a growing chance that no human ever reads their application. A data-driven algorithm decides whether they qualify, how much they can borrow, and how risky they are considered, often in a matter of seconds and without explanation, quietly shaping financial opportunities in ways most people never see but feel in their everyday lives.
These systems are usually presented as neutral tools: faster than people, more consistent, less prone to prejudice.
In a sector long criticised for opacity and bias, that promise is appealing and frequently echoed in industry and policy debates. But that promise rests on a fragile assumption, rarely made explicit, that the data these systems learn from reflects everyone’s lives equally.
A recent report by the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights, based on fieldwork in five member states, examined how high-risk AI systems are governed under the EU AI Act in areas such as employment, public benefits and law enforcement. It found a striking gap between legal ambition and practice: while risks of discrimination are broadly acknowledged, providers and deployers often lack the tools, expertise and guidance to assess them systematically. Self-assessments tend to be inconsistent, and oversight remains thin.
This is an important issue. When the data feeding these systems fails to capture the reality of women’s financial lives with the same depth and accuracy as men’s, the result is not just a technical shortcoming but a structural distortion, one that shapes who gets access to credit, on what terms, and with what long-term consequences. For AI-driven finance to be fair, women must first be “visible” in the data on which these systems rely.
Algorithms do not judge fairness or ask whether an outcome makes sense, but estimate what is most likely to be correct based on the data they are given, drawing patterns and projecting them forward. When data is incomplete or distorted, the system’s conclusions rest on shaky assumptions from the start.
If women are underrepresented, poorly measured, or never analysed separately from men, the system cannot see unequal outcomes, and what it cannot see, it cannot correct. Bias is simply carried forward and made routine.
This dynamic is easy to miss when discussions stay at the level of models and regulation, but its effects become clear as soon as automated systems are observed in practice. Across different countries, evidence shows how quickly inequality can be embedded in algorithmic decisions, not because systems are designed to discriminate, but because they faithfully reproduce the distortions already present in the data they learn from.
Kenya offers a telling illustration. According to published studies, a widely used digital lending algorithm consistently offered women smaller loans than men, in some cases by more than a third, despite stronger repayment performance. The system did not single women out deliberately: it simply learned from data shaped by long-standing social and economic disparities, and then applied those patterns at scale.
What matters in this example is not Kenya itself, but what the case makes visible. The algorithm did exactly what it was designed to do, learning from past behaviour and applying those patterns consistently, yet without the ability to distinguish between women’s and men’s outcomes, there was no way to detect that inequality was being reproduced in real time. The problem was not automation, but blindness.
How can finance overcome the gender blind spot?
That is where sex-disaggregated data becomes essential. By sorting financial data by gender, regulators, financial institutions, and technology designers can uncover the impacts of automated systems, identify who has access to finance, and pinpoint areas where outcomes begin to diverge. Without that visibility, gender gaps remain hidden, and hidden gaps have a habit of becoming permanent. In digital finance, data is “a girl’s best friend”, not as a slogan, but as a practical condition for accountability.
Most financial institutions already record a customer’s gender as part of basic identification. On paper, the information is there, embedded in routine reporting and basic customer records. In practice, however, recording a variable is not the same as using it. In many countries, the sex of the customer appears in databases but is never analysed, reported, or monitored by supervisors, including in core supervisory frameworks such as prudential reporting. Too often, the data already exists, but it is collected, filed away, and then quietly ignored. The problem lies not in what can be done, but in what is done.
Fairer finance: developing countries are leading the way
The picture looks very different in countries often assumed to have fewer resources. In parts of Latin America and Africa, regulators have required sex-disaggregated reporting for years and regularly publish data on gender gaps in finance.
In Mexico, regulators combine bank data with national household surveys to understand how women and men use financial services and how they perform as borrowers.
That visibility has had practical consequences. In Mexico, supervisory data showed that women’s loans were smaller but less risky, evidence that fed into changes in loan loss provisioning rules.
In Chile, the data revealed that equal access to accounts did not translate into equal outcomes in savings or insurance, prompting more targeted policy responses. Once these gaps became visible, they became far harder to ignore.
Seen from this perspective, the situation in many high-income economies looks less like a technical lag and more like an institutional hesitation. In much of Europe, gender data remains voluntary or fragmented despite advanced data infrastructures, a failure not of technical capacity but of institutional choice. My upcoming policy paper “Data Are a Girl’s Best Friends: Tackling Digital Financial Inequality Through Sex‑Disaggregated Data”, due to be published in May explores this.
As artificial intelligence becomes more deeply embedded in financial decision-making, that choice becomes harder to defend. At a time when Europe is implementing the EU AI Act and debating how to regulate algorithmic decision-making in finance, the absence of systematic gender data raises a basic question: how can fairness be monitored if the data needed to detect inequality is never analysed?
Making women visible in the data is not symbolic. Without it, fair finance is little more than a claim.
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The UK now protects 38% of its seas by law. Yet the government’s own assessment shows that our oceans are not thriving.
In April, the Department for Environment, Food, and Rural Affairs (Defra) published its latest assessment of the health of our seas: the UK marine strategy report.
Of the 15 components of ocean health assessed, only two clearly meet the standard of good environmental status (GES) – the benchmark for healthy seas that the UK committed to achieving by 2020. The other 13 are failing, uncertain or getting worse.
This is despite the UK now having 377 marine protected areas (MPAs), sections of sea designated by law to protect wildlife and habitats. Protected areas are important, but the detail behind that impressive-looking map is sobering.
Marine mammals, such as Whales, dolphins, and porpoises are not judged to have achieved good status. A key reason for this is bycatch: they are being accidentally caught and killed in fishing nets meant for other species.
Seabird populations are declining, with fewer chicks surviving each breeding season as the fish they depend on become harder to find.
The types of fish living in our seas are changing for the worse, with the biggest cod disappearing while smaller species take their place.
