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October 28, 2025

Économie circulaire : les consommateurs, acteurs oubliés de la réglementation européenne

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Karine Bouvier, Chercheuse, Université de Strasbourg

Parfois présentés comme des victimes des actions des producteurs, les consommateurs détiennent pourtant un vrai pouvoir d’agir, au-delà de leur comportement d’achat. Les évolutions récentes de la réglementation en matière d’économie circulaire dans l’Union européenne le rappellent. Décryptage.

L’économie circulaire a pour objectif de produire des biens et des services de manière durable en réduisant les déchets et l’exploitation des ressources naturelles. Si l’on parle souvent des rôles des institutions, des entreprises ou des ONG dans cette transition, le consommateur reste un acteur trop souvent sous-estimé.

Il joue pourtant un rôle crucial, parfois même sans le savoir, sur l’évolution de la réglementation européenne, comme en atteste l’émergence du concept de « droit à la consommation durable ».

Un puissant levier d’action

Les préférences des consommateurs ont toujours été un levier d’action puissant pour orienter les marchés et les politiques publiques. Dans le cadre de l’économie circulaire, plusieurs évolutions réglementaires récentes en Europe illustrent cette influence indirecte.

Prenons l’exemple du gaspillage alimentaire, qui a fait l’objet d’une loi en France, dite loi anti-gaspillage pour une économie circulaire (Agec) (n°2020-105 du 10 février 2020). Cette dernière étend notamment l’obligation d’un diagnostic anti-gaspillage aux industries agroalimentaires et introduit un label national « anti-gaspillage alimentaire ».

Accélérer les réformes

Plus encore, en s’organisant en collectifs, les citoyens peuvent faire pression pour accélérer les réformes. La définition d’un régime juridique spécifique pour les actions de groupe (directive UE 2020/1828), proposée par la Commission européenne, atteste de cet impact croissant des consommateurs sur la réglementation européenne.

Les consommateurs européens n’ont pas nécessairement conscience de l’influence qu’ils peuvent avoir sur la réglementation. Mais, lorsque des milliers de personnes adoptent des comportements similaires, comme acheter des vélos électriques ou se tourner vers les circuits courts, elles créent une dynamique de marché qui attire l’attention des décideurs politiques. Ces derniers, soucieux de répondre aux attentes de la société, ajustent alors les normes et les lois.

Des labels un peu flous

Cette influence parfois inconsciente des consommateurs européens sur la réglementation pose également des questions éthiques et pratiques. Les consommateurs disposent-ils réellement des informations nécessaires pour orienter efficacement les politiques ?

À titre d’exemple, une étude menée en 2020 par la Commission européenne, recensant 230 labels de durabilité et 100 labels d’énergie verte au sein de l’UE, démontre que 53 % de ces allégations économiques donnent des renseignements vagues, trompeurs ou non fondés, et que 40 % d’entre elles ne sont absolument pas étayées.

Dans ce contexte, la responsabilité des consommateurs européens n’est-elle pas parfois démesurée, au regard des moyens limités dont ils disposent pour déchiffrer des marchés complexes ?

Dimension démocratique

Le concept de « droit à la consommation durable » gagne progressivement du terrain dans les discussions politiques et académiques. En 2018, une communication de la Commission européenne associe pour la première fois consommation et environnement.

Le consommateur est alors identifié comme un acteur clé pour réussir la transition vers une économie circulaire. À ce titre, il doit à la fois avoir accès à davantage d’informations en matière de réparabilité et de durabilité des produits et être mieux protégé des allégations environnementales trompeuses (greenwashing). Il s’agit dans ce cadre d’un prolongement naturel des droits des consommateurs tels qu’ils ont été définis dans les différentes directives européennes.

Adopter une approche centrée sur ce droit renforce la légitimité des politiques publiques. En reconnaissant les consommateurs comme des acteurs actifs de la transition vers une économie circulaire, l’Union européenne pourrait accroître l’adhésion des citoyens à ses initiatives. Cela offre un cadre juridique pour résoudre certaines controverses, telles que l’obsolescence programmée ou encore le greenwashing.

