Precavidas y previsoras: cien años atrás, así eran las inversionistas bancarias españolas

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Susana Martínez-Rodríguez, Catedrática de Historia e Instituciones Económicas, Universidad de Murcia

Patio central del Banco Hispano-Americano. Biblioteca Digital memoriademadrid

Investigar en los archivos históricos de los grandes bancos españoles es una tarea que, equivocadamente, puede parecer gris, pero sus registros cuentan historias que hacen replantear la concepción histórica del desarrollo económico del país.

Se tiene una imagen en blanco y negro de la España de principios del siglo XX y sus grandes empresas: hombres poderosos controlando las finanzas y los negocios. Sin embargo, los archivos matizan esta historia.

Mujeres inversoras

Suele pensarse que el acceso de las mujeres al mundo financiero es un logro relativamente reciente, pero ya en las décadas de 1920, 1930 y 1940 las mujeres participaban en los mercados. Compraban bonos e invertían en acciones bancarias como una forma segura y eficiente de gestionar su riqueza. Lo hacían en silencio, pero la documentación conservada da fe, con claridad y rotundidad, de su presencia.

Hemos analizado más de 34 000 registros de accionistas de tres bancos españoles y descubrimos que la presencia femenina en el accionariado de los bancos comerciales creció con fuerza entre 1918 y 1948. Estas mujeres no eran personajes excepcionales, sino que formaron parte de una tendencia que desafió los límites sociales de su época y transformó discretamente la historia financiera del país. En otros países, particularmente Gran Bretaña, la presencia de mujeres accionistas era conocida y valorada –no siempre positivamente– por sus contemporáneos.

Un periodo convulso y transformador

En España, el inicio del siglo XX estuvo marcado por la inestabilidad política y social. Las turbulencias políticas, los cambios de régimen, la Guerra Civil y los primeros años de la dictadura franquista hacen pensar que no existía el clima propicio para que las mujeres tomaran parte activa de la vida económica del país.

Sin embargo, nuestros datos muestran que la presencia de mujeres accionistas exhibe una tendencia de crecimiento constante durante todo el periodo analizado (1918-1948). Por tanto, este fenómeno no puede entenderse como una situación coyuntural, sino como un indicio claro de un cambio estructural en el funcionamiento de la economía y las finanzas.

Evolución del porcentaje de mujeres accionistas entre 1918 y 1948. La columna izquierda corresponde a los porcentajes de los bancos de Irún y de La Coruña y el de la derecha a los del Banco Hispano Americano (BHA).
Fuente: elaboración propia

La persistencia y el aumento progresivo de la presencia de mujeres accionistas ponen de manifiesto que, pese a las turbulencias políticas y sociales, se estaba produciendo una transformación en las dinámicas económicas para dar paso a la democratización de los mercados.

La expansión femenina en las finanzas españolas

La feminización del accionariado de los bancos privados respondía a determinantes financieros. Al invertir, las mujeres buscaban un beneficio económico estable que aumentara su bienestar y les proporcionara una fuente sostenida de ingresos a lo largo del tiempo. Este fenómeno revela una participación consciente por parte de las accionistas, quienes aprovecharon las oportunidades disponibles para consolidar su capacidad financiera individual.

Los resultados también apuntan a la importancia de las redes familiares en el acceso de las mujeres a los mercados. Estas redes actuaron como canales de transmisión de recursos y riqueza. La inclusión en el Código Civil de 1889 de un sistema igualitario de herencia para todos los descendientes permitió a las mujeres acceder a unas riquezas que, bajo otras condiciones, habían quedado fuera de su alcance.

El cambio normativo en la distribución de las herencias, permitió una repartición más equitativa del patrimonio entre los herederos de las familias con recursos. Se redujeron así las barreras que tradicionalmente limitaban el acceso de las mujeres al capital, fomentando su presencia en espacios tradicionalmente destinados a los hombres.

La libertad económica de la que disfrutaron algunas mujeres españolas surgió de una trayectoria de largo plazo donde las redes familiares y los marcos normativos jugaron un papel central.

Legado y riesgo en la presencia femenina en los mercados financieros

Las mujeres que invertían sus ahorros en acciones, al igual que los hombres, buscaban proteger y rentabilizar su riqueza . Pero hay un hecho diferencial: las mujeres conservaban más tiempo sus acciones, lo que puede interpretarse como una manera de constituir un legado patrimonial que no solo las beneficiaría a ellas, sino que pasaría a la siguiente generación.

También aparece aquí un factor cultural –una mayor o menor aversión al riesgo– que debe ser tenido en consideración a la hora de explicar los distintos comportamientos financieros.

El legado de las mujeres accionistas españolas va más allá de su gestión particular y sus decisiones para maximizar su peculio. Son parte del desarrollo económico y la modernización del país, una parte ignorada que tomó decisiones con su dinero y dejó huella en el desarrollo y modernización económica de España.

Estos hallazgos no solo tienen un valor histórico: también sirven como espejo para seguir avanzando en la igualdad financiera.

The Conversation

Susana Martínez-Rodríguez agradece la financiación de la Fundación SENECA- Agencia Regional de Ciencia e Investigación de la Región de Murcia 21947/PI/22: INCLUSIÓN FINANCIERA Y DIFERENCIAL DE GÉNERO EN LA TENENCIA DE ACTIVOS FINANCIEROS: EL CASO ESPAÑOL.

Laura Lopez-Gomez agradece la financiación de la Fundación SENECA- Agencia Regional de Ciencia e Investigación de la Región de Murcia 21947/PI/22: INCLUSIÓN FINANCIERA Y DIFERENCIAL DE GÉNERO EN LA TENENCIA DE ACTIVOS FINANCIEROS: EL CASO ESPAÑOL.

ref. Precavidas y previsoras: cien años atrás, así eran las inversionistas bancarias españolas – https://theconversation.com/precavidas-y-previsoras-cien-anos-atras-asi-eran-las-inversionistas-bancarias-espanolas-255925

La prueba genética que exige World Athletics a las atletas femeninas es errónea

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Andrew Sinclair, Deputy Director of the Murdoch Children’s Research Institute, Murdoch Children’s Research Institute

Sebastian Coe, presidente de World Athletics (nombre que recibe el órgano rector del atletismo internacional desde 2019), ha anunciado recientemente una nueva norma para las atletas femeninas, que exige pruebas genéticas obligatorias para verificar su sexo biológico.

Dicho test debe realizarse si las deportistas desean participar en el Campeonato Mundial de Atletismo que se celebrará en Tokio en septiembre.

World Athletics ha declarado que todas las atletas que compitan como mujeres deberán someterse a una prueba del gen SRY para identificar si tienen el cromosoma Y masculino. Dado que ese gen se encuentra en el cromosoma Y, es, en la práctica, un indicador de dicho cromosoma.

Cualquier atleta cuya prueba muestre la presencia del gen SRY será excluida de competir en la categoría femenina en eventos de élite. Sin embargo, si la deportista padece una afección denominada síndrome de insensibilidad completa a los andrógenos (SICA), podrá optar a una exención.

Coe afirmó que la decisión se tomó para garantizar “la integridad del deporte femenino”, ya que World Athletics afirma que “el gen SRY es un indicador fiable para determinar el sexo biológico”.