The entire food web is under strain. The microscopic organisms that underpin ocean life, called plankton, are becoming less productive as seas warm, and that loss ripples upward through every species that depends on them.
There are some bright spots. The numbers of grey seals are stable or increasing. Beach litter is declining. Commercial fisheries have shown modest improvement, with the share of fish stocks being fished at sustainable levels rising, though it is still fewer than half.
But these gains are outweighed by the broader trajectory.
Why MPAs are not enough
Protected areas play an important role, but they cannot address the full range of pressures our seas face. Drawing a boundary on a nautical chart does not stop warm water crossing it. It does not filter out the nutrient runoff flowing in from agricultural land and overwhelmed sewage systems. It does not silence the increasing underwater noise from shipping and industrial activity. It does not prevent whales, dolphins and porpoises from being caught in fishing gear that operates both inside and outside these boundaries.
Climate change is perhaps the telling example. Sea temperatures around the UK have risen by roughly 0.3°C per decade over the past 40 years, with extreme underwater heatwaves becoming more common. The report acknowledges that this is already altering marine ecosystems, affecting everything from plankton at the base of the food chain to the distribution of fish species. No MPA can insulate its inhabitants from a warming ocean.
Land-based pollution is another pressure that flows straight through protected area boundaries. The report identifies food production and sewage treatment as major causes of nutrient enrichment, with increasing nitrogen inputs entering coastal waters. Heavy metals from legacy mine contamination, particularly in Wales, continue to pollute the marine environment. Contaminants have not met good status because lead, mercury, copper and zinc remain above environmental thresholds.
What ocean recovery actually requires
None of this is an argument against marine protected areas. Well-managed MPAs are an essential tool, and recent proposals to ban bottom trawling in some protected sites are welcome.
But if we are serious about ocean recovery, we need to tackle root causes. That includes reducing agricultural and urban runoff and sewage discharges into rivers and coastal waters. The climate crisis is reshaping our marine ecosystems from the bottom of the food chain upwards so tackling greenhouse emissions is a key step. Managing underwater noise from an increasingly industrialised seascape is essential. And enforcing meaningful fisheries management will reduce bycatch and protect whole ecosystems, not just commercial stocks.
The government’s own environmental watchdog, the Office for Environmental Protection, has reached a similar conclusion. In September 2025, it identified possible serious failures by Defra to comply with environmental law in relation to the missed GES target, and launched a formal investigation. It is now asking the government to produce an evidenced, resourced and time-bound delivery plan.
When even the body set up to hold government to account on the environment is questioning whether the law has been broken, it is hard to argue that the current approach is working.
The UK was supposed to have achieved good environmental status in our seas by 2020. Six years past that deadline, this report shows we are still far from it. We cannot afford to let the percentage of protected areas on a map be a substitute for the hard and messy work of actually making our oceans healthy.
Heidi McIlvenny receives funding from the National Environment Research Council, the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, and Ulster Wildlife. She is affiliated with the IOLN, RSPB, National Trust, and Ulster Wildlife.
It’s revision season. If you’re a student preparing for upcoming exams, you might be tempted to put aside sport or other physical activity for a while in order to dedicate more time to learning.
But exercise is extremely important for academic success. Make time to be active. It may well help you revise better.
Doing some physical activity improves our ability to think and process information. My research with colleagues has shown this to be true for both primary school and secondary school pupils.
In fact, when we consider the different types of cognition, such as perception, memory and attention, the domain where physical activity has the greatest benefit is executive function. This is our ability to carry out complex, higher-level thinking. It’s the domain that is linked to academic performance.
Research has found that the beneficial effects of physical activity on cognition last for around 45 minutes. This means it is important to have regular activity breaks to maximise the boost exercise gives to revision.
You could try scheduling your revision in hour-long blocks: 45 minutes of work followed by 10-15 minutes of physical activity. This could be walking, running, body weight exercises such as squats, or even some stretching.
Perhaps most importantly, though, find an activity that you like. You’ll then be more likely to incorporate it into your revision routine. So this could be a ten-minute walk after an hour of revision, a quick five-minute break for some squats or press-ups every half hour – or a morning swim or lunchtime run.
If you can, try to go outside for these breaks. My colleagues and I have recently carried out research showing that outdoor physical activity is more beneficial than indoor physical activity for cognition.
This was true for attention, memory and executive function, which we assessed using a battery of computerised tests. So, get up, take a break, get outside, get active and boost your revision.
You can also use the boost that exercise gives you on exam days. Perhaps take a pre-exam walk – it might help calm any nerves, too.
There are many possible reasons why physical activity can boost your revision. For example, it can increase blood flow to the brain and cause the release of chemicals called neurotransmitters – the tiny signalling molecules which help our brains work more effectively.
It’s vital that schools keep in mind how important physical activity is during exam season, too. One challenge here is that, in many schools, the sports hall also becomes the exam hall. This is understandable given space requirements.
Rather than limiting opportunities for PE, though, it could seen as an opportunity to take school physical activity outside, and for teachers to find innovative ways to help their students get the extra cognition boost that comes from being outdoors.
It’s key that schools, parents and students themselves don’t stop prioritising keeping active, even when there’s so much revision to cram in. Of course, there is always a balance to be found, but physical activity boosts our cognition, revision and learning. Why would we not want to make the most of this?
I often use the term “unleashing the power of physical activity”. I encourage you to do just this during revision and exam season. Whether you (or your child, your class, or any young people you know) are revising for GCSEs, A levels, university exams or any other tests, the same applies – stay smart, and stay active.
Simon Cooper has received funding from the Waterloo Foundation, Rosetrees Trust, Stoneygate Trust, Education Endowment Foundation and Sport England.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Luke Harrison, Senior Lecturer in Sound Technology, School of Arts, Media and Creative Technologies, University of Salford
Every few years, media comes alive with discussion and debate around the use of technology in pop music, often focused on that most personal of instruments – the human voice.
