As back-to-school season approaches, Canadian employers are making a mistake by mandating workers back to the office

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Andrea DeKeseredy, PhD student, Sociology, University of Alberta

Canadian employers have been mandating workers back to in-person work through blanket return-to-office policies. On top of harming workplace equity, these policies have broader repercussions for the public as children head back to school and respiratory illness season looms.

On Aug. 14, Doug Ford’s Ontario Progressive Conservative government announced that all public workers were being ordered back to the office full-time. This followed the federal government’s controversial mandate that requires federal workers to be in the office at least three days a week, despite mass union pushback.

The private sector is also rescinding workplace flexibility, with both Toronto-Dominion (TD) and the Royal Bank of Canada mandating their employees back in the office.

While employers may be rushing to undo COVID-19 era changes, viral illnesses have other plans.

Respiratory illness season

Since the outbreak of COVID-19, the state of public health in Canada remains bleak. Alberta has broken the record for the deadliest flu season three years in row, with a staggering 239 deaths in the 2024-25 season. At the same time, Ontario has seen its influenza numbers spike to levels not seen in over a decade.

Illustration of three respiratory viruses: RSV, influenza and SARS-CoV-2, which causes COVID-19.
Respiratory illness season means higher risks for RSV, flu and COVID-19.
(NIAID), CC BY

The “tripledemic” of respiratory infections — COVID-19, influenza and respiratory syncytial virus (RSV) — can wreak havoc on health-care systems. Thousands are hospitalized every year, overloading our hospitals, while many more more ride out acute sickness at home, burdening family members and other unpaid caregivers.

As fewer people get seasonal flu vaccinations and viral illness spreads, Canadian employers continue to dismantle the few pandemic-induced policies that helped families manage their workplace responsibilities during viral illness season.

Work structure and COVID-19

One of the few benefits of the COVID-19 pandemic was how workplaces amended their day-to-day structure. Arrangements that did not seem possible before, like holding meetings over Zoom, became commonplace.

These changes had the unintended consequences of reducing workplace inequality, especially among women with care-giving responsibilities. In Canada, women’s employment recovery after the acute stages of the pandemic was rapid, with core-aged women achieving the highest employment rates ever recorded. The changes made it so they could better manage conflicts between work demands and the uncertainty of family life and childhood illness.

Our research in Alberta — a province that has been grappling with especially difficult viral illness outbreaks, deaths and waning vaccinations — overwhelmingly shows that flexible, remote work options benefit workers.

Using survey data] from the 2023 Alberta Viewpoint Survey from more than 1,000 people, we found that since September 2022, over half missed work due to their child or other family member being sick. Nearly one-third missed one to six days and near 20 per cent missed one to four weeks. Women were more likely than men to miss extended periods away from work, and many participants worried about how their bosses viewed their absences to care for sick children.

The spread of viral illness throughout the 2022-2023 season clearly affected the workforce, but the larger consequences of illness depended on workplace remote options and flexibility.

Parents who had access to remote, flexible options were able to manage the ongoing unpredictability of illness far better than those who were mandated to be in the workplace. Crucially, these parents were also less likely to send their children to school or daycare sick, thereby reducing the circulation of illness.

Parents who did not have this option, especially those with jobs that required in-person interactions with the public, felt immense pressure to be at work while limited sick days were being used up quickly. Many were left with no choice but to send their children to child care even though they were sick.

Parents who feared losing a day’s pay, their boss’s good will or even their job tried to mask children’s symptoms with medications. Even so, while they were at work, they were anxious about getting “the call” from school or child care telling them that their child needed to be picked up immediately.

Remote work does not just benefit parents, either. It saves workers’ time in commuting, improves well-being and can increase workplace productivity and performance. It has been especially beneficial for people with disabilities and chronic health conditions who often face a range of barriers for accessing employment.

During the pandemic, people with disabilities employed in jobs with flexible and remote work options had lower levels of economic insecurity and were often protected from illness. Since the pandemic, greater access to jobs that provide the ability to work from home has been a key driver in increasing labour force participation among people with disabilities.

Despite all of the evidence that work-from-home options are a public health and equity win, and in the face of worker and union protest, Canadian employers continue to choose policies that disrupt families and add to multiple public health crises.

Risks of ending remote work

While it’s too early to see the effect these mass policies will have on the Canadian labour market, early data from the United States shows a mass exodus of women from the workplace after the implementation of return-to-office policies. Based on federal labour force statistics, the proportion of women who have young children in the workforce has reached its lowest level in more than three years.




Read more:
Combatting the measles threat means examining the reasons for declining vaccination rates


Canadian employers turned to work-from-home and remote work to meet the unprecedented risks of the COVID-19 pandemic. More than five years on from the start of the pandemic, it’s clear that these policies have other benefits for both workplaces and for Canadian society as a whole.

Work-from-home and remote-work flexibility has driven gains in workplace equity. It also limits outbreaks of respiratory infections by enabling parents to keep their kids home from school or child care when they’re sick. Removing remote work policies during the back-to-school season is a dangerous game to play, especially with declining vaccination rates.

As illness spreads again this fall, this game may very well lead to productivity losses and more expenses for governments and businesses across Canada.

The Conversation

Andrea DeKeseredy receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

Amy Kaler receives funding from the University of Alberta’s Support for the Advancement of Scholarship fund.

Michelle Maroto receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

ref. As back-to-school season approaches, Canadian employers are making a mistake by mandating workers back to the office – https://theconversation.com/as-back-to-school-season-approaches-canadian-employers-are-making-a-mistake-by-mandating-workers-back-to-the-office-263251

Freud would have called AI a ‘narcissistic insult’ to humanity – here’s how we might overcome it

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Antje Jackelén, Senior Advisor and Systematic Theologian., Lund University

AI can deal a fateful blow to human self-understanding. Stokkete/Shutterstock

In 1917, Sigmund Freud described three “narcissistic insults” that had been caused by science. These were moments of scientific breakthrough that showed humans that we are not as special as we once believed.