Yo sostengo que la ciencia no respalda esta afirmación excesivamente simplista.

Y sé lo que digo, porque descubrí el gen SRY en el cromosoma Y humano en 1990. Durante 35 años he estado investigando este gen y otros necesarios para el desarrollo de los testículos.

Breve introducción al desarrollo de los testículos y los ovarios

Si un embrión humano tiene cromosomas X e Y (XY), a las seis semanas de desarrollo, el gen SRY del segundo desencadena una cascada de eventos donde intervienen unos 30 genes diferentes que conducen a la formación de los testículos.

En términos sencillos, los testículos producen hormonas –entre ellas, la testosterona– que dan lugar al desarrollo masculino.

Sin embargo, si un embrión tiene par de cromosomas X y X (XX), entra en juego un grupo de genes completamente diferente, se forman los ovarios y las hormonas producidas dan lugar a una mujer.

Sabemos que la formación de los testículos o los ovarios requiere una compleja red de muchos genes y proteínas que interactúan entre sí.

Mientras que algunos genes promueven el desarrollo de los testículos, otros promueven el desarrollo de los ovarios. Además, otros suprimen la formación de los ovarios o antagonizan la formación de los testículos.

Incluso una vez que los ovarios o los testículos están completamente formados, necesitamos otros genes para mantenerlos. Estos no siempre funcionan como se espera, lo que afecta al desarrollo de esos órganos.

¿Cómo se relaciona esto con las pruebas de sexo de las atletas de élite?

Los cambios o variantes en los numerosos genes que regulan el desarrollo de los testículos o los ovarios pueden dar lugar a una inversión del sexo o a testículos u ovarios que no funcionan. ¿Qué quiero decir con esto?

Si se produce un cambio en el gen SRY que impide que funcione con normalidad, una persona puede no desarrollar testículos y ser biológicamente femenina. Sin embargo, tiene cromosomas XY y, según las pruebas de World Athletics, quedaría excluida de la competición. No obstante, las atletas pueden recurrir la decisión si consideran que el resultado de la prueba no refleja su sexo.

Otros individuos XY pueden tener un gen SRY funcional, pero ser mujeres –con pechos y genitales femeninos, por ejemplo– y tener testículos internos.

Es importante destacar que las células de estas personas son físicamente incapaces de responder a la testosterona producida por estos testículos. Sin embargo, darían positivo en las pruebas de SRY y serían excluidas de la competición.

En los Juegos Olímpicos de Atlanta de 1996, ocho de las 3 387 atletas dieron positivo en los test del cromosoma Y. De ellas, siete eran resistentes a la testosterona.

La prueba SRY no es concluyente

World Athletics afirma que el gen SRY es un indicador fiable para determinar el sexo biológico. Pero es mucho más complejo, ya que intervienen características cromosómicas, gonadales (testículos/ovarios), hormonales y secundarias.

Utilizar el SRY para determinar el sexo biológico es incorrecto, ya que lo único que indica es si el gen está presente o no.

No señala cómo funciona el SRY, si se han formado testículos, si se produce testosterona y, en caso afirmativo, si el cuerpo puede utilizar esta hormona.

Otros problemas con el proceso de prueba del SRY

World Athletics recomienda que todas las atletas femeninas se sometan a un frotis bucal o una muestra de sangre para detectar la presencia del SRY.

Normalmente, la muestra se enviaría a un laboratorio que extraería el ADN y buscaría la presencia del gen SRY. Esto puede hacerse fácilmente en los países ricos, pero ¿qué ocurre en países más pobres que no cuentan con estas instalaciones?

Cabe señalar, además, que estas pruebas son muy sensibles. Si un técnico de laboratorio varón se ocupa de la prueba, puede contaminarla inadvertidamente con una sola célula de su piel y producir un falso positivo.

No se ofrece ninguna orientación sobre cómo llevar a cabo el test para reducir el riesgo de resultados falsos.

World Athletics tampoco reconoce el impacto que un resultado positivo tendría en una persona, que puede ser más profundo que la simple exclusión del deporte.

La organización no mencionó el requisito de proporcionar un asesoramiento genético adecuado, que se considera necesario antes de realizar pruebas genéticas y al que es difícil acceder en muchos países de ingresos bajos y medios.

Yo, junto con muchos otros expertos, convencí al Comité Olímpico Internacional de que abandonara el uso del SRY para las pruebas de sexo para los Juegos Olímpicos de Sídney 2000.

Por lo tanto, resulta muy sorprendente que, 25 años después, se esté realizando un esfuerzo equivocado para restablecer el test.

Teniendo en cuenta todos los problemas expuestos anteriormente, el gen SRY no debería utilizarse para excluir a las mujeres atletas de la competición.

The Conversation

Andrew Sinclair recibe financiación del NHMRC.

ref. La prueba genética que exige World Athletics a las atletas femeninas es errónea – https://theconversation.com/la-prueba-genetica-que-exige-world-athletics-a-las-atletas-femeninas-es-erronea-262895

¿Por qué se mueven los planetas?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Itziar Garate Lopez, Profesora de Física en la Escuela de Ingeniería de Bilbao y miembro del Grupo de Ciencias Planetarias, Universidad del País Vasco / Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea

Nazarii_Neshcherenskyi/Shutterstock

Este artículo forma parte de la sección The Conversation Júnior, en la que especialistas de las principales universidades y centros de investigación contestan a las dudas de jóvenes curiosos de entre 12 y 16 años. Podéis enviar vuestras preguntas a tcesjunior@theconversation.com


Pregunta formulada por el curso de 3º de la ESO de Aranzadi Ikastola. Bergara (Gipuzkoa)


Los planetas se mueven para sobrevivir: si no orbitaran alrededor de una estrella, serían engullidas por ella. Sin embargo, no les resulta nada fácil conseguirlo, ya que han de desplazarse a una velocidad muy concreta, como veremos.

La clave está en la inercia

Todo cuerpo tiene una inercia o tendencia a no variar su velocidad, ni en cantidad ni en dirección. De modo que, sin aplicarle ninguna fuerza, ese cuerpo seguirá inmóvil si inicialmente estaba en reposo o continuará desplazándose en línea recta y a la misma rapidez si se movía.

Por ejemplo, al acelerar el coche, nuestro cuerpo parece caerse un poco hacia atrás debido a que su tendencia es mantener la velocidad inferior que llevaba. Por el contrario, al frenar, parece que nos inclinamos hacia adelante, ya que nuestra inercia nos empuja a seguir con la velocidad superior que experimentábamos antes.

Algo diferente le pasará a un objeto al aplicarle una fuerza perpendicular a la dirección de la velocidad inicial: su trayectoria se curvará. Es lo que ocurre si lanzamos un balón desde cierta altura y de manera completamente horizontal: la fuerza de la gravedad (aplicada perpendicularmente a la dirección inicial de la pelota) modifica su trayectoria, curvándola hacia abajo y obligando al balón a caer, antes o después, al suelo.