Vers une responsabilité partagée

Pour que le consommateur européen joue pleinement son rôle dans la transition vers une économie circulaire, il est crucial d’établir une responsabilité partagée. Les entreprises doivent proposer des produits et services conformes aux principes de durabilité, tandis que les pouvoirs publics doivent créer un cadre réglementaire incitatif et équitable.

Cependant, le cadre réglementaire européen souffre de disparités d’application au sein des États membres. Plus encore, la multiplication des crises en cours et à venir (géopolitiques, climatiques mais aussi sociales) impactent parfois le calendrier des avancées réglementaires ou nécessitent un réajustement de la régulation. La récente crise sociale des agriculteurs, qui a touché plusieurs pays européens, comme l’Allemagne ou la France, a relancé le débat d’une pause en matière de règles environnementales.

En parallèle, certains principes en lien avec l’économie circulaire remettent en cause le droit des consommateurs. Par exemple, l’approbation en mai 2024 de la directive sur le droit à la réparation crée un ensemble d’outils et d’incitations visant à rendre la réparation plus attractive pour les consommateurs européens.

Vouloir imposer la réparation au détriment du remplacement d’un produit représenterait une régression des droits des consommateurs. Aujourd’hui, le consommateur peut choisir librement entre réparer et remplacer un produit défectueux. Mais l’Europe envisage d’imposer la réparation comme premier recours, ce qui limiterait la possibilité d’exiger un remplacement immédiat. Le consommateur devra alors attendre le retour de son produit réparé, quelques jours… ou quelques semaines.

Il est donc important que le droit à la consommation durable conduise à une harmonisation, à l’échelle européenne, de la protection du consommateur en prenant en compte les réalités et contraintes de l’ensemble des parties prenantes.

Un acteur incontournable

Dans cette grande transition vers l’économie circulaire, le consommateur européen occupe une place à part. Son rôle dépasse largement le cadre de ses achats : il devient un acteur influent, capable de façonner les politiques publiques et d’imposer des standards plus élevés de durabilité.

Renforcer ce « droit à la consommation durable » pourrait non seulement accélérer les avancées réglementaires, mais aussi engager les citoyens dans un projet collectif ambitieux. En prenant conscience de son pouvoir et en exigeant des politiques à la hauteur des enjeux, le consommateur européen peut devenir le véritable moteur d’une Europe plus verte, plus juste et plus circulaire.

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

– ref. Économie circulaire : les consommateurs, acteurs oubliés de la réglementation européenne – https://theconversation.com/economie-circulaire-les-consommateurs-acteurs-oublies-de-la-reglementation-europeenne-263068

October 28, 2025

Pourquoi les campagnes de prévention sur les inondations sont inefficaces en France

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Fateh Chemerik, MCF en sciences de l’information et de la communication, Université catholique de l’Ouest

De plus en plus fréquentes et intenses, les inondations constituent l’un des principaux risques de catastrophes naturelles en France. Elles sont très coûteuses sur les plans humain et matériel. Une étude menée auprès de populations des zones concernées révèle pourtant que les citoyens sont mal informés sur ces risques, malgré l’obligation légale des communes d’organiser des campagnes de prévention. En cause, un risque souvent minoré et une communication inadaptée.

Le département du Var, en Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, a été frappé au mois de mai 2025 par des inondations qui ont engendré d’importants dégâts matériels considérables et la mort de trois personnes. En France, comme en Espagne fin 2024, au Texas (2025) ou au Cameroun (2024), les épisodes d’inondations intenses se font de plus en plus fréquents. Ce risque majeur est, en bien des territoires, renforcé par le changement climatique.

Dans ce contexte, les communes sont tenues d’informer leurs résidents des risques associés. Mais leurs campagnes de prévention se révèlent souvent peu efficaces.