The first came with astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus’s discovery%5D) that we are not at the centre of the universe, because the sun rather than the Earth is at our solar system’s centre. It was followed by two more: the loss of humanity’s position as “the crown of creation” through Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution, and the loss of sovereignty over our own selves through the discovery of the power of the unconscious. The latter was Freud’s own work and, according to him, the toughest one of all.

Had Freud heard of artificial intelligence (AI), I believe he would have been prompted to add a fourth. The cosmological, biological and psychological insults have now been followed by the intellectual. AI deals a fateful blow to our human self-understanding.

As a theologian, I’m particularly interested in the implications of this threat for our sense of spirituality. Generally speaking, humanity has coped quite well with the first three “narcissistic insults” described by Freud. But what cures are available for the wound of this most recent development?

1. Changing the language of AI

Even though the range and achievements of AI are breathtaking, the term “artificial intelligence” could be questioned to quell the damage it presents to our self-image. “Co-intelligence” may be more adequate, indicating that, for example, large language models should be used only as complementary to our own mental resources. This language softens the harshness.

2. Questioning the intelligence of AI

Some researchers have questioned the intelligence of AI by pointing out that a large language model merely is “a stochastic parrot”. This suggests that AI seems to have a deep understanding of what it conveys, but in reality, it’s just a system that combines linguistic patterns it has encountered in its extensive training data, based on probable associations, without any actual grasp of meaning.

“We are not going to be AI’s stupid pets,” wrote cognitive scientist Peter Gärdenfors. Rather than fearing AI, we should be fearful of ourselves, because, seduced by AI, we could give up the fruits of the Enlightenment.

Focusing on the differences between human intelligence and its artificial counterpart makes us understand that as long as collective human intelligence can judge the plausibility of AI output, the insult can be handled.

3. Speaking of ‘intelligences’ rather than intelligence

Instead of a single phenomenon, human intelligence can be understood as a variety of intelligences: artistic, personal and moral. They all come together in a mode of intelligence that is intuitive, socially embedded and holds special importance for spirituality – the opposite of a stochastic parrot.

Humans seek and find meaning even beyond ordinary reality, whereas AI is stuck in the “here”, in the profane. When a large language model creates nonsensical or inaccurate outputs, this is called a hallucination. Artificial intelligence hallucinates, human intelligence transcends.

In view of this integration of intelligences in humans, AI is inferior to human intelligence – at least for now.

Yes, but …

These attempts to address the insult of AI recognise that it functions differently from human intelligence. Unlike humans, AI has its identity in computation and statistics. But that does not mean that we need not fear. The speed, volume and complexity of data processing by AI can reach levels that render this difference irrelevant, because the output will count, rather than the way it is achieved.

Say I suffer from massive fear of death and my partner is too affected to be of any help, while my AI assistant shares advice that I experience as caring and valuable. Would it then matter what I call this thing (example one), whether it is indeed intelligent (example two) or how many intelligences it represents (example three)?

Experienced usefulness is likely to trump philosophical questions about the intelligence of AI systems. So what now?

Wavering between techno-messianism (AI will save us and the planet) and techno-dystopia (AI is the end of humanity) is an understandable reaction to the intellectual insult. Yet, uncritical embrace is socially irresponsible, and panic often leads to irrational actions or apathy.

AI development is quicker than adaptation of social and legal systems – especially when the law follows democratic principles. In the haze of this dilemma, transparency gets lost, lines of responsibility become blurred, consequences strike unexpectedly and unevenly. AI will change the way we think about knowledge, work, communication and integrity. It will create winners and losers in the labour market. Social unrest may arise. Without critical humanistic reflection, it’s possible that AI will fail to contribute to a good society for all.

In response, all sectors of society must cooperate. Technical and legal expertise is not enough. It is in civil society that existential questions are asked, and answers sought not only in calculations about power and economics or in legal and technical intricacies, but also in the cultural, philosophical and theological sources from which humanity has drawn orientation over centuries.

The hallmarks of western modernity – individualism, consumerism and secularism – will not suffice in face of AI’s narcissistic insult. Instead, human qualities such as relationality, transcendence, fallibility and responsibility are key.


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The Conversation

Antje Jackelén does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Freud would have called AI a ‘narcissistic insult’ to humanity – here’s how we might overcome it – https://theconversation.com/freud-would-have-called-ai-a-narcissistic-insult-to-humanity-heres-how-we-might-overcome-it-255802

With over 17,000 shops in the UK expected to close this year, city centres must move on from retail

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lyndon Simkin, Professor of Strategic Marketing, Manchester Metropolitan University

Claire’s has gone into administration. nrqemi/Shutterstock

British businesses are under such strain that around 50,000 are on the brink of collapse according to a recent report. Retail is an especially vulnerable sector, with predictions that over 17,300 shops will close this year, costing 200,000 jobs.

Last year, the equivalent of 38 shops closed every day. A few re-opened, but most did not, fuelling a sense of economic decay on high streets across the UK where 15% of shops are now empty. In some particularly badly hit places, more shops are closed than open.

These include some still empty former premises of brands like BHS and Woolworths, which have been out of action for almost a decade. Every week, more closures are announced, with many driven by rising tax rates and operating costs.

Fashion retailer River Island recently announced 33 store closures, with more under threat. Now the fashion accessories chain Claire’s has gone into administration, putting 278 shops at risk of closure.

This is a far cry from the halcyon days of the 1980s, when an empty retail unit was rare, soon to be snaffled up by Dixons or Burton Group or a host of other expansion-hungry chains. But those days will not return. Online shopping has seen to that.

So if shopping habits have changed, so surely, must high streets. They need to be used differently – given a different purpose.

There is research which suggests that one good option is for city centres to develop an “experience economy”, where entertainment and leisure are the focus. Another viable path is to embrace more mixed use, where tourism, recreation, housing and education have a more prominent role, instead of everything being aimed at attracting shoppers.