Si un cuerpo experimenta esa fuerza perpendicular durante un largo periodo de tiempo, y no tiene ningún obstáculo en su camino, es posible que la trayectoria se cierre sobre sí misma y genere un recorrido circular. Imagina que haces girar una piedra atada a una cuerda sobre tu cabeza: como la tensión de la cuerda es perpendicular a su velocidad en todo momento, la trayectoria de la piedra describe una circunferencia perfecta.

Equilibrio casi imposible

Para que un planeta trace una órbita circular alrededor de su estrella ha de darse un equilibrio concreto: la fuerza que atrae al cuerpo al centro de la órbita (la fuerza de gravedad) debe ser igual a la fuerza que lo expulsa de esa órbita (la fuerza centrífuga).

La primera se genera debido a que los dos cuerpos (estrella y planeta) tienen masa, y la segunda se debe a la inercia del planeta. El equilibrio entre ambas fuerzas se consigue con una velocidad única, que se expresa con una fórmula: v2 = G·M/d. Curiosamente no depende de la masa del planeta, sino de la masa de la estrella (M), de la distancia entre estrella y planeta (d) y de la constante de gravitación universal (G).

Si la velocidad del planeta es mayor que la velocidad de equilibrio, entonces escapará de esa órbita alejándose más y más de la estrella; probablemente, acabará sus días siendo un planeta errante en el universo. Sin embargo, si su velocidad es menor que la de equilibrio, caerá hacia el centro de la órbita. Entonces, casi seguro, acabará engullido por esa estrella.

Pero ¿y las leyes de Kepler?

Estos valores invariantes de la velocidad y la distancia de un planeta parecen ser incompatibles con las llamadas leyes de Kepler, pero no lo son.

Recordemos brevemente estas leyes:

  1. Todos los planetas se mueven alrededor del Sol describiendo una trayectoria elíptica (no circular).

  2. La recta que une el planeta con el Sol barre áreas iguales en tiempos iguales (lo que implica una velocidad no constante).

  3. El cuadrado del periodo orbital del planeta es proporcional al cubo de su distancia media al Sol.

Que las órbitas no sean circulares se debe a que los planetas del sistema solar no están solos. La fuerza de gravedad ejercida entre los mundos de nuestro vecindario cósmico hace que éstos varíen un poco su distancia al Sol mientras viajan, creando una órbita elíptica.

Este cambio de distancia hace que los planetas tengan que adaptar su velocidad según se encuentren en el pericentro (punto más cercano a la estrella) o apocentro (punto más lejano). Y la tercera ley de Kepler adapta la condición v2 = G·M/d a una órbita elíptica.

Origen de la velocidad

Casi todos los cuerpos existentes en un sistema planetario como el nuestro (estrella, planetas, lunas, asteroides, cometas…) tienen un origen común: el colapso gravitatorio de una nube molecular.

Estas nubes presentan regiones con más material que su entorno; es decir, tienen “grumos”, pero de tamaño astronómico. Si algún evento cósmico, como la explosión de una supernova cercana, acerca unos pocos grumos, la gravedad que genera esta acumulación de masa atraerá el material de su alrededor, y crecerá aún más.

Así se inicia un proceso en el que la nube va compactándose en una pequeña zona. Aquí, pocos millones de años más tarde, nacerán una estrella y sus planetas.

Mientras la nube colapsa acelera su rotación, igual que le ocurre a una patinadora que gira sobre sí misma y cierra sus brazos. Cuando esa velocidad de rotación es suficientemente grande, la fuerza centrífuga vuelve a jugar un papel importante. Esta es la fuerza que nos expulsa hacia fuera en una curva o cuando estamos montados en un tiovivo, y es la que hace que una masa esférica en rotación se convierta en un gran disco plano.

Será en ese disco de material que gira alrededor de la estrella en formación donde surjan los planetas. Pasarán millones de años y muchos procesos (acreción de partículas, fusión de cuerpos, impactos…) hasta que se forme un planeta como la Tierra o Júpiter. En el proceso, la velocidad de los cuerpos irá cambiando. Sólo aquellos que terminen teniendo la velocidad correcta para la distancia que los separa del Sol sobrevivirán hasta el momento en que nosotros nos preguntemos: ¿por qué se mueven los planetas?


La Cátedra de Cultura Científica de la Universidad del País Vasco colabora en la sección The Conversation Júnior.


The Conversation

Itziar Garate Lopez no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. ¿Por qué se mueven los planetas? – https://theconversation.com/por-que-se-mueven-los-planetas-247392

‘Hacer el agosto’: cereales, verano y lenguaje

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Javier del Hoyo Calleja, Catedrático de Universidad (área de Filología Latina), Universidad Autónoma de Madrid

Una piedra de molino tritura los granos de trigo. Ajdin Kamber/Shutterstock, CC BY

Julio y agosto son dos meses abrasadores en el hemisferio norte, pero gracias a ellos ha vivido durante siglos la Europa agrícola. En ellos se lleva a cabo la cosecha de los cereales de secano, algo tan importante para la vida y la economía de los pueblos mediterráneos.

Estas cosechas nos han legado infinidad de palabras, a veces en forma de preciosas expresiones y metáforas. Por ejemplo, “hacer el agosto”, símbolo de los pingües beneficios que percibe el agricultor ese mes, y por extensión los que se embolsa un vivales que en cualquier mes del año redondea sus cuentas corrientes. Una expresión que significa algo completamente distinto de aquel “agostar” un terreno por el excesivo calor que abrasa los cultivos.




Leer más:
¿Verano o estío? Palabras para una estación calurosa


Viví los veranos de mi niñez en un molino de agua en la provincia de Burgos, donde veía cómo desde la mañana venían los agricultores de los pueblos vecinos trayendo sus remolques llenos de grano, todo tipo de grano: cebada, centeno, avena, trigo… Estas palabras cotidianas y sencillas guardan el secreto de muchas otras que usamos en castellano sin ser conscientes de su relación.

Cebada: del alimento o cebo al orzuelo

Muy común era la cebada. Si cebada en latín se dice hordeum, muy distante de cómo se expresa en nuestra lengua, del diminutivo (hordeolum) nos ha quedado el “orzuelo”, que semeja un minúsculo granito de cebada bajo los párpados. Y el nombre de la cebada, ¿de dónde viene? Del fin que se le daba a este cereal, el de cebar a los animales; todavía en italiano cibo significa comida o alimento en general, nuestro “cebo”.

Por cierto, que el Diccionario de la Real Academia Española ofrece “forúnculo” como sinónimo o palabra afín de orzuelo, que proviene de furunculum, “ladronzuelo”, diminutivo de fur, “ladrón”. Así llamamos a ese tallo secundario de la vid que se comporta como un ladrón, pues roba la savia furtivamente al tallo principal. De ahí pasó más tarde al cuerpo humano por su forma análoga.

Centeno, ciento por uno

Interesante también es el centeno (secale cereale, “cereal que se siega”). Su nombre en español responde a aquella parábola evangélica en la que Cristo decía que de la semilla que caía en tierra buena, unos darán treinta, otros sesenta y otros el ciento por uno (centenus). Había un sentir tradicional en la Antigüedad que indicaba que el centeno era el cereal más fecundo; o sea, que llegaba a dar el ciento por uno.