Vocal manipulation is nothing new. It is ubiquitous and fundamental to pop music production – from self-harmonising on records in the 1950s, to autotune technology in the 90s and now millisecond precise editing, combining hundreds of individual vocal performances at the syllable level.
Generative AI is now prevalent in music as well. The use of platforms such as Suno are hugely popular. Suno can clone a voice within minutes. This can then be used to automatically generate a song with your voice, no matter how in tune or technically capable it originally was.
It can also take existing voices and remap them to other tunes. For example, take this mashup (below) of Cotton Eye Joe, “sung” by a digital Amy Winehouse.
But with the advent of this technology, is there a threshold of achievement before the individual voice is manipulated so much it is effectively removed altogether?
Here are six songs that exemplify how evolving technologies have changed the human voice since the 1950s.
1. Buddy Holly – Words of Love (1957)
The technique of double tracking takes two separate recordings of the voice and plays them together.
This simple technique, only achievable with the creative application of advances in recording technology in the 50s, gives the impression of a “thicker” vocal.
In Words of Love, Buddy Holly went one step further and harmonised with himself. It is a technique that is still used in modern production, by pioneering musicians like Imogen Heap.
2. The Beatles – When I’m 64 (1967)
When I’m 64 features an example of pitch manipulation. It’s done by changing the playback speed of the tape the vocal was recorded onto.
The tape is sped up slightly to give a higher pitched and “frail” sound – signifying the 64-year-old man.
Prince often used this technique. You can hear it in songs like Housequake (1987) on the Sign o’ the Times album.
Milli Vanilli is perhaps one of the more controversial examples. That’s because in Girl You know It’s True, the vocals were not performed by the artists themselves. Instead, other anonymous singers were used to lay down the vocals for the albums and the two stars mimed. It caused an uproar when the truth came out.
While not strictly a technique, this is a key pivot point where music is commodified beyond the song into a wider package. The MTV era moved backing track performances to the foreground, as artists – especially pop artists – began to mime to the “perfect” recorded music.
This in turn led to protest performances on shows like the UK’s Top of the Pops, from artists like Oasis who played up to the fact they weren’t singing live.
It also caused embarrassment for singer Ashlee Simpson on Saturday Night Live in 2004 when her lip-synching was revealed as the wrong track played out.
5. Cher – Believe (1998)
Believe was one of the first mainstream examples of using autotune technology as an effect, rather than its intended use of bringing an otherwise out of tune vocal into tune.
The verses and pre-choruses of this track are where this takes place.
This was the catalyst that has led on to autotune being a valid production technique. Its use is exemplified by artists like Charli XCX.
6. Ariana Grande – 7 Rings (2019)
Extreme editing of vocals is achievable in modern music software. We are a long way away from literally taking a razor blade to tape to combine one or two vocal performances, as would have been the norm in the late 50s and 60s.
Nowadays we can edit beyond the individual syllable, and it is common practice to do so, to create the “perfect” performance.
In this example, a stylistic choice has been made to remove the biological necessity of breathing – a technical achievement in vocal layering and processing. There are many other vocal processing effects going on as well, but the minimal breathing is notable.
Grande is also know for using Imogen Heap’s MiMu Gloves to play with her vocals by controlling the sound through hand gestures.
Too much tech?
Artists like Grande use technology creatively. But the use of autotune in particular is becoming standard across recorded, and sometimes even live performance.
It has been argued by artists like Justin Hawkins that many singers sound the way they do precisely because they are not perfect and can’t sing exactly in tune. The character and the nuance of who they are lies in between the tones and microtones.
More sophisticated techniques in production, either live or recorded, will continue to develop, now aided by AI. These developments will challenge ideas of authenticity, creative ethics, artistry and ownership.
But it is my hope that artists and musicians rise to this challenge and discover new creative possibilities, sparking new and unheard sonic textures and musical genres. All the while retaining that most fundamental component of creativity – humanity.
Luke Harrison does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Vikram Niranjan, Assistant Professor in Public Health, School of Medicine, Health Research Institute, University of Limerick
What people see on screen can shape what they do off it. When actors such as James Dean and Marlon Brando lit cigarettes in 1950s rebel films, smoking came to signify cool, defiance and desire for an entire generation.
Among 12- to 17-year-olds in the US, smoking initiation rose from about 20% in the early 1950s to roughly 35% to 40% by the mid-1960s, according to retrospective data from national surveys. Screen media do not simply reflect society. They can also influence how people think about health, risk and behaviour.
Film and television reach vast audiences, embedding health-related behaviours in dramatic storylines. Medical dramas such as Grey’s Anatomy and ER have brought hospital life into living rooms around the world, shaping public ideas about medicine and, for some viewers, even inspiring careers in healthcare.
Sometimes films become accidental public health educators. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the 2011 film Contagion surged in popularity as viewers returned to it for insight into viral spread, quarantine and contact tracing. Its depiction of outbreak control closely mirrored real public health responses, reinforcing messages about handwashing and physical distancing, as described in this report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the leading US national public health agency. When storytelling aligns with science, entertainment can improve public understanding of health risks.
But screen influence can also be harmful. Bollywood has long shaped popular culture across south Asia, and iconic films in the 1990s and early 2000s often presented smoking and drinking as stylish, casual and glamorous. These portrayals are not trivial. Research suggests that adolescents heavily exposed to tobacco imagery in Indian films are roughly twice as likely to experiment with tobacco as those with lower exposure.
Global evidence shows similar patterns. A systematic review found that adolescents who frequently see smoking in movies are significantly more likely to start smoking themselves. Despite growing awareness of the issue, tobacco imagery remains common: more than half of major box-office films released in 2024 included some form of tobacco depiction. Anti-smoking warnings shown before films can reduce pro-smoking attitudes slightly, but repeated on-screen smoking scenes often have a stronger effect.