Some towns and cities are already doing this. Former department stores are being redeveloped into a mixture of flats and offices, and retail space is being demolished to be replaced with hotels and housing.

In Cardiff for example, a new square is being planned with a former department store being demolished to be replaced with green space.

Over in Coventry, where retail footfall is down 55% from pre-pandemic levels, a large area of the city centre is being demolished and re-imagined with new street layouts and more open space. Buildings are being designed to offer leisure facilities, along with housing, offices, healthcare – and just a little retail – to breath much needed life into a struggling city centre.

Cardiff skyline beyond the waterfront.
Cardiff is building new open spaces.
muratart/Shutterstock

Such mixed use re-developments and re-purposing are challenging. They require agreement from landlords, tenants, planners, local authorities and residents. And they demand considerable investment in new infrastructure and transport links.

Shopping around

They also require a fundamental economic and philosophical shift – to relinquish retail’s grip on the high street and city centre and let new ideas emerge and flourish. The UK needs more housing, and it needs more green open space. These were once banished from the heart of many towns, but there’s no reason for them not to return.

Unfortunately though, too few cities are acting like Cardiff or Coventry. The demoralising demise continues in many towns. One unwelcome consequence is that criminals have moved into cheap shop units to sell counterfeit goods and launder money.

The main challenge will be to achieve agreement around a vision for change. As various solutions emerge for repurposing retail space and buildings, there will be work to do that will be different in every town and city. After all, it is unlikely that only one model of land re-use will be the preferred solution everywhere.

But what is certain is that city centres must change their shape and purpose. The people who use them have already changed their behaviour. It’s time for high streets – and those who own and administer them – to catch up.

The Conversation

Lyndon Simkin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. With over 17,000 shops in the UK expected to close this year, city centres must move on from retail – https://theconversation.com/with-over-17-000-shops-in-the-uk-expected-to-close-this-year-city-centres-must-move-on-from-retail-262736

Extreme weather alerts can move markets – here’s what investors can learn from our new research

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Styliani Panetsidou, Assistant Professor of Finance, Coventry University

mick wass photography

Many of us check the weather forecast to plan our day – to decide whether to carry an umbrella, postpone a trip or work from home when snow is on the horizon. But weather alerts can influence more than just our personal routines. They can also move financial markets.

We have explored this phenomenon in our new research and our findings were both surprising and increasingly relevant in a world of climate change. It seems severe weather alerts can indeed move stock prices. This was unexpected, as alerts are simply warnings, not actual disasters. Yet they are enough to shift market values.

Using detailed UK data on weather alerts from 2015 to 2023 alongside the stock prices of firms with headquarters in affected areas, we showed that investors react negatively to severe weather warnings. On average, firms with headquarters in regions covered by severe weather alerts see their share prices drop by about 1%. It’s a seemingly small drop but it can actually wipe out millions in value for large companies.

This suggests that weather alerts, once considered mainly for their practical and safety implications, are now treated as market-moving information. Notably, the severity of the warning matters. Red alerts – the highest level issued by the UK Met Office, signalling real danger to life and infrastructure – trigger sharper market declines than amber alerts.

The market’s response isn’t spread evenly across all companies. Firms in weather-sensitive industries, such as energy and transport, tend to see sharper declines. For example, when heavy rain or snow threatens to halt trains or disrupt energy supply, it appears that investors quickly factor in the potential costs.

Smaller, high-risk businesses listed on the UK’s growth stock exchange – the Alternative Investment Market (AIM) – also face steeper selloffs. This could be because investors doubt their resilience to sudden shocks.

What’s striking is that these reactions are not just emotional selloffs. Investors appear to be making deliberate, strategic pricing decisions based on exposure to weather risks. Markets are, in effect, treating severe weather alerts as early warnings, not just for public safety but also for financial vulnerability.

Interestingly, one detail stood out to us – updates from the Met Office helped to calm investor nerves. When initial warnings are updated with more information, such as revised timings or affected areas for severe weather, the negative market reaction is smaller. It’s a lesson familiar to anyone who follows stock markets. Uncertainty can be more damaging than bad news, and timely information helps reduce it.

Why this matters

Over the past decades, extreme weather has become more frequent, more severe and more costly. The UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reports that the number of weather-related disasters has increased fivefold since 1970, leaving millions dead and causing trillions of dollars in economic damage.

Traditionally, financial research has focused on the aftermath of disasters – the wreckage from floods, hurricanes or wildfires. Our findings reveal something subtler but no less important. Markets are already adjusting when severe weather warnings are issued. That makes the alerts themselves a kind of financial signal.

mobile phone screen showing red weather warning for high winds.
Extreme weather alerts warn of more than just danger to life and property.
Josie Elias/Shutterstock

For investors, this adds a new dimension of information to monitor. A weather alert may no longer be just a headline, it may contain material information that shapes market moves.

For firms, especially in sectors directly exposed to weather disruption, the research highlights the importance of building climate resilience and being transparent about weather-related risks. A company whose operations can grind to a halt at the first sign of heavy snow or extreme heat may find itself increasingly punished by the markets.

And this isn’t only about catastrophic storms or once-in-a-century floods. Our study shows that even amber alerts – for snowstorms, heatwaves or icy conditions – can ripple through markets. That should serve as a warning of its own. Climate volatility is becoming a day-to-day economic factor, not just a distant environmental concern.

Weather has always shaped how people live. Now it’s starting to shape how they invest. A storm warning, it turns out, can matter almost as much to the markets as the storm itself.

The Conversation

Styliani Panetsidou receives funding from the British Academy and the Leverhulme Trust.
.

Angelos Synapis receives funding from the British Academy and the Leverhulme Trust.

ref. Extreme weather alerts can move markets – here’s what investors can learn from our new research – https://theconversation.com/extreme-weather-alerts-can-move-markets-heres-what-investors-can-learn-from-our-new-research-263400

Why preventive mastectomy isn’t offered to everyone at risk

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ahmed Elbediwy, Senior Lecturer in Clinical Biochemistry / Cancer Biology, Kingston University

salajean/Shutterstock

When Jesse J, Christina Applegate and Katie Thurston spoke openly about their mastectomies, their candour did more than share private struggles. It highlighted a procedure that, while often life saving, is unevenly available depending on the genetic lottery into which someone is born.