Avena, alimento y flauta

Y también llegaban remolques de avena, del latín avena, ahora tan de moda en los desayunos por sus propiedades y porque, según algunos expertos, podría ser incluida en la dieta sin gluten. Con la caña endurecida de la avena se hacían elementales flautas, como un caramillo (nombre que procede de calamellus, diminutivo de cálamo, “cañita”).

Espelta, inmolaciones y emolumentos

Más raro de encontrar entonces era la espelta o trigo espelta (Triticum spelta), el primero de los cereales que cultivó el hombre. También conocida como “escanda mayor”, es un cereal similar al trigo que se utilizó mucho en la Roma clásica. Con sus granos molidos (mola) y mezclados con sal, se hacía una pasta, la salsa mola, que se colocaba en el cuello de las víctimas antes de ser sacrificadas a los dioses.

A partir de ahí surgió el verbo inmolar y la inmolación, aunque ni los yihadistas suicidas que se inmolan por una causa, ni los ejecutivos que entregan su tiempo libre inmolándose por la empresa se espolvoreen salsa mola en la espalda. Y de la actividad de la molienda conservamos los emolumentos, es decir, la “retribución pagada al molinero por moler el grano”, aunque se utilice hoy para un sueldo o paga en general.

Trigo, trilla, trizas y triturar

Sin duda el rey de los cereales era el trigo, que proviene de un latino frumentum triticum (“triturado”), y cuya voz tiene que ver a su vez con el trillo y con triturar, entre otros muchos términos. Eso indica que se abandonó el sustantivo latino que lo designaba, frumentum, mantenido todavía en el italiano actual, frumento, y permaneció la finalidad del cereal, es decir, ser molido, triturado, para alimento.

De la misma raíz conservamos “triza”, algo en lo que terminamos después de un día de mucho trabajo, es decir, destrozados, hechos trizas. De esa misma raíz podemos tener el corazón contrito y atrito, triturado y destrozado por el peso de la culpa ante un delito o un pecado.

Y también nos llegan detrimento y detrito (del verbo latino detero), que equivaldría a quebranto.

Del trigo al bronceado

Hemos hablado del trillo (también la trilla), del latín tribulum, un instrumento que los jóvenes han visto quizás en paradores y hoteles elegantes convertido en mesa con un cristal encima, que trituraba la espiga en las eras separando el grano de la paja. Y en efecto, ya lo han adivinado ustedes, de aquí provienen también tribulación y atribulado, es decir, atormentado o triturado por dentro.

Sólo mucho más tarde, y ya desde el propio español, surgió el color trigueño de una persona, que hoy día diríamos bronceado, pero que se obtiene hoy de manera muy diferente al origen de la palabra. No son lo mismo diez horas trabajando bajo el sol, que dan ese color trigueño al labriego, que diez horas tumbado en la playa o en la hamaca.

The Conversation

Javier del Hoyo Calleja no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. ‘Hacer el agosto’: cereales, verano y lenguaje – https://theconversation.com/hacer-el-agosto-cereales-verano-y-lenguaje-262527

Irregular migrants in Europe face obstacles to exercising legal rights – where they have them

Source: The Conversation – France – By Clare Fox-Ruhs, Part-Time Assistant Professor, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute

It is said that a true measure of any society is how it treats its most vulnerable members. To what extent, however, does this litmus test extend to the irregular migrants among us – namely, those who live and/or work in host communities without the legal right to reside? What does it take to be a “member” of society to whom protection is owed?

These are key questions facing all major migrant-receiving countries. Moreover, the choices our national governments make in relation to regulating the rights of irregular migrants matter for all of us. These choices affect our schools, our workplaces, our healthcare and eldercare settings, and our streets. Everyone is implicated, for this is what it means to live in society.

The first step in problem-solving around the issues related to irregular migration is to better understand the conditions of irregular migrants and the current responses of national governments. To this end, we at the European University Institute, Uppsala University and the University of Zagreb developed IRMIGRIGHT – Europe’s first database of the social and labour rights of irregular migrants. Unrestricted public access to the database will be available in the second half of 2026.

Using the data we compiled, we constructed a novel set of indicators that allow us to measure and compare the nature of irregular migrants’ rights in 16 different social and labour fields across the 27 EU member states and the UK. Our recently published results of this analysis reveal important differences in the types of rights that irregular migrants can claim by law in European countries, and they show significant variation in the quality of those rights cross-nationally.


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Our research shows that European governments typically legislate to provide irregular migrants with a small set of basic rights. On the social side, these rights include access to emergency healthcare, maternity care and compulsory education for children. In labour terms, irregular migrants most commonly enjoy the right to recover a portion of unpaid wages (the UK and Bulgaria are the only countries in which they do not) and to be assured basic health and safety standards in the workplace. The range of services or benefits included in these rights is, in most cases, equal to those of citizens.

By contrast, it is only in a small minority of European countries that irregular migrants can exercise rights to emergency subsistence-level income support and temporary shelter – even in cases of extreme need. Routine income support payments and access to long-term social housing are virtually non-existent for irregular migrants under national laws.

The more established EU member states (the “EU 15”) typically offer better protections than the newer, post-enlargement member states. However, Denmark, Greece, Ireland and the UK break with this trend by providing weaker rights protections for irregular migrants.

Obstacles to meaningful rights

Amid the patchwork of protection and exclusion of irregular migrants in the rights frameworks of European countries, perhaps the bigger story is the widespread presence of obstacles to meaningful rights enjoyment. What our research shows is that it is one thing for an irregular migrant to have a right by law in a host country, but quite another to have a right that is provided in terms that enable the migrant to freely exercise that right.

Our findings show that even among the “best-performing” European countries such as Spain, France, Finland, Belgium and Sweden, irregular migrants face multiple “cost” barriers to enjoying their rights. Some of these costs are financial. Irregular migrants might have access to a variety of healthcare and education rights, but where the user costs of services associated with these rights exceed costs charged to citizens, irregular migrants might be priced out of services altogether.

User costs for irregular migrants vary cross-nationally: for instance, the UK charges 150% of National Health Service costs for certain maternity and specialised treatments, whereas the Netherlands treats irregular migrants on the same basis as citizens in regard to all healthcare for which these migrants are eligible. Costs may be waived, but the very presence of high costs can be enough to stop individuals from seeking even emergency or medically necessary care.

Prohibitive financial costs can also deter irregular migrants from exercising rights that they ought to be able to enjoy by law. There is no right without a remedy, yet our research finds that only around 50% of legal “rights” for irregular migrants are accompanied by some form of legal aid for them to exercise those rights.

Arguably, the cost that weighs most heavily on irregular migrants in exercising their legal rights is that of becoming visible to law enforcement authorities and facing potential immigration detention and deportation.

This rights obstacle can be reduced by “firewalls” – laws or policies that prevent service providers and state officials from reporting to immigration enforcement authorities those irregular migrants who, for example, use hospitals, schools and social services, or seek labour justice. It is striking, however, that only a handful of European countries offer such firewalls in regard to social rights (mostly healthcare), and that no country provides a firewall for irregular migrants to pursue their labour rights following workplace exploitation, abuse or injury.