Alcohol follows a similar pattern. Teen films often frame drinking as harmless fun while downplaying addiction, injury and long-term health consequences. Studies link heavy exposure to these portrayals with earlier and riskier alcohol use among adolescents. More recently, streaming series have helped make casual vaping seem socially routine, reinforcing the idea that e-cigarettes are acceptable and relatively harmless.
Screen storytelling shapes more than substance use. Hollywood’s beauty ideals, centred on thin bodies, flawless skin and effortless glamour, can distort body image, especially among teenage girls. A striking example occurred in Fiji after western television arrived in the mid-1990s. Within three years, self-induced vomiting to control weight had risen from 0% to 11.3% among adolescent girls, while the proportion showing high levels of disordered eating attitudes rose from 12.7% to 29.2%. In interviews, some girls explicitly linked their interest in weight loss to television characters.
Some portrayals carry even greater risks. Research shows that graphic depictions of suicide in films and television dramas can trigger short-term increases in similar behaviour among vulnerable viewers. These concerns have prompted growing collaboration between mental health experts and entertainment producers to encourage safer storytelling.
Yet screen media can also improve health understanding. The World Health Organization has long supported entertainment-education, in which health messages are woven into dramas and soap operas. In parts of Africa and Asia, television narratives addressing HIV prevention, maternal health and malaria have increased clinic visits, testing uptake and awareness. In Ghana, culturally relevant health films have encouraged women to attend cervical cancer screening and antenatal care.
Some films have also helped shift public attitudes. In 1993, Philadelphia humanised the AIDS epidemic, helping reduce stigma and foster empathy towards people living with HIV. In India, the 2007 film Taare Zameen Par helped destigmatise dyslexia and encouraged schools to take learning difficulties more seriously. Hollywood blockbusters such as Outbreak have heightened awareness about infectious disease threats and preparedness.
Young audiences may be especially responsive to these messages. Children and teenagers spend hours consuming films and streaming content, often absorbing fictional lifestyles as cues about what is normal, attractive or desirable.
Creative media can also support wellbeing in less obvious ways. In my own research exploring online dance sessions for people with pulmonary fibrosis, a chronic lung disease, participants exercised to familiar Hollywood songs and simple choreography. The programme improved mood and engagement while offering modest health benefits, showing that film, music and movement can be harnessed positively.
Film-makers may not think of themselves as health educators, yet their work can shape real-world people’s beliefs and behaviours. A single scene can glamorise smoking or reckless drinking. It can also reduce stigma, encourage people to seek help, or make complex health information easier to understand.
Films are shaped by the societies that produce them, but they shape society in return. The next blockbuster may aim only to entertain. Even so, the story it tells may subtly influence how audiences think about their bodies, their habits and their health.
Vikram Niranjan receives funding from New Foundations, Research Ireland for a research about dance as an exercise.
In an interview with NBC News in January 2026, Donald Trump said: “Maga is me. Maga loves everything I do.” Until recently, this statement was true. But over the past several months, cracks have begun to appear in the loyalty of the US president’s “Make America Great Again” base.
Two of the movement’s most prominent figures – former congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene and conservative political commentator Tucker Carlson – have voiced their discontent with the leader they previously lavished with unconditional support.
Greene’s falling out with Trump was rooted in her advocacy for releasing the investigative files related to late child sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. But it also centred on her discomfort with US support for Israel and a sense that Trump had abandoned his “America first” campaign promises.
In December 2025, Greene told CNN that “the dam is breaking” on Trump’s grip over the Republican party. As an example, she pointed to the 13 Republicans who voted with Democrats that month to overturn an executive order that allowed Trump to fire federal employees. Greene resigned from the House of Representatives in January.
Carlson’s more recent break with Trump was equally dramatic. “I don’t hate Trump,” he told the Wall Street Journal in an interview released on April 25. “I hate this war [in Iran] and the direction this US government is taking.” Carlson went so far as to apologise to the public for “misleading” them into voting for Trump in 2024.
In a week when an attempt to assassinate Trump is once again headline news, we are reminded of Carlson’s take on a previous attempt on the US president’s life in 2024. Carlson had invoked “divine intervention” to explain Trump’s survival of that attempt, declaring “something bigger is going on here”.
At that point, the president had religious-right elites firmly on his side. This fervour has dissipated in recent times. But are Greene and Carlson representative of a broader problem for the Maga movement, or are they just a pair of high-profile defections and nothing more?
Putting ‘America first’
The grievances and concerns outlined by Greene and Carlson are real. When Trump ran for president in 2016, he broke with Republican orthodoxy by denouncing the Iraq war as a catastrophic mistake. He promised to extract the US from costly foreign wars and put America ahead of global policing commitments.
His first-term record was somewhat mixed, but the key takeaway was that no new major wars were initiated. On the 2024 campaign trail, Trump repeated these earlier pledges. He said he would end the Ukraine war within 24 hours and keep the US out of new conflicts. Trump has clearly reneged on these commitments.
The Iran war is broadly unpopular with the US electorate. Polls show that more people are against the war than support it. On average, 15% more people oppose than back it, and in some recent surveys that gap is even bigger, with up to 27% more people against than in favour. About 75% of US adults also now describe the economy, which is being affected by higher prices, as “very” or “somewhat” poor.
This dissatisfaction is visible among Republicans voters, though probably not to an extent that suggests support for Trump is in danger of imminent collapse. Recent polling by the Associated Press and NORC Center for Public Affairs Research indicates that, while dropping by 13 percentage points compared to a year ago, 38% of Republican voters still “strongly” approve of Trump’s presidency.
At the same time, there are some signs that Trump’s core Maga base remains largely steadfast in its support, despite the very vocal dissent from some. The same poll found that roughly 90% of Americans who self-identify as “Maga Republicans” approve of Trump’s overall job performance. Another survey by NBC suggests that 87% of these people currently approve of his handling of the war in Iran.