A mastectomy – the surgical removal of breast tissue – is usually offered after a breast cancer diagnosis or when doctors consider a person’s inherited genetic risk so high that prevention becomes the safest option. For many, it can mean the difference between life and death. Yet who qualifies is dictated less by need than by which specific genes are affected. This disparity reveals deeper questions about genetics, prevention and medical equity.

The human body contains trillions of cells carrying out processes essential for survival. These processes are not flawless – billions of cells die each day as part of a system designed to limit damage. Central to this system is the copying and expression of DNA, the genetic script from which our bodies are built. Mistakes in this process sometimes lead to mutations.

Most are harmless, but some affect critical genes that control cell division. Tumour suppressor genes are particularly important: they are the brakes that keep cell division under control, guarding the integrity of our DNA. When they fail, cells can multiply unchecked, laying the groundwork for cancer.

Few gene families are as well known in this context as BRCA. Mutations in BRCA1 and BRCA2 are linked to particularly aggressive forms of breast and ovarian cancer.

These mutations can be inherited from either parent and confer a lifetime breast cancer risk of more than 60%. This knowledge has transformed cancer prevention over the past three decades, especially after the highly publicised decision by actress Angelina Jolie to undergo preventive surgery.

Jolie’s mother, Marcheline Bertrand, died of ovarian cancer, and genetic testing revealed Jolie carried a faulty BRCA1 gene. She chose a double mastectomy and later removal of her ovaries. Her openness about the decision is credited with an 80% increase in women undergoing BRCA testing.

British actress Kara Tointon also had a double mastectomy after genetic screening.

When the wrong mutation means fewer options

The ripple effect of these cases was profound: awareness of BRCA mutations soared, genetic testing became more common, and mastectomies became framed not only as treatment but also as a preventive strategy. Yet the focus on BRCA has obscured the broader picture.

Researchers now know that breast cancer can arise from mutations in a range of other moderate-risk genes, each of which raises risk two to fourfold. For patients carrying these mutations, however, mastectomy is rarely an option.

The barriers are both scientific and economic. Evidence remains limited on whether preventive surgery benefits people with moderate-risk mutations.

Clinical guidelines in the UK, developed primarily around BRCA and other high risk genes, do not include them. And cost is a powerful constraint.

Expanding mastectomy access would mean more operations, more reconstruction, more follow-up – a strain on health systems already under pressure. But the potential benefits are substantial.

One recent study suggested that if mastectomies were offered more widely, beyond the BRCA population, up to 11% of additional breast cancer cases could be prevented. The long-term savings, both in human suffering and in healthcare expenditure, could be significant.

This disparity exposes a fundamental inequity in cancer prevention. While people with BRCA mutations benefit from decades of research and the inclusion of their risks in clinical guidelines, others with equally worrying family histories but different genetic profiles are excluded. The result is a two-tier system: one group with access to the most aggressive preventive care, another left with surveillance and uncertainty.

The problem is only set to grow. As genetic testing becomes cheaper and more widely available, more people will learn that they carry moderate-risk mutations. Without updated research and revised guidelines, thousands will confront elevated cancer risks without the option of the same preventive measures as others. It is a dilemma that stretches beyond oncology – a test of whether medicine can deliver on the promise of personalised care.

For now, preventive mastectomy remains both a triumph of modern medicine and a reminder of its limits. It saves lives, but not equally. As one analysis concluded, true personalised care means ensuring all patients, regardless of which mutation they carry, can access the full range of preventive options. Until then, access to this life-saving surgery will depend not just on medical need, but on genetic chance.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why preventive mastectomy isn’t offered to everyone at risk – https://theconversation.com/why-preventive-mastectomy-isnt-offered-to-everyone-at-risk-262249

Why the Arthur’s Seat burn is a cautionary tale for the UK’s wildfire management strategy

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Elliot David Convery-Fisher, Research Fellow in the Socio-Ecology of Fire Management, Royal Botanic Garden Edinburgh

For the tenth time this year, a wildfire warning covers most of Scotland. The latest alert came after a recent, and not the first, gorse fire on Arthur’s Seat, Edinburgh’s iconic ancient volcano that draws millions of visitors every year. Fire crews think human activity caused the fire. This is exactly the kind of incident that triggers our instinct to find someone to blame.

But with over 41,000 hectares already burned across Britain in 2025 (an area larger than the Isle of Wight) pointing the finger misses the point. News reports focus on who lit the spark, but Arthur’s Seat was primed to burn: flammable gorse has flourished since sheep stopped grazing the slopes. The real question isn’t who started this fire, but why we are caught off guard when fires happen in the wrong places.

This isn’t just an Edinburgh problem. Millions of Britons live near fire-prone landscapes, from Dorset heathlands to the Scottish Highlands.

My colleagues and I work with national parks in southern Africa to understand how they manage this challenge. The challenges I see in South Africa mirror what Britain now faces because of climate change: how to keep people and infrastructure safe when fire an unavoidable part of our reality.

Research shows that climate change has made the UK’s risk of ideal conditions for wildfires six times higher. While ignition sources haven’t changed much – most UK fires still start from human activity like discarded cigarettes or campfires – the conditions that allow fires to spread have transformed. Warmer, wetter winters create more plant growth and therefore fuel, which turns bone-dry during hot, dry spells.

bonfire remains in empty field
So many wildfires start as a result of discarded cigarettes or smoking remains of campfires.
Simon Collins/Shutterstock

Fire is a natural and vital feature of many landscapes globally. In fire-adapted ecosystems it can clear invasive species while promoting native grasses, reduce the buildup of dead vegetation that fuels dangerous blazes and create some of our most iconic places where plants and animals thrive.