Defining our societies

All in all, the picture of irregular migrants’ rights across Europe suggests that we have some way to go in guaranteeing fundamental and realisable rights that apply to all persons regardless of immigration status. The comparative country data we have compiled provide a new opportunity for European societies to hold up a mirror to themselves and ask if they are satisfied with the reflection. Do the rights that irregular migrants enjoy under the law speak to the values, norms and aspirations of host societies, or is it time for a health check?

Irregular migrants will inevitably remain of our societies, however well national governments succeed in limiting immigration and however we choose to set the boundaries of societal membership. By promoting and protecting irregular migrants’ core rights to necessary healthcare, emergency subsistence-level income and shelter, freedom from labour exploitation, and compulsory education for children, countries can realise their shared European ideals while simultaneously building healthier communities for all.


Our development of IRMIGRIGHT is part of the international “PRIME” project that analyses the conditions of irregular migrants in Europe. PRIME is funded by the European Union Horizon Europe programme.

The Conversation

Clare Fox-Ruhs ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Irregular migrants in Europe face obstacles to exercising legal rights – where they have them – https://theconversation.com/irregular-migrants-in-europe-face-obstacles-to-exercising-legal-rights-where-they-have-them-263075

Expressing gratitude isn’t necessary, but a little appreciation may still go a long way

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Lara B Aknin, Distinguished Professor of Social Psychology, Simon Fraser University

Gratitude statements like “Thanks! You are so kind!” and “Thank you! What you did was really helpful,” are common when someone receives assistance from another person. Such expressions of gratitude and appreciation have long been thought to encourage the helper to do kind things again in the future. But do they?

In contrast to past research, our new findings published in the Journal of Experimental Social Psychology suggest that gratitude does not always promote future helping.

Our research was conducted using a new approach called a Registered Report. It required that the design of our experiment, along with our hypotheses and analytic plans, were vetted by experts before we started. This new best practice in science increases rigour and transparency.

Expressions of gratitude

We conducted two large pre-registered experiments and found mixed results. In the first experiment, more than 600 university students recorded a short video to welcome a new student (played by a member of our research team) to campus.

In response to this kind act, we sent participants one of three randomly assigned pre-recorded videos. Some participants received a video in which the new student expressed gratitude for the participant’s kind act: “Thank you! What you did was very kind.”

Other participants received a video in which the new student expressed gratitude for the participant’s kind character: “Thank you! You are very kind.”

Finally, some participants in a control condition received a video of the new student acknowledging that they had received the recording, but with no expression of gratitude at all.

Afterwards, all participants were invited to write up to five brief notes to welcome other new students to university, which we treated as a measure of future helping behaviour.

Reception and kindness

By sending participants one of the three video replies, we were able to test two important questions about gratitude. Does receiving an expression of gratitude, regardless of whether it mentions your kind act or kind character, lead to more helping in the future compared to not receiving gratitude? Also, does the content of the gratitude matter — in other words, do some gratitude notes lead to more helping in the future than others?

To find out, we compared how many welcome notes participants wrote across the three video conditions provided. We found no differences across conditions, which suggests that receiving a gratitude expression and its contents may not impact future helping.

These results were in contrast to our predictions and past work by others.

Written expressions

Welcoming new students is one way to be kind, but there are many other ways to help. So, we conducted another experiment to test the same key questions. Does receiving a gratitude expression increase future helping behaviour? And does the content of the gratitude message matter?

This time, however, we used written thank-you messages instead of videos and measured helping in the form of donations.

Over 800 adults recruited online completed an innocuous survey that provided an opportunity to complete an initial kind act of donating to charity. Two days later, participants were invited back to complete a second survey that began with what we told participants was a thank-you letter from the charity they supported — participants received one of three letters we had created for the purposes of our study.

As in the first study, some participants were thanked for their kind act: “Thank you! Your generous donation was very kind.” Other participants were thanked for their kind character: “Thank you! You are very kind and generous.”

Once again, some participants did not receive a message of thanks, but were informed that their donation had been received. Participants completed a few other questions and were then given the opportunity to help again by deciding how much, if any, of an additional one-dollar bonus they would like to donate to a new charity.

We compared donations across the three conditions and found that people who received a thank-you note gave more money than people who received a simple message that their donation was received. Donation levels did not differ between the two types of gratitude expressions. People thanked for their kind act gave roughly as much (42 cents) as people who were thanked for their kind character (42 cents), which was higher than the 34 cents given by people in the control condition.




Read more:
When you’re grateful, your brain becomes more charitable


Everyday importance

While we did not see significant differences in help provided by people who were thanked for their kind action or character, this does not mean that people should stop saying thanks. Expressing gratitude can make the person expressing appreciation feel good and strengthen social relationships.

There may be less reason to stress over how exactly you express your appreciation to others. Past research has shown that many people are uncertain about how to properly and eloquently relay their gratitude.

Unfortunately, these worries can reduce the likelihood of someone sharing a simple but heartfelt statement of appreciation and our work reinforces this same underlying idea.

Exactly what is said when expressing thanks may be less important than communicating appreciation.

Kelton Travis, an honours undergraduate student in psychology at Simon Fraser University, co-authored this article.

The Conversation

Lara B Aknin receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Anurada Amarasekera, Kristina Castaneto, and Tiara A Cash do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Expressing gratitude isn’t necessary, but a little appreciation may still go a long way – https://theconversation.com/expressing-gratitude-isnt-necessary-but-a-little-appreciation-may-still-go-a-long-way-262779

Tanzania’s independence leader Julius Nyerere built a new army fit for African liberation: how he did it

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Michelle Moyd, Associate Professor, Department of History, Michigan State University

Tanzania has long enjoyed a reputation as a peaceful country. In contrast to most of its neighbours, this east African nation of 67 million people has largely avoided large-scale violence within its borders.

That didn’t seem likely in the early years after independence from Britain in December 1961. A little over two years into independence – in January 1964 – the founding president, Julius Nyerere, faced two political crises. The first started on 12 January 1964 in the form of the Zanzibar Revolution. Weeks of violence and destruction by Afro-Shirazi Party members followed. As many as 16,000 Zanzibaris were killed or forced into exile.

Then the country’s military, the Tanganyika Rifles, mutinied. Its soldiers were incensed over inadequate pay, loss of privileges, and poor prospects for upward mobility. A rattled Nyerere needed British military support to quell the mutiny. He ordered the arrests of its leaders, and effectively dismantled the entire force.

Nyerere then faced the dilemma of leading a new nation-state with no army and few resources to build one. His socialist agenda (Ujamaa, in Kiswahili) had prioritised other aspects of nation-building, especially education and public health. Nonetheless, with assistance from the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the willingness of some of its member states to provide troops, the Tanzania People’s Defence Force was established in September 1964.

In his new book, Ujamaa’s Army: The Creation and Evolution of the Tanzania People’s Defence Force, 1964-1979, Charles G. Thomas, a scholar of post-colonial African military history, skilfully narrates this complex and absorbing history. The book covers the formation and transformations of the defence force through the new nation’s first 15 years as it shed its connections to the colonial past and charted a new path.

Unlike other writing on African armies – particularly the body of work on colonial armies – this one does not centre rank-and-file troops. Instead, Thomas’s analysis is based on rich interviews with high-ranking officers who led and moulded the force in its first two decades. This has enabled him to offer a top-down view of the construction of the army.