While these surveys are unlikely to capture the full range of sentiment within the Maga movement, they still indicate that Trump retains a solid core of support from members of this group. However, if the conflict drags on and economic pain deepens, the room for elite dissatisfaction to percolate down to the base is likely to widen.
Presidential ambitions
There may be other reasons explaining why Carlson, in particular, has broken with Trump. As Jason Zengerle, a journalist at the New Yorker magazine and the author of a biography of Carlson, put it recently when discussing Carlson’s reversal on Trump: “He’s also sort of making a political move.” Various media outlets have suggested that Carlson may be eyeing a 2028 presidential run.
Some commentators, including White House counterterrorism adviser Sebastian Gorka, have drawn parallels between Carlson and Pat Buchanan. In the 1990s, Buchanan challenged President George H.W. Bush over the Gulf war and reshaped the Republican party’s ideological trajectory even without winning its presidential nomination.
Greene has floated Carlson for president. In a social media post in March, she wrote: “I SUPPORT TUCKER. Trump doesn’t even know what Maga is anymore.” Carlson, for his part, has publicly dismissed a presidential bid.
But this rebranding exercise, of attempting to seize the Maga label from Trump and attach it to a new vessel, is a significant development. It suggests that “America first” is no longer exclusively synonymous with one figure.
The looming question is whether this seed of elite discontent can grow into something organisationally meaningful before 2028, when Americans elect their next president.
Clodagh Harrington does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mehreen Ashraf, Lecturer in the Future of Work and Responsible AI, Cardiff Business School, Cardiff University
For many people, the rollout of smart technology across the UK’s road network has been clouded by fears about the removal of traffic-free safety lanes. Traditionally, motorway hard shoulders offered motorists a safe haven into which they could steer stricken vehicles.
But amid growing traffic numbers, the rationale for smart motorways (part of the UK government’s wider digital roads plan) was to free up these extra lanes to traffic. During a breakdown, the remote monitoring system could then quickly reinstate a temporary hard shoulder while the broken down or crashed vehicle was removed.
In 2020, BBC Panorama reported that 38 people had been killed on smart motorways in the preceding five years. Since then, campaign groups have continued to highlight fatal collisions on smart motorway stretches where broken-down vehicles have been struck in live traffic.
In April 2023, the government’s rollout of more smart motorways in England was halted by then-prime minister Rishi Sunak on the grounds of both safety and cost. However, existing smart motorways remain in operation and continue to receive safety upgrades.
The National Highways’ most recent stocktake on smart motorways in England, published in December 2024, stated: “Overall, in terms of deaths or serious injuries, smart motorways remain our safest roads.”
Video: Sky News.
But the same year, another Panorama investigation found nearly 400 instances where safety technology had lost power on smart motorway stretches between June 2022 and February 2024.
As part of a National Highways-funded research programme, I and other researchers at Cardiff University have worked with drivers and transport-sector experts to explore how people feel about the future of the UK’s road network. We investigated their concerns not only around safety but also surveillance and data collection.
Sense of uncertainty
The UK’s digital roads strategy entails much more than smart motorways. Even after the hiatus on building new smart motorways in England, there is still a growing ecosystem of digital and data-driven technologies embedded across the UK road network. These include roadside sensors to monitor traffic flow, cameras to detect incidents and infrastructure that communicates with control centres.
The aim is not automation for its own sake, but earlier detection of problems, faster response, smoother traffic flow and fewer serious incidents. Artificial intelligence and predictive analytics form part of this system.
Our study shows that most people are not resistant to these innovations on the roads. Many people we spoke to welcomed technologies that promise to improve safety or reduce congestion.
However, what unsettled many of them was the sense of uncertainty they felt about the rollout of these systems.
Video: National Highways.
Some participants worried that data generated through digitally connected vehicles and road infrastructure could eventually “be used by insurance companies to penalise drivers”.
Others raised concerns that “systems designed for traffic management might gradually expand into broader forms of surveillance”.
One participant described the possibility of geolocation data revealing patterns of “my daily or weekly movement in the case of a data breach, which is dangerous”.
Another wondered whether automated sensing technologies might distract drivers who feel compelled to “avoid the sensor that records what I am doing”.
In general, people did not reject technological change out of hand. Rather, they want clearer safeguards around how these systems are governed, who can access the data they generate, and how accountability will be maintained as transport infrastructure becomes increasingly “intelligent”. Their concerns centre on questions of fairness, trust and accountability.
Technology trade-offs
Over the past 20 years, smart motorway schemes are estimated to have cost UK taxpayers billions of pounds.
The M4 smart motorway upgrade alone, between junctions 3 and 12, cost around £848 million. Recent safety reviews have committed a further £900 million to retrofit additional emergency refuge areas and improve detection systems on existing stretches.
But the costs are not only financial. There are also social and institutional costs: public confidence, legitimacy and the burden placed on road users to trust systems they did not choose and may not fully understand.
Understanding these trade-offs is important for the public. Smart road infrastructure represents a major public investment to address genuinely risky situations: broken-down vehicles, sudden congestion, poor visibility or secondary accidents caused by delayed response.
Much of this happens invisibly, which is precisely why transparency matters. When people do not understand what systems are doing, silence is easily interpreted as secrecy. Multiple parliamentary and audit reports have raised questions about whether the smart motorway rollout was too rapid, or communication to the public was inadequate – or both.
Some countries have taken a more explicit approach to public engagement around transport innovation. In Sweden, for example, the national road safety strategy, Vision Zero, was introduced as part of a broad public policy framework that placed societal consent and safety at the centre of infrastructure design.
In the UK’s third road investment strategy (2025-2030), smart roads will probably become more interconnected, more predictive and more automated.