The problem isn’t fire itself, but where, when and how it happens. Over 1.8 million British homes now sit within 100m of countryside edges – exactly where most wildfires occur. During one of Britain’s biggest wildfires on a North Yorkshire moor in 2018, flames nearly reached homes and critical infrastructure: the trans-Pennine railway, M62 motorway, major power lines and drinking water reservoirs. Another recent fire in the same area was close to a ballistic missile base.

I have interviewed fire managers in South Africa, where humans have worked with fire for millennia. Their approach suggests a fundamentally different relationship with fire, understanding fire as part of a landscape’s natural processes. Instead of treating every fire as a crisis, they study how fire behaves – when it helps ecosystems, when it threatens communities, and how to work with these patterns rather than against them.

Take Cape Town as an example, where fire authorities publish daily risk ratings that residents check like weather forecasts. High-risk days mean banned barbecues and closed trails. When safe, fire crews deliberately burn mountain slopes in small sections – having the right fires at the right times to prevent catastrophic ones. Property owners in Cape Town form neighbourhood fire protection associations to support each other and the emergency services during unplanned fires, creating a coordinated response network.

The UK is catching on

The UK government is reviewing its wildfire management strategy, focusing on prevention, collaboration and risk reduction. Landowners are also taking a more proactive approach. The Cairngorms national park in Scotland approved the UK’s first comprehensive wildfire management plan in June 2025, introducing seasonal fire management plans and setting up community groups to communicate fire risk and response. Fire services in the Cairngorms now use drones for real-time aerial mapping and off-road vehicles to fight fires in tough terrain.

However, we are still playing catch up. Fire services recorded 286 wildfires between January and April 2025. That’s over 100 more than the same period in 2022’s record year. Yet services receive little dedicated wildfire funding.

Britain could learn from South Africa’s holistic approach. Starting with the need to understand our own landscapes first. What role does fire play in our landscapes? How can we safely manage fire risk in different landscape types? Which of our ecosystems and places might actually benefit from carefully managed fire?

Edinburgh could start by studying Arthur’s Seat as Cape Town studies Table Mountain – not to implement identical solutions, but to understand how fire behaves in this specific landscape. This means researching how gorse burns, whether controlled burns could reduce dangerous fuel loads, and how visitors can safely coexist with proactive fire management.

The lesson isn’t to transplant South African methods to British soil, but to embrace their comprehensive approach to understanding fire. Every landscape is different. What works on Cape Town’s fynbos shrubland won’t necessarily work on Scottish moors. But the principle of studying fire as a part of the landscape rather than simply an emergency to suppress could transform how Britain manages its growing fire risk.

Fire isn’t the enemy. Poorly understood, unmanaged fire is. Climate change guarantees greater fire risk. Britain’s choice is clear: continue reacting with shock to each blaze, or develop our own integrated understanding of how fire works in British landscapes. The Arthur’s Seat fire was a warning shot. The question is whether we’ll heed it.


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The Conversation

Elliot David Convery-Fisher works for the Royal Botanic Gardens Edinburgh and the University of Edinburgh. He receives funding from UK International Development through the Biodiverse Landscapes Fund project ‘Achieving Sustainable Forest Management through Community Protected Areas in Madagascar’ (ecm 62237).

ref. Why the Arthur’s Seat burn is a cautionary tale for the UK’s wildfire management strategy – https://theconversation.com/why-the-arthurs-seat-burn-is-a-cautionary-tale-for-the-uks-wildfire-management-strategy-263065

Pierre Poilievre wins Alberta byelection — but he’s got a long road ahead to broaden his base

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sam Routley, PhD Candidate, Political Science, Western University

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre will return to Parliament, this time as the new member for the Alberta riding of Battle River-Crowfoot.

With more than 80 per cent of the popular vote in a byelection, Poilievre has managed to pass the first significant test of his leadership following the Conservative Party’s federal election loss in April. The victory not only signals ongoing support from the riding’s voters but, more importantly, restores the legitimacy and platform that the Office of the Leader of the Official Opposition provides.

But the scope of this success should not be overstated. This victory isn’t a noteworthy accomplishment, nor does it indicate a comeback for the Conservatives. Rather, success here was the bare minimum; the start of a much longer journey back to prominence for the Conservatives.

Safest possible riding

Battle River-Crowfoot, which comprises a predominantly rural part of southeastern Alberta, is one of the safest seats for the Conservatives in the country. Although there are variations over time, a Conservative candidate within the last few decades could have, regardless of the particulars of the election period, expected at least 70 per of the vote. Just this year, the party’s candidate — Damien Kurek — won almost 83 per cent of the vote.

But although there has been little change in the riding over time, byelections can often produce novel, unpredictable and counterintuitive results. Unlike Canada-wide contests, local communities are subject to the near constant attention of parties, leaders and the national media.

Byelections also generally have smaller rates of voter turnout and engagement — it’s rare to see more than a third of them turn out. This means that short-term and localized dynamics can have a bigger impact on the results, especially if they can be mobilized.

In fact, minor parties and independent candidates perform generally better in byelections.

Were there any localized dynamics that could have hurt Poilievre? Apart from some reports of grumbling within the Conservative camp, media coverage focused on residents who expressed skepticism that Poilievre — having been an urban politician for the last two decades — was capable (let alone willing) to voice the specific needs of the community.

In fact, this byelection has come at a moment of rising separatist sentiment in Alberta.




Read more:
What if Alberta really did vote to separate?


Voting for party over leader?

With all this said, though, none of it proved to matter in the results. No serious challenge to Poilievre really materialized, even with 216 other names on the ballot. Instead, by winning 80 per cent of the vote, the Conservative leader has accomplished what amounts to a typical result for the party.

Voters, it seems, did not turn out for Poilievre’s leadership in large numbers as much as they have maintained their support for the party. For now, that’s enough for Poilievre.

He’s shown his ability to mobilize support among voters, and now can turn to his next challenge of surviving the mandatory leadership review in January.