A rocky start

Nyerere undertook the work of unifying Tanganyika and Zanzibar in the first few months of 1964 with an eye to the region’s security. The Zanzibar revolution and the Afro-Shirazi Party’s Marxism had called attention to the island as a potential Marxist outpost. Violence against the island’s ruling party and those perceived as wealthy elites seemed to bolster this perception. In the context of the cold war, this fuelled western fears of Zanzibar becoming the “Cuba of east Africa”. An influx of Soviet and Chinese military advisers to Zanzibar made western powers nervous.

Nyerere and foreign minister Oscar Kambona worked with Afro-Shirazi Party leader Abeid Karume to unify Tanganyika and Zanzibar to reassure westerners.

The rollout of the defence force in September 1964 thus included members of the Zanzibari People’s Liberation Army. This signalled that the initial 1,000-man army would serve the larger interests of socialist Tanzania.

A regional role

Throughout the 1960s, Tanzania became, alongside Zambia, Botswana, Lesotho, Angola and Mozambique, a supporter of southern African liberation struggles. The OAU formally recognised this group of nations as the “frontline states” in 1975.

Nyerere convinced the OAU Liberation Committee to set up its headquarters in Dar es Salaam in 1963 because Tanganyika was already hosting many southern African exiles. Also, conflicts in neighbouring states, such as Mozambique, were spilling over into Tanganyika. It became the nerve centre for coordinating African liberation efforts.

Liberation organisations from across southern Africa also established offices in Dar es Salaam. These included the African National Congress and the Pan-Africanist Congress from South Africa; the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA); Zimbabwe African People’s Union (Zapu) and Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu); South West Africa People’s Organisation (Swapo) from Namibia; and Mozambique Liberation Front (Frelimo).

The Tanzanian defence force took on a key role in frontline liberation struggles. In 1964 it established the Special Duties Unit, which provided a logistics pipeline to serve liberation armies.

The defence force also established training camps for liberation armies within Tanzania. And it took on a protective and support function in southern Tanzania, where Frelimo’s operations against the Portuguese embroiled communities.

Tanzania’s involvement in struggles against the white settler states of southern Africa intensified in the late 1960s and early 1970s. After Portugal retreated from its colonies, Nyerere sent the defence force to help stabilise the new Frelimo government in Mozambique against the South African- and Rhodesian-backed guerrilla force Renamo.

At the same time, the book explains, Tanzania was contending with the disruptive politics and threatening military actions of its northern neighbour, Uganda.

Uganda gained independence from Britain in 1962. In 1971 Idi Amin seized power in a military coup that ousted Uganda’s first president, Milton Obote.

Amin and Nyerere antagonised each other personally, politically and militarily for the next eight years.

In 1972, Amin bombed Tanzanian border cities in retaliation for Nyerere’s support of the invasion of Uganda by Obote supporters in 1972. In 1978, Uganda annexed the Kagera Salient across its south-western border with Tanzania. In 1979, Tanzania invaded Uganda and ousted Amin from power.

The Tanzanian defence force remained in Uganda for nearly two years, providing security as the new government attempted to re-establish services and governance for post-Amin Uganda.

Catalyst for new inquiries

Thomas’s sustained research is based in large measure on hard-won connections with defence force officers. He also used alternative sources rather than relying heavily on Tanzanian, British and US archives. Canadian military archives, for example, showed how Tanzania’s forces benefited from Canadian training and resources.

OAU archival materials helped with understanding the Tanzania People’s Defence Force as part of African solidarity efforts against apartheid and colonialism.

The book also paints a clear picture of Nyerere’s role in Africa’s postcolonial politics. It shows him as a shrewd negotiator and a “pragmatic pluralist” in a fraught cold war world, where there were many competitors for military aid, but few sources to provide it to a country seeking a non-aligned position. His decision to form the Tanzania People’s Defence Force, and his encouragement of its role in supporting liberation struggles, helped Tanzania stand apart from its neighbours.

The Conversation

Michelle Moyd does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Tanzania’s independence leader Julius Nyerere built a new army fit for African liberation: how he did it – https://theconversation.com/tanzanias-independence-leader-julius-nyerere-built-a-new-army-fit-for-african-liberation-how-he-did-it-246688

Fela and food: how Lagos restaurants are serving up the music star’s legacy

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Garhe Osiebe, Research Fellow, Rhodes University

In Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial and creative capital, food is doing something unusual. It’s keeping alive the spirit of a musician.

Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, one of Africa’s most influential artists, was the architect of Afrobeat (not to be confused with today’s Afrobeats, which was born from it).

Fela pioneered his politically charged, musically expansive sound in the early 1970s by blending jazz, highlife, funk and Yoruba rhythms. He paired these with lyrics that took aim at corruption, oppression and postcolonial disillusionment. His songs were as much rallying cries as they were works of art.




Read more:
Fela Kuti is more famous today than ever – what’s behind his global power


Today, dishes named after Fela’s protest anthems – and restaurant soundscapes steeped in Afrobeats – are making dining in Lagos a journey through African music history.

As a musicologist involved in African Studies, I research the legacy of Fela Kuti and how it manifests in new forms today, in music, political life and even food. I first raised Fela’s legacy in food in a 2022 article for the book that accompanied a major exhibition in France called Fela Anikulapo-Kuti: Rébellion Afrobeat.

For me the new Lagos trend raises a question: do these culinary tributes preserve the radical edge of Fela’s art – or do they dilute it by commercialising it?

From protest songs to plated specials

In May 2025, The Afrobeat opened at EbonyLife Place, a high-profile entertainment and hospitality complex in Lagos. It markets itself as

The world’s first restaurant dedicated to celebrating Africa’s vibrant music genre.

The Afrobeat offers not just meals but a fully curated cultural experience. Yet it was not the first to blend food and Fela.

That distinction belongs to Kuti’s Bistro, launched in 2019 by the family of Seun Kuti, Fela’s youngest son. It’s currently closed for diners but still delivers meals.

Positioned as a pan-African eatery, the bistro’s dining area was steeped in Afrobeat imagery and sound, with walls adorned in Fela-inspired art. Its dishes draw on regional African culinary traditions, from Nigerian staples to cross-continental flavours.

Like so many restaurants in Lagos today, its playlist was dominated by Afrobeats, the electronically driven pop music now dominant across west Africa and its diasporas. Afrobeats owes much to Fela’s pioneering spirit.

The menu is where the homage becomes striking. Meals at Kuti’s are named after some of Fela’s most famous songs: breakfast plates called Yanga, starters like Shakara, hearty mains such as Feast for Nation, Roforofo Fight, and I No Be Gentleman. Even desserts bear provocative titles like Trouble Sleep Yanga Wake Am and Expensive Shit.

These are not just playful references. They’re a way of transforming Fela’s work into living memory.




Read more:
The daughters and sons of Fela in African Pop


The pairing of food and music creates a layered cultural experience. The textures and spices of the food evoke place and tradition; the music anchors the experience in a living, evolving sound. Diners are invited to consume Fela’s legacy with all their senses: sight, sound, smell, taste, and even memory.

In this way, these restaurants function as more than dining spaces. They are cultural archives. They stage a performance of history and identity every time a plate leaves the kitchen.