Digital twins – virtual models that replicate real roads and infrastructure so planners can test scenarios before implementing them – will play a larger role in planning. Increased data sharing may allow more integrated services across multiple modes of transport. AI and analytics could increasingly support operational decisions.
But the controversy around smart motorways wasn’t just about design choice. It reflects a deeper public concern: what happens when safety depends on systems people can’t see or easily understand?
To answer this, the systems that run smart roads need to be open and trustworthy, safe and reliable in the eyes of those who rely on them every day.
This research was funded by National Highways. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views or position of National Highways.
Les particules fines et ultrafines issues du trafic routier sont parmi les polluants les plus nocifs pour la santé. Elles sont aussi les plus difficiles à mesurer à l’échelle d’un quartier. À Paris, un projet de sciences participatives montre comment des citoyennes et des citoyens, en prélevant l’écorce des platanes qui peuplent la ville, peuvent compléter les dispositifs officiels et produire des données utiles à l’action publique.
Dans les grandes villes, la pollution de l’air est surveillée par des stations fixes, par exemple celles d’Airparif en Île-de-France, qui permettent le suivi assez fin de différents types de polluants et de modéliser les tendances générales. Ces stations sont encore trop peu nombreuses pour rendre compte de l’exposition réelle des populations, rue par rue.
Cette limite est particulièrement problématique pour la fraction inorganique des particules fines (de dimensions inférieurs à 2,5 micromètres) et ultrafines (plus petites que 0,1 micromètre). Par « fraction inorganique », on entend les particules minérales ne contenant pas de carbone. Elles sont d’origine soit primaire (érosion des sols, particules métalliques liées à l’usure des plaquettes de frein…), soit secondaire, formées à partir d’autres polluants gazeux. Ces particules sont étroitement liées au trafic routier et associées à des effets sanitaires majeurs. Or, à l’heure actuelle, une seule station de mesure fixe est opérationnelle dans Paris.
Pourtant, la mesure devrait guider l’action : urbanisme, aménagements cyclables, piétonisation ou régulation du trafic reposent sur des données souvent trop parcellaires pour éclairer des décisions locales.
Notre recherche, publiée dans la revue Community Science, s’appuie sur un constat simple : les arbres enregistrent la pollution de leur environnement immédiat. Les particules issues du trafic se déposent sur l’écorce, qui agit comme un capteur passif intégrant la pollution sur plusieurs mois. Cela en fait un indicateur pertinent pour évaluer une exposition chronique.
L’écorce des platanes, révélatrice de pollution
Dans le cadre du projet Ecorc’Air, des volontaires collectent, chaque printemps, au moment de l’exfoliation annuelle, des fragments d’écorce de platanes, arbre omniprésent le long des rues – et notamment au sein de la capitale parisienne, qui abrite plus de 40 000 platanes.
Ces échantillons sont ensuite transmis en laboratoire, où ils sont analysés. La mesure d’une propriété physique particulière de l’échantillon, la susceptibilité magnétique, permet d’estimer la quantité de particules métalliques déposées. Ces dernières sont directement liées aux émissions du trafic automobile.
Sur plusieurs milliers d’échantillons collectés depuis 2016, nous montrons que ce signal magnétique est fortement corrélé à la présence de métaux, dont certains peuvent se révéler toxiques en fonction de leur nature et des doses inhalées. Le protocole mis en place, très accessible même sans connaissances préalables, permet de cartographier la pollution à une échelle très fine, de l’ordre de quelques dizaines de mètres.
Susceptibilité magnétique des échantillons d’écorce collectés au cours des campagnes successives. C. Carvallo et coll., 2024, Fourni par l’auteur
Grâce à cet échantillonnage massif, rendu possible par la participation citoyenne, plusieurs observations ont pu être faites :
d’abord, il existe des « points noirs » persistants. Certaines zones parisiennes présentent des niveaux élevés et récurrents de pollution en particules métalliques depuis le début du suivi : il s’agit des quais à forte circulation (la voie Georges-Pompidou sur sa portion carrossable, par exemple), des abords du périphérique et des axes congestionnés. À l’inverse, les parcs et les espaces éloignés du trafic affichent des niveaux relativement faibles. Ces cartes permettent d’identifier des priorités d’intervention, là où les stations de surveillance classiques ne suffisent pas.
Ensuite, la pollution décroît rapidement avec la distance. Nos données montrent une diminution nette de la contamination en particules dès que l’on s’éloigne de la chaussée, surtout dans les premiers mètres. Cela confirme l’importance du choix de l’implantation des trottoirs et des pistes cyclables vis-à-vis des barrières naturelles (haies ou arbustes) et des zones de repos (espaces où l’on trouve par exemple des bancs).
L’un des résultats les plus frappants concerne l’organisation très concrète de l’espace public. Sur plusieurs grands axes parisiens, notamment le boulevard Saint-Germain, nous avons comparé les niveaux de pollution enregistrés par les arbres selon la configuration de la voie la plus proche : circulation automobile générale (configuration notée A sur le schéma ci-dessous), voie bus-taxi (C), voie partagée bus-vélo-taxi (D) ou présence d’une file de stationnement entre la chaussée et le trottoir (B).
Quatre configurations de la chaussée sont présentes sur le boulevard Saint-Germain. C. Carvallo et coll., 2024, Fourni par l’auteur
Les différences observées sont nettes. Les arbres situés au plus près des voies de circulation automobile présentent systématiquement les valeurs de susceptibilité magnétique les plus élevées. À l’inverse, lorsqu’un élément (haie naturelle, véhicule stationné) sépare la chaussée du trottoir, les niveaux mesurés dans l’écorce sont significativement plus faibles. Cette diminution est suffisamment marquée pour être statistiquement robuste sur l’ensemble des données collectées en 2020 et 2021.