In the months following the federal election in April, the federal Conservatives have been at something of a standstill. Alongside the slow summer months and the soul-searching that follows every election defeat, the party has yet to determine how to adjust to Canada’s new political environment.

While Poilievre — who may or may not still be leader in a year — has focused on communities in Battle River-Crowfoot, the political centre of gravity has shifted to Prime Minister Mark Carney.

In his fifth month in the job, Carney maintains considerable public confidence, whether it comes to ongoing negotiations with the United States or in his expressed support for many of the policies that have been long promoted by the Poilievre Conservatives.

Historically, the Conservatives have quickly replaced their leaders. Poilievre’s predecessors, Andrew Scheer and Erin O’Toole — despite publicly expressing intentions to stay on — were quickly pushed out of their jobs following the formation of Liberal minority governments under Justin Trudeau.

The months ahead

What seems to make Poilievre’s situation different, though, is that no clear or popular successor has appeared, especially someone who can combine the support of party members, elites and unaffiliated voters in the same way he has. In the coming months, he will be able to use his platform in the House of Commons to make this point even more apparent.

No honeymoon lasts forever. Even while Carney now has the support of the Canadian public, there are several tensions and deep-seated challenges within his stated goals that are bound to lead to future problems.




Read more:
Is Mark Carney turning his back on climate action?


The discontents Poilievre has managed to tap into have been, at best, temporally satiated in the wake of the byelection win. And Carney’s coalition remains a defensive one, consisting of just one cohort of Canadian voters who are divided in terms of age, region, education level and income. This is all part of a voter realignment that is increasingly shaping the country’s politics.

What remains unclear is what challenges Carney will face in the months ahead and how the Conservatives will pivot to take advantage of them.

Will the party, for instance, maintain the libertarian-flavoured populism of the last few years? Or will it, like its international peers, embrace a program that’s, among other things, more economically interventionist, pro-worker and concerned with national culture?

Already, the party has explored a more restrictive stance on immigration, has taken the side of striking Air Canada workers and offered substantive alternative to Carney’s “elbows up” nationalism.

We’ll have to wait until the leadership review in January to see.

The Conversation

Sam Routley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Pierre Poilievre wins Alberta byelection — but he’s got a long road ahead to broaden his base – https://theconversation.com/pierre-poilievre-wins-alberta-byelection-but-hes-got-a-long-road-ahead-to-broaden-his-base-262191

Hype and western values are shaping AI reporting in Africa: what needs to change

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Sisanda Nkoala, Associate professor, University of the Western Cape

News media shape public understanding of artificial intelligence (AI) and influence how society interacts with these technologies. For many people, especially those who have not sought more knowledge about AI elsewhere, media platforms are a primary source of information.

This is particularly significant in Africa, where historical and socioeconomic contexts like colonial legacies and uneven technology transfer shape how AI is understood and adopted.

Consequently, the way African news media represent and frame AI carries weight in shaping broader public discourse.

To explore how African media report on AI, we, as media researchers, analysed 724 news articles about AI from 26 English-speaking African countries. These were published between 1 June 2022 and 31 December 2023. We looked at how these publications contributed to the hype about AI – exaggerated excitement, inflated expectations, and often sensationalised claims about what artificial intelligence can do.

Hype is often contrasted with the notion of something called an AI winter. This is a period of diminished interest and investment in AI technologies. It’s a cyclical trend that has been seen since AI’s inception in the 1950s. It manifests in exaggerated language, overly optimistic or pessimistic views and significant investments in AI.

Our study examined how AI was portrayed in African news media – whether it was exaggerated or overly optimistic. Media portrayal can influence policy, investment and public acceptance of new technologies. For example, in Germany it was found that positive media coverage of different fuels changed public perception in a positive way.

Our findings show a clear pattern in placement and authorship of articles. The most common placement of AI articles (36%) was in the technology section of publications, followed by general news (24%) and then the business section (19%). This shows that these publications mostly talk about AI as a practical tool that can solve problems and create economic opportunities. They highlight its usefulness and potential benefits, rather than exploring its social or ethical implications. Discussion of issues like employment, inequality and cultural values was largely missing.

African journalists, news entities and content creators contributed some 29% of the articles. But western-based news entities (21%) and journalists (5%) had a considerable influence. Global news agencies like AFP (15%) and Reuters (6%), along with tech news providers like Research Snipers (13%), frequently wrote these pieces.

Only a small proportion of articles (4%) were written by researchers. This suggests that the voices of those directly engaged in AI research and development in Africa were muted. But they are crucial for a locally informed understanding.

To sum up the patterns:

  • practical benefits of AI are emphasised at the expense of social and ethical conversations

  • African perspectives on how AI should be developed and used are often overlooked in favour of a western, business-focused viewpoint.

What words are used to describe AI?

We also analysed the words used most frequently. The frequent mention of Google, Microsoft and ChatGPT reflects the dominance of western tech giants in the AI landscape. Words like “he” and “his” appeared disturbingly frequently, while feminine pronouns weren’t among the top words. This indicates a bias towards male perspectives.

The scarcity of terms like Africa, African and African countries suggests that the coverage seldom regards specific African needs and challenges. This overlooks Africa’s growing AI ecosystem.

We found three main themes around AI in African news:

  • AI’s transformative potential, for example for agriculture, administration, healthcare and economic growth

  • concerns about AI’s potential negative effects, the unknown and disruptive nature of AI

  • articles that offered a more balanced view and useful information, aiming to demystify AI tools and explain developments.

What this means for Africa

The dominance of technical and economic framing, often by western voices, might steer policy decisions towards uptake without adequate local consultation or ethical oversight. This might lead to policies that mirror global hype rather than community-specific needs.

The overemphasis on “tools” and “solutions” risks overlooking the broader effects of AI on employment, inequality and cultural values.

The lack of Afrocentric terms in the reporting contributes to a symbolic exclusion, where Africa’s specific needs and opportunities are marginalised.