Preserving or packaging the radical?

Still, the shift from protest anthem to menu item raises questions.

Can a song like Expensive Shit, originally a razor-sharp satire on state harassment, retain its political bite when it is served as a dessert on a polished ceramic plate? Does turning Roforofo Fight into a main course preserve its cultural meaning? Or does it risk reducing it to a quirky marketing hook? This tension is not unique to Fela’s legacy.

Around the world, radical art often undergoes a process of “heritagisation” and commodification. It becomes a celebrated cultural product, sometimes losing the confrontational edge that defined it.

Yet this transformation does not necessarily strip away its significance. It can create new pathways for engagement. For younger diners, who may know Fela only as a name in music history or a face on a T-shirt, a menu item can become a spark of curiosity. It might prompt a search for the original song, leading to a deeper encounter with his music and the politics behind it.

A legacy that adapts

Fela’s artistic and political vision was always about creating spaces where African identity could be expressed on its own terms.

In the 1970s and 80s, that space was his nightclub, the Afrika Shrine, where music, conversation and resistance flowed freely. In 2025, it might be a restaurant table in Lagos, where I No Be Gentleman arrives as a sizzling platter of suya-spiced beef.

These spaces also speak to the adaptability of Fela’s legacy. His music has inspired entire genres; his persona has been invoked in theatre, literature, political protests, art exhibitions, films, and now dining.

Each iteration, like the opening of the New Afrika Shrine in 2000, reinterprets him for new audiences, keeping his name and ideas in circulation.




Read more:
Detty December started as a Nigerian cultural moment. Now it’s spreading across the continent – and minting money


Today’s blending of food and music illustrates how cultural memory works in Africa. Artistic legacies can be preserved not just through direct performance, but through symbolic transformation into other mediums; mediums that engage the senses, draw on tradition, and thrive in the global marketplace.

The Afrobeat-themed restaurants of Lagos are not just curiosities for tourists or novelties for locals. They are living experiments in how to honour a cultural icon while making him relevant to the present.

Whether these spaces ultimately radicalise or simply entertain, they ensure that Fela Anikulapo-Kuti remains part of the city’s sensory landscape; not only heard, but tasted. And in a rapidly changing Lagos, that may be one of the most enduring tributes possible.

The Conversation

Garhe Osiebe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Fela and food: how Lagos restaurants are serving up the music star’s legacy – https://theconversation.com/fela-and-food-how-lagos-restaurants-are-serving-up-the-music-stars-legacy-262994

Abdulrazak Gurnah: searching for signs of Zanzibar’s most famous writer, all I found was trinkets and tourists

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Tinashe Mushakavanhu, Assistant Professor, Harvard University

Nobel Prize-winning author Abdulrazak Gurnah in Denmark in 2025. Hreinn Gudlaugsson/Wikimedia Commons

Zanzibar has long been an island of arrivals for traders, sailors, slaves and, more recently, waves of tourists. I arrived as a wedding guest and a reader of the Zanzibar born novelist Abdulrazak Gurnah, in search of the literary and emotional landscapes that shape his fiction. For a week, I was part of the tourist economy of this east African island, passively complicit in its curated pleasures.

For all its beautiful images on social media, Zanzibar is a site of difficult memory. It was once a central node in the Indian Ocean slave trade, so its past is carved into the coral-stone buildings that reflect a complex fusion of Swahili, Indian, Arab and European influences in architecture and town planning.

An island outcrop with buildings.
Zanzibar’s tourist attraction Stone Town from the air.
Wegmann/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

A visit to the Old Slave Market was sobering. You cannot look away once you’ve seen it. And yet, Zanzibar is now overlaid with carefully packaged experiences: boutique hotels with infinity pools, beach picnics with imported champagne, stalls of “African” art mass-produced for western eyes. The art has become so generic that it hurts. All the curio markets on the island look the same.

Even the language has been commodified. Everyone is selling something. Everyone is searching. “Jambo,” (Hello) say mostly young men offering one service or another. “Hakuna matata.” (No worries.) “Pole pole.” (No rush.) These cheerful Kiswahili phrases made famous by the likes of the Lion King movie are repeated like slogans and feel soulless.

Most of the cars on the roads operate as taxis with stickers that say: Private Hire. The tuk tuks, three-wheeled tricycles, weave in and out of traffic because movement is an act of constant negotiation, part of a tourist infrastructure that operates as a regulated service.

A black and white photo of a bustling market street lined by old buildings.
The tourist markets of Stone Town.
Rod Waddington/Flickr/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Amid the hum of engines and the ceaseless choreography of traffic, I kept searching not just for respite from the heat or wifi or good coffee, but for something literary. I was looking for the celebrated writer Abdulrazak Gurnah. Not the man (he hasn’t lived in Zanzibar for decades), but the essence of his writing, informed by this place: the ache of exile, the weight of history, the restless question of belonging he grapples with.

Gurnah is not just a writer I’ve read; he examined my doctoral dissertation at the University of Kent, where he taught for many years until his retirement. He is an important part of my intellectual development.

As a scholar of African literature, I engage deeply with the traditions, debates and histories that Gurnah’s novels illuminate, so my attempt to map his legacy in Zanzibar carried both personal and professional significance.

Absence of literary memory

Gurnah was born here, on this island of contradictions. He left following the Zanzibar Revolution of 1964, a violent outbreak of anti-Arab violence in postcolonial Africa. He was a teenager when he moved to England as a refugee, and has lived there ever since.

I expected, perhaps foolishly, to see a plaque with his name. A mural. Something. But there was nothing, even in Stone Town, where the past feels pressed into every narrow alley. This historical capital is an indecipherable tangle of markets, bathhouses, former colonial offices and palaces. I asked about bookshops at every turn. Locals looked puzzled, amused. “Why?” one asked. “You want to read on holiday?” That is because I can’t imagine a beach without a book.




Read more:
Abdulrazak Gurnah: what you need to know about the Nobel prize-winning author


Eventually, I found Gurnah’s famous novels in a souvenir shop that mostly sold skin-care products. They sat beside cookbooks and Swahili language guides. The only other meaningful literary encounter came via the mainland: a newly published Tanzanian literary journal, Semi za Picha, sent by ferry.

That little package was the most precious thing I took away from Zanzibar. It’s described as “a film journal” and edited by Jesse Gerard Mpango and Dismas Sekibaha, who are members of an audio-visual collective, Ajabu Ajabu, based in Dar es Salaam.

It’s not that Zanzibar lacks intellectual life. There is a State University. A global centre for Swahili Studies. Museums and Unesco heritage sites.

But there are no visible monuments to literature. There is no street named after Abdulrazak Gurnah. And yet, his imagination haunts the island. Reading his fiction made me more aware of the surfaces I was treading on, all the stories hiding under sand and souvenirs here, or submerged in the waters of the Indian Ocean.

Gurnah’s novels are known for their moral precision and speak to the legacies of colonialism and displacement along the Swahili coast. His characters often inhabit spaces between languages, continents and allegiances. In many ways, the disjuncture Gurnah explores, especially the fraught layering of history, is what unfolded before us.