Cette observation suggère que les véhicules en stationnement jouent un double rôle. D’un côté, ils augmentent la distance entre la source d’émission et les piétons et piétonnes et, de l’autre, ils constituent un obstacle physique à la projection directe des particules métalliques issues du trafic vers les trottoirs. Cet effet de « paravent » réduit l’exposition des piétons et piétonnes de manière comparable à celle obtenue en s’éloignant de plusieurs mètres de la chaussée.
Les voies partagées avec les bus et les taxis, souvent présentées comme favorables aux mobilités actives, sont associées à des niveaux élevés de pollution. Ben Welle, CC BY-SA
Notre point n’est pas ici de promouvoir la généralisation de places de stationnement le long des rues, qui favoriserait les déplacements en voiture, mais de pointer l’intérêt de penser une réelle séparation entre la chaussée et les piétons et piétonnes. À l’inverse, les voies partagées avec les bus et les taxis, souvent présentées comme favorables aux mobilités actives, restent associées à des niveaux élevés de pollution particulaire.
Ces résultats, intuitifs en apparence, sont pourtant rarement objectivés par des données à haute résolution spatiale. Ils montrent que des choix d’aménagement très concrets – plans de stationnement, élargissement des trottoirs, séparation réelle des pistes cyclables, séparation spatiale des zones piétonnes et du trafic routier, projets de végétalisation… – ont des effets mesurables sur l’exposition quotidienne des populations.
Un tel niveau de détail n’aurait pas été possible sans la participation massive de volontaires. Les réseaux de surveillance réglementaires, indispensables pour suivre les tendances de fond, reposent sur un nombre limité de stations fixes. À Paris, comme dans la plupart des grandes villes, celles-ci sont trop espacées pour rendre compte des contrastes fins liés à la morphologie des rues, à l’intensité locale du trafic ou aux choix d’aménagement.
Le projet Ecorc’Air repose sur une logique différente : multiplier les points de mesure simples, robustes et comparables dans le temps. En mobilisant des bénévoles pour collecter des échantillons d’écorce de platanes à hauteur de respiration, il a été possible de constituer, année après année, une base de données accessible de plusieurs milliers de points, couvrant des quartiers entiers et permettant des comparaisons temporelles.
Résultats collectés par le projet Ecorc’Air entre 2016 et 2025
Cette approche présente un second avantage souvent sous-estimé : elle transforme la production de données en objet de dialogue. Les lieux de prélèvement ne sont pas ciblés uniquement par les équipes de recherche, mais également par les volontaires et les collectivités, en fonction de leur expertise sur leurs lieux de vie, de leur perception des nuisances, de leurs usages quotidiens ou de leurs questionnements sur des projets urbains en cours. Ce croisement entre savoirs scientifiques et expériences locales enrichit l’interprétation des données et renforce leur légitimité sociale.
Les entretiens menés par l’équipe scientifique dans le cadre du projet montrent d’ailleurs que les motivations à participer sont diverses. Certaines personnes s’engagent par curiosité scientifique, d’autres par inquiétude pour leur cadre de vie ou simple souhait d’amélioration de leur environnement. Du côté des collectivités, l’intérêt tient autant à la production de données environnementales qu’à la capacité à instaurer un lien avec les habitants et habitantes autour d’enjeux environnementaux et sanitaires majeurs. Les sciences participatives ne sont donc pas seulement un outil de mesure : elles deviennent un dispositif d’intermédiation entre science, population et action publique.
Pour les pouvoirs publics, la leçon est claire : il existe aujourd’hui des moyens complémentaires peu coûteux et éprouvés permettant de documenter l’exposition réelle des populations à la pollution liée au trafic. Sans se substituer aux réseaux officiels, ces démarches permettent d’identifier des zones à enjeu, d’évaluer l’impact d’aménagements urbains et de suivre des évolutions dans le temps à une échelle pertinente pour l’action locale.
Les résultats obtenus à Paris montrent que certaines zones restent durablement exposées, malgré une baisse globale des concentrations mesurées à l’échelle de la ville. Ils suggèrent également que des choix d’aménagement apparemment secondaires – emplacement des pistes cyclables, organisation du stationnement, largeur des trottoirs… – peuvent avoir des effets significatifs pour ce qui est de l’exposition aux particules inorganiques des passants et passantes.
Dans un contexte où les recommandations sanitaires internationales sont de plus en plus strictes et où la demande sociale de transparence environnementale s’accroît, ces données fines constituent un appui précieux à la décision. Elles permettent de dépasser les débats trop généraux sur la pollution pour entrer dans une logique d’action ciblée concrète, territorialisée et discutée, en concertation avec les usagers et usagères.
À terme, l’enjeu n’est pas seulement de mieux mesurer, mais de mieux décider. Les sciences participatives, intégrées aux politiques publiques, peuvent contribuer à combler un angle mort majeur de la gouvernance environnementale : celui de l’exposition quotidienne, réelle, vécue, à l’échelle de la rue. À Paris, mais aussi dans d’autres villes européennes, l’intérêt pour ce type de démarches grandit. L’enjeu n’est plus seulement de mesurer, mais de transformer ces données en leviers d’action, à l’échelle des quartiers.
Sivry Yann a reçu des financements de l’Agence Nationale pour la Recherche, du CNRS et de la Fondation Université Paris Cité.
Aude Isambert a reçu des financements du CPT (Centre des Politiques de la Terre) de l’Université Paris Cité (StratEx-IdEx).
Claire Carvallo a reçu des financements du CNRS.
Laure Turcati a reçu des financements à travers le réseau Science Ensemble du label SAPS de Sorbonne Université et de l’Etat au titre de France 2030 dans le cadre du projet SOUND porté par l’Alliance Sorbonne Université.
Christine Franke ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.