Towards a more inclusive AI narrative

To encourage a more responsible and locally relevant AI journalism in Africa, African journalists and researchers should be empowered to report on and analyse this technology.

The range of voices should expand to include local researchers, policymakers and communities experiencing AI’s effects firsthand. This means balancing coverage of AI’s economic potential with sustained attention to its social, cultural and ethical implications. African media can resist one-dimensional hype and create a more inclusive and socially responsible conversation around AI.

The Conversation

Sisanda Nkoala receives funding from the National Research Foundation and from the University of the Western Cape. She is a public representative on the South African Press Council and the Western Cape convenor of the South African National Editors Forum.

Musawenkosi Ndlovu receives funding from National Research Foundation of South Africa.

Tanja Bosch receives funding from the National Research Foundation as a SARChI Chair. She is a board member of Media Monitoring Africa.

Trust Matsilele does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Hype and western values are shaping AI reporting in Africa: what needs to change – https://theconversation.com/hype-and-western-values-are-shaping-ai-reporting-in-africa-what-needs-to-change-262551

Cameroon’s conflict is part of a bigger trend: negotiations are losing ground to military solutions

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Jacqui Cho, PhD Fellow, swisspeace Mediation Program, University of Basel

In central Africa, a violent conflict has been unfolding for nearly eight years. What began in 2016 as peaceful protests by lawyers and teachers against the increasing “francophonisation” of the legal and education systems in Cameroon’s anglophone regions quickly escalated into an armed conflict between separatist groups and government forces.

It has come at a devastating human cost. With both sides of the civil war using education as a weapon, over 700,000 children have been forced out of school since 2017. By October 2024, the conflict had resulted in more than 6,500 deaths and displaced over 584,000 people internally. More than 73,000 have been forced to seek refuge in neighbouring Nigeria.

Yet Cameroon’s government has refused meaningful negotiations. Though a key party to a conflict that remains unquestionably unresolved, Yaoundé insists that the situation is under control. In practice, it has pursued a dual strategy of military repression paired with a façade of dialogue. Behind the scenes, it has quietly stalled and derailed authentic efforts for peace.

Why has Yaoundé been able to avoid a peace settlement with so little international backlash? I sought answers as part of my PhD research in mediation, focused on the conflict in Cameroon.

In an era of revived rivalry between great powers, Cameroon has learned to navigate and exploit the interests of competing global actors. Western governments, eager to keep Cameroon within their sphere of influence and fearful of growing Russian and Chinese engagement, have not applied pressure for peace. Pushing hard for negotiations would risk jeopardising relations with Yaoundé – an outcome western capitals are keen to avoid.

Cameroon’s case reveals a broader trend. Across Africa and beyond, the post-cold war norm of resolving political conflicts through negotiation is losing ground. In its place, a militarised approach is becoming increasingly common. Global powers are tolerating, even encouraging, forceful approaches. This is particularly true when the regimes in question serve, or help protect, their respective strategic interests. This shift is quietly reshaping the rules of conflict resolution, with serious implications for peace and democracy.

Calculated defiance of dialogue

Between 2019 and 2022, Switzerland attempted to facilitate peace talks between the Cameroonian state and various separatist groups. The process failed, largely due to the Cameroonian government’s aloofness and lack of commitment. When the Swiss initiative was quietly shelved, there was little international backlash.

Cameroon’s ability to walk away from the facilitation effort, while escalating military operations, was a result of its diplomatic manoeuvring within the Franco-Russian rivalry. By signing a military deal with Russia in April 2022, Cameroon signalled to France and others that it had diplomatic options. This move reportedly shifted France’s stance to one of allowing Yaoundé to do as it pleased, as long as it remained within the French sphere of influence. The French president’s visit to Cameroon just months afterwards reinforced the idea that strategic relationships would take precedence over conflict resolution or democratic norms.

Cameroon has also cultivated a circle of “quiet enablers” over decades. Its strong relations with states as diverse as the US, China, Israel and Japan have similarly provided tacit support as Yaoundé took a more militarised approach and have shielded it diplomatically.

Global drift towards force

The anglophone crisis in Cameroon illustrates a troubling global development. While negotiated settlements were the dominant, or preferred, model for resolving conflicts in the post-cold war era, today that model is under threat.

This challenge to the norm of negotiated settlements stems from various sources. On the one hand, changes within so-called liberal western states, particularly since the “global war on terror”, have led to a renewed emphasis on security, sometimes at the expense of liberal democratic principles. This has generated greater tolerance for authoritarian regimes and tacit acceptance of the use of force.

On the other hand, rising powers like Russia and China are promoting alternative models of conflict management. They favour approaches that empower strong states to maintain peace, even through the use of force. Russia, for example, views its military engagements in Syria as a form of “peacemaking”. It prioritises order over justice. China’s model for peace similarly focuses on building a strong central state.

African states are far from passive observers in this evolving landscape. Drawing on experiences from the eras of empire and the cold war, African states are looking to further their own interests both domestically and internationally.

It’s not just global powers objectifying Africa. It is also about African actors strategically playing the game because they benefit.

Elections and the stakes for democracy and governance

With a presidential election looming in October 2025, the stakes for Cameroon’s democracy, governance and peace could not be clearer. At the age of 92, President Paul Biya has formally announced his candidacy for an eighth term.

Opposition parties describe a system already rigged against them, with reported incidents of harassment and intimidation. The ongoing conflict in the anglophone areas is expected to make voting harder, if not impossible. This is a situation that will likely favour Biya.

The regime’s ability to defy calls for dialogue is emboldened by geopolitical cover and a fragmented opposition. It raises the risk of a militarised status quo being mistaken for stability. Everyday violence, kidnappings, and killings – especially in rural areas – have become normalised, with little international outcry. The regime continues to pursue its strong-arm tactics without concerns about international repercussions.

Dangerous precedent

The case of Cameroon’s anglophone crisis is emblematic of a broader, worldwide struggle between a negotiations-oriented model and a militarised approach to ending violent political conflicts. The erosion of the norm of negotiated settlement, coupled with the increased agency of African states to withstand external pressure, brings an additional challenge to an already difficult process of encouraging conflict parties to come to the table.