Read more:
Why the work of Abdulrazak Gurnah, the champion of heartbreak, stands out for me


We criss-crossed Zanzibar by car, drove through villages with crumbling schools and no paved roads in search of the perfect beach. Then the ocean would appear, in its glimmering glory, and there were always many people taking pictures, as if the world was just a beautiful pose. But there’s something repugnant about turning people’s homes into backgrounds for entertainment. In our swimsuits, we were trespassing through communities, not just beautiful landscapes.

Zanzibar is not local anymore. It is a mesh of immigrants and itinerants: its service industry jobs are all occupied by people from many places. Local Tanzanian hotel staff, Kenyan chefs, French and South African restaurateurs, Belgian and German landlords. Whether you’re walking, or sitting at the beach, you can hear a babel of languages: Arabic, Chinese, Dutch, French, Hebrew, Italian, Shona, Swahili, Zulu.

A row of wood-carved African masks, all similar.
African masks at the island’s many tourist shops.
Djordje Markovic/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Maybe my search for Gurnah and for literature was a search for an ethical place to stand. In Zanzibar, billboards of Tanzanian president Samia Suluhu Hassan are prominently displayed, projecting an image of calm authority. Once welcomed as a reformer, Hassan now faces growing criticism over alleged human rights abuses. But beneath the façade lies a more contested reality.

Zanzibar is a semi-autonomous archipelago with its own president and parliament, yet remains politically tethered to the mainland of Tanzania. This union has long been marked by tension over power, identity and representation as many Zanzibaris continue to assert a distinct cultural and political identity.

At the wedding, we didn’t speak of any of this. There was music, speech-making and laughter. This island, beautiful and bruised, is the backdrop of the absurdity of overtourism. And I still can’t get over the fact that in Zanzibar I could find no bookshops.

The Conversation

Tinashe Mushakavanhu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Abdulrazak Gurnah: searching for signs of Zanzibar’s most famous writer, all I found was trinkets and tourists – https://theconversation.com/abdulrazak-gurnah-searching-for-signs-of-zanzibars-most-famous-writer-all-i-found-was-trinkets-and-tourists-262886

After 4 years of repressive Taliban rule, Afghans are suffering in silence. Is the world still watching?

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Niamatullah Ibrahimi, Senior Research Fellow, Initiative for Peacebuilding, The University of Melbourne

On August 15 2021, Afghanistan’s democratic republic collapsed.

As the last US and NATO troops departed the country, the Taliban swept back into power and the Afghan people braced for an uncertain future.

Despite promises of moderation and inclusion, four years later, the Taliban has established a repressive, exclusionary regime – one that has dismantled institutions of law, justice and civil rights with ruthless efficiency.

As the Taliban regime has tightened its grip, international attention has waned. Crises in Ukraine, Gaza and elsewhere have dominated the global agenda, pushing Afghanistan out of the spotlight.

With the Taliban seeking to end its isolation and gain legitimacy, can the international community find the will now to exert real pressure?

The Taliban’s emirate of repression

After coming back into power, the Taliban discarded the country’s 2004 constitution, allowing the regime to operate without a transparent rule of law. Instead, Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, the reclusive Taliban leader, rules by decree from his base in Kandahar.

The Taliban’s repression of women and girls has been so severe, human rights groups now call it “gender apartheid” and argue it should be a new international crime.

Edicts have erased women from public life, banning them from education beyond primary school (with the exception of religious education), employment and public spaces. Women also cannot move freely in public without a mahram, or male guardian.

The Taliban also dismantled the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, replacing it with the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice. As a central instrument of repression, the ministry reinforces institutionalised gender discrimination through regular raids and arrests, surveillance and monitoring of public spaces.

Taliban rule has also led to the exclusion and persecution of minority ethnic and religious groups such as Hazaras, Shias, Sikhs and Christians.

In the province of Panjshir, the focal point of resistance to the Taliban, human rights groups have documented the Taliban’s severe crackdowns on the local population, including mass arrests and detentions, torture and extrajudicial killings.

More broadly, the Taliban has decimated the civic space in the country. Journalists and activists have been silenced through fear, violence and arbitrary arrests. This has led to widespread self-censorship and an information blackout that allows abuses to continue with impunity.

Despite the immense risks, activists, journalists and ordinary citizens continue to resist the Taliban. Women have staged peaceful protests in the face of harsh crackdowns, while others run secret schools for girls and document abuses in the hope of future accountability.

Humanitarian aid dwindling

Although most countries do not recognise the Taliban as the formal and legitimate government of the country, some regional states have called for an easing of its international isolation.

Last month, Russia became the first country to recognise the Taliban. China is also deepening its economic and diplomatic ties with the group. India’s foreign minister recently met with his Taliban counterpart, after which the Taliban called New Delhi a “significant regional partner”.

International aid continues to flow into Afghanistan, but a report from a US watchdog this week documented how the Taliban uses force and other means to divert it.

The United States had still accounted for more than 40% of all humanitarian support to Afghanistan after the Taliban’s return. But US President Donald Trump’s decision to decimate the US Agency for International Development means this funding has all but disappeared.

This has crippled essential services and threatens to plunge the country into one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. Health facilities have closed and malnutrition is rising. The mass deportation of hundreds of thousands of Afghans from Iran and Pakistan has only further added to the humanitarian catastrophe.

For years, the United Nations has tried to facilitate talks between the Taliban and international community in Qatar with the aim of improving conditions in the country. However, it has faced repeated setbacks.

The Taliban only decided to attend the talks in mid-2024 after the UN conceded to excluding women and civil society groups and restricting the agenda. The meeting resulted in no breakthroughs or concessions.

Another round of talks is anticipated, but the central dilemma remains: how to engage the Taliban without legitimising its repressive rule.

Courts making some progress

The Taliban’s systematic human rights abuses have global repercussions. Experts warn of a rising trend of similarly styled repression, dubbed “Talibanisation”, taking root in other countries.

In Yemen, for example, Houthi leaders have imposed restrictions eerily similar to Taliban edicts, banning women from walking in public without a male guardian and restricting their work.

While individual states have failed to agree on a coordinated response to the Taliban, international institutions have taken steps in the right direction.

In July, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Akhundzada and the Taliban chief justice, accusing them of crimes against humanity for gender-based persecution.

Separately, four countries – Australia, Germany, the Netherlands and Canada – have begun the process of bringing a case against the Taliban to the International Court of Justice for gender discrimination. This would be a first for the court.

To complement these efforts, the UN member states must establish an independent international investigative mechanism to systematically document and investigate crimes committed by the Taliban. Such a mechanism would help preserve evidence and lay the groundwork for future prosecutions.

Without concerted international pressure, the suffering of the Afghan people will only worsen and the Taliban’s brand of repression will continue impact women’s rights far beyond Afghanistan’s borders.


The authors are holding a day-long conference with other academics on Afghanistan, four years after the Taliban takeover, at the Monash University Law Chambers in Melbourne on August 15. More information can be found here.

The Conversation

Nothing to disclose.

Arif Saba and Niamatullah Ibrahimi do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. After 4 years of repressive Taliban rule, Afghans are suffering in silence. Is the world still watching? – https://theconversation.com/after-4-years-of-repressive-taliban-rule-afghans-are-suffering-in-silence-is-the-world-still-watching-262801