En las últimas décadas, la frontera entre la actividad física y la lógica de mercado se ha vuelto casi invisible. Lo que antes era una expansión natural del cuerpo, un espacio de recreo, ha sido colonizado por la lógica productiva. Hoy no “hacemos deporte”, sino que más bien “producimos bienestar”. El ejercicio físico se ha transformado en una extensión de la jornada laboral, afectando a la salud física y mental de niños y adultos, y desconectándonos de la esencia misma del movimiento humano: el placer.
La infancia bajo el cronómetro: el fin del juego libre
Un impacto preocupante de esto se observa en la infancia. Tradicionalmente, el juego era un espacio autogestionado, sin más reglas que las que los propios niños establecían y sin más fin que el disfrute. Sin embargo, la obsesión actual por el rendimiento competitivo precoz ha profesionalizado el patio de recreo.
Cada vez más temprano, los niños son inscritos en disciplinas con entrenamientos estructurados y metas rígidas. Esta exigencia no es gratuita. Desde el punto de vista fisiológico, la especialización temprana y el entrenamiento de alta intensidad provocan una epidemia de daños musculoesqueléticos antes exclusivos de atletas olímpicos: fracturas por estrés, tendinitis crónicas y daños en las placas de crecimiento, desoyendo los consejos de sociedades como la American Medical Society for Sports Medicine que recomiendan como norma no entrenar más horas semanales que la edad del niño en años.
Pero el daño más profundo es el simbólico. Al sustituir el juego libre por la competencia reglada, el niño deja de explorar su cuerpo de forma creativa. El movimiento se vuelve una respuesta a una orden externa, no un impulso interno. Cuando el deporte se convierte en “trabajo” antes de los diez años, el riesgo de abandono deportivo –el burnout infantil– es altísimo.
Al llegar a la adolescencia, muchos jóvenes asocian el ejercicio con la presión y el fracaso, alejándose para siempre de una vida activa.
En la edad adulta, la distorsión toma otra forma: la cuantificación. Vivimos en la era del self-tracking, la práctica de registrar y analizar datos personales de manera sistemática a través de la tecnología. Relojes inteligentes, aplicaciones de rendimiento y redes sociales han convertido el trote matutino o la sesión de gimnasio en un conjunto de datos que deben ser optimizados. El ejercicio ha pasado de ser un alivio del estrés a ser una de sus fuentes.
Cuando el valor de una actividad física depende exclusivamente de las calorías quemadas, los kilómetros recorridos o la comparación con los estándares de una comunidad digital, el cuerpo deja de ser un sujeto para convertirse en un objeto de gestión. Esta “obligación medible” genera una relación neurótica con la salud. Si el reloj no registra la actividad, parece que esta no ha ocurrido. Si no se superan las marcas del día anterior, el sentimiento es de ineficacia.
Esta presión no solo agota la mente: destruye el cuerpo. La lesión por sobreuso en aficionados es el resultado directo de ignorar las señales propioceptivas del organismo en favor de las métricas.
El adulto moderno, agotado por su jornada laboral, se impone un entrenamiento extenuante bajo la premisa del “no pain, no gain” (sin dolor no hay ganancia), ignorando que el cortisol generado por el estrés competitivo se suma al estrés profesional, lo que desemboca en fatiga crónica y desmotivación.
La desnaturalización del placer
La consecuencia final de todo lo anterior es la pérdida del placer natural. El cuerpo está diseñado para moverse; la dopamina y las endorfinas son los premios evolutivos por el movimiento. Sin embargo, cuando ese movimiento está mediado por la presión del resultado, la gratificación se desplaza del proceso al dato final. Ya no se disfruta el correr, se disfruta el haber terminado y haber cumplido la meta.
Esta desconexión nos vuelve analfabetos corporales. Dejamos de saber cuándo nuestro cuerpo necesita descanso, cuándo necesita un estiramiento suave o cuándo pide un esfuerzo explosivo, porque la planificación externa manda sobre la sensación interna. El ejercicio se despoja de su aura de libertad y se vuelve una tarea pendiente en una lista de deberes.
Para restablecer nuestra salud y equilibrio, es necesario desmantelar la idea del deporte como producción. Volver al movimiento lúdico significa redescubrir la actividad física como fin en sí mismo. No abandonar el esfuerzo, sino de cambiar el motor que lo impulsa.
En la infancia debemos reivindicar el juego, devolviendo a los niños ese tiempo no estructurado, con menos ligas competitivas y más árboles a los que trepar. El juego libre es la base del desarrollo cognitivo y emocional: el espacio donde se aprende a negociar, a imaginar y a amar el movimiento por lo que se siente, no por la medalla que se gana.
En los adultos, el primer paso hacia la salud es, paradójicamente, dejar el reloj en casa de vez en cuando. Escuchar el ritmo de la respiración sin compararlo con un gráfico de frecuencia cardíaca. Permitirse entrenar a una intensidad baja solo por el placer de sentir el aire o la fuerza de los músculos, sin la presión de la “quema calórica” y centrándonos en el propio movimiento lúdico como una invitación a la exploración. Probar una disciplina nueva no para ser el mejor, sino por la curiosidad de aprender un patrón motor diferente. Bailar, nadar sin contar largos, caminar por el monte sin mirar el GPS.
En definitiva, el ejercicio no debería ser un castigo por lo que comimos, ni una competencia contra nosotros mismos para demostrar productividad. Es, fundamentalmente, la celebración de estar vivos y capaces de interactuar con el mundo. Si logramos separar el movimiento de la lógica del beneficio y el rendimiento, no solo reduciremos las lesiones y el agotamiento, sino que recuperaremos un pilar esencial del bienestar humano: la alegría de moverse por el simple y maravilloso hecho de hacerlo. Solo así el ejercicio dejará de ser una carga para volver a ser una medicina no sólo para el cuerpo, sino para el alma.
Las personas firmantes no son asalariadas, ni consultoras, ni poseen acciones, ni reciben financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y han declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado anteriormente.