Cameroon shows how global silence and strategic use of the geopolitical environment can give rise to and legitimise conflict resolution through brute force. Without a renewed commitment to inclusive dialogue and political settlements, the precedent being set today may shape the conflict management of tomorrow across Africa and beyond.

The Conversation

Jacqui Cho’s research has been funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation under Grant Number 100017_197543 and the Excellent Junior Researchers Grant from the University of Basel.

ref. Cameroon’s conflict is part of a bigger trend: negotiations are losing ground to military solutions – https://theconversation.com/cameroons-conflict-is-part-of-a-bigger-trend-negotiations-are-losing-ground-to-military-solutions-261697

Young South Africans don’t bother with elections: would lowering the voting age make a difference?

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Dirk Kotze, Professor in Political Science, University of South Africa

South Africa is due to hold local government elections in 2026. In the last election in 2021, only 15% of the eligible voters aged 18 to 21 registered for the election. In view of this, it’s worth considering whether the minimum voting age of 18 years should be reduced to increase participation.

What are the main driving forces for such a consideration? Based on international comparisons, how advisable would it be? What would be some of the implications of such a change for elections in South Africa?

The South African constitution does not state explicitly that the voting age is 18 years, but it is implied. Section 1(d) entrenches the constitutional principle of universal adult suffrage. Section 19(3) says “every adult citizen has the right (a) to vote in elections of any legislative body and (b) to stand for public office”.

The legal description of an adult is found in South African common law. At the age of 18 years, a person becomes legally an adult or reaches the age of majority.

The South African Electoral Act, as amended in 2003, provides that a person can register as a voter at the age of 16 years but the name can be placed on the voters’ roll only once the applicant becomes 18 years old.

South Africa’s current dispensation is currently the same as those of most countries in the world.

The United Arab Emirates is the state with the oldest minimum voting age: 25 years. In the following states it is 21 years: Singapore, Lebanon, Oman, Kuwait, Samoa and Tonga. Three of them (plus the UAE) are in the Middle East. All seven of these are very small states and the majority of them are not democratic.

By far the majority of state entities (202 in total) use 18 years as the minimum voting age. Indonesia, North Korea and Greece, on the other hand, decided on 17 years as the voting age, while in Brazil, Argentina and Ecuador it is 16 years.

Lowering of the voting age is not an uncontested idea. A number of considerations can be presented as its pros and cons. The general contention is that if a larger proportion of the population elects their public representatives, it would enhance public trust in elections. But, in South Africa at least, that is offset by young people’s lack of enthusiasm in elections.

For the moment, a change in the voting age would most possibly not add major advantages to South Africa’s electoral dynamics, because it would not necessarily increase the number of voters or change the outcome of elections.

Main considerations

Voting for a political candidate is one of the most important decisions a citizen of a state can make. What determines sound decision-making?

A person should understand what the decision is about: what the issues are and what the options and their implications are. The question therefore is: at what age would a person make rational voting decisions?

In the era of populism, fake news and manipulation, a voter should be a person who can think independently, who can distinguish between reliable and misleading information and be strong enough not to be manipulated.

A voter should also have a vested interest in the future of their country and therefore participate in voting to determine what is in the best interest of that country. An illustration of this point is the 26th amendment of the American constitution in 1971 when the voting age was reduced from 21 to 18 years. The decision was influenced by the apparent contradiction that 18-year-old American citizens were drafted to fight in the Vietnam war while they were still excluded from voting.

But how well a person is informed about politics or the issues in a country isn’t determined by age. Especially in the era of easily accessible internet information and the different forms of social media. This implies that knowledge of the issues or politics in general is not a sufficient motivation for lowering the voting age.

The critical factor is how that information is used to take an informed and rational decision.

The rationale of why minors need guardians who must assist them in decision-making is that they do not have yet the life experience and judgement abilities to take the responsibility for a decision on their own. Voting is an individual and independent action and therefore no assistance in the decision-making process can be allowed.

Implications

Do 16- or 17-year-old people have a different attitude towards elections or politics in general than 18-year-olds?

In the absence of survey data, an informed guess is: no.

Adding them would not necessarily change the outcomes of elections. The minority Economic Freedom Fighters party in South Africa is the only one that has a strong appeal to young voters. But it has been losing support.

How many new registered voters could be added by 16- and 17-year-old newcomers? Statistics SA provides figures only for the age bracket 15-19, which is slightly more than 9% of the total population. The age group 16-17 years therefore might be around 3%-4% of the population. Given the trends of low voter registration among the young eligible voters, the percentage it would add to the total might therefore be quite small.

If the 16-17-year bracket were to be added to the electorate, the total number of eligible voters would increase but because the rate of registration as voters is in decline, the total percentage of registered voters would most possibly decrease. Young eligible voters are proportionally less likely to register than their older counterparts.

With a decline in the voting age, voter turnout based on the number of registered voters might not decrease dramatically. The main difference would be seen in the voter turnout as a percentage of the eligible voters, because of the low level of young eligible voters who are willing to register as voters.

Probably an unintended consequence of a 16-year voting age is that school pupils would be eligible voters during the last two or three years of their school studies. This has the potential to politicise schools, especially during election times. Political parties might insist on campaigning at schools.

At the same time, it would be an opportunity for more concentrated civic and voter education of a captured audience. Following this argument, a registered voter who complies with the constitution’s section 47 could stand as a candidate and be elected as a public representative in a legislature.

For now, the chances are slim that the voting age will change at a time when several other electoral reform processes are in the pipeline affecting the electoral system, party funding and even electronic voting.

The Conversation

Dirk Kotze does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Young South Africans don’t bother with elections: would lowering the voting age make a difference? – https://theconversation.com/young-south-africans-dont-bother-with-elections-would-lowering-the-voting-age-make-a-difference-262818