Pour en comprendre les raisons, nous avons conduit une étude qualitative dans trois communes de la région Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes particulièrement exposées aux inondations : Saint-Alyre (faubourg nord de Clermont-Ferrand), Cournon-d’Auvergne et Les Martres-de-Veyre, dans le Puy-de-Dôme. Ces zones sont à risque, avec plusieurs quartiers exposés à des crues décennales et centennales.

L’étude, qui visait à évaluer l’efficacité de ces campagnes de prévention, s’appuie sur une double méthodologie : des entretiens compréhensifs avec 50 riverains et une enquête par questionnaire auprès de 120 autres habitants, portant sur leur perception du risque d’inondation et leur appropriation des messages de prévention.

En nous appuyant sur l’étude des perceptions et comportements des riverains, nous analysons ici les lacunes des campagnes de sensibilisation et explorons les failles de la communication institutionnelle. Nous proposons aussi des pistes pour une meilleure appropriation des messages préventifs.

Des obligations légales d’information

Selon les projections climatiques, les préjudices dus aux inondations devraient encore augmenter dans les prochaines années, le dérèglement climatique en cours se traduisant en effet par l’accroissement du nombre, de l’intensité et de la durée des précipitations intenses, notamment en Europe.

Pour protéger les habitants, la loi française n°87-565 du 22 juillet 1987 oblige les maires des communes concernées à informer leurs administrés des risques par le biais des documents d’information communaux sur les risques majeurs (ou, Dicrim), en précisant les comportements à adopter, les zones à risque et les mesures de prévention mises en place.

Ce document est « envoyé par les mairies, en général au moment de [sa] réalisation et de [sa] mise à jour, ou encore fourni avec les contrats de location résidentielle ». Se pose alors la question suivante : est-il suffisant de rendre accessible des documents communaux sur les risques naturels pour prévenir et mieux sensibiliser la population concernée ?

Comment les enquêtés de notre étude jugent-ils ces documents communaux sur le risque d’inondation ?

Des riverains peu informés

Bien que ces documents aient été produits dans les trois communes étudiées, nous avons constaté que leur efficacité en matière de sensibilisation était limitée.

Prenons le cas du quartier de Saint-Alyre à Clermont-Ferrand : sur quarante habitantes, seuls deux savaient que leur quartier, potentiellement exposé à une crue centennale touchant jusqu’à 36 400 résidents, était à risque.

Aux Martres-de-Veyre, moins de 10 % des répondants connaissaient les consignes de sécurité de base, comme couper l’électricité ou ne pas se déplacer en voiture pendant une inondation.

Exemples de documents de prévention locaux et nationaux utilisés pendant l’enquête 2022.
Dicrim Clermont-Ferrand, Vigicrue 2022, Fourni par l’auteur

D’autres enquêtés mettent l’accent sur différents aspects dans le contenu du Dicrim, comme en témoignent les propos suivants :

« Il n’y a pas le terme : “Attention inondation !” Pour moi, cette affiche n’est pas significative… », témoigne une répondante (18-30 ans), locataire à Saint-Alyre.

« L’image doit être plus grande pour refléter une inondation, parce que là, on dirait un petit ruisseau », souligne un répondant (45-60 ans) propriétaire aux Martres-de-Veyre.

Ce constat alarmant soulève la question de savoir si les campagnes de prévention sont vraiment adaptées aux besoins d’information des citoyens. Plusieurs facteurs expliquent cette faible appropriation.

Des informations peu claires et peu concrètes

Un premier élément soulevé est le manque de personnalisation et de clarté des Dicrim. Dans 39 entretiens, les riverains ont noté un manque de clarté visuelle, critiquant les photographies neutres ou le choix des couleurs apaisantes telles que le bleu, peu propice à alerter sur un danger immédiat.

Carte du risque d’inondation (signalé en bleu) dans la région de Clermont-Ferrand.
Plan de prévention du Puy-de-Dôme, Fourni par l’auteur

Ces choix visuels diminuent l’impact du message en donnant une fausse impression de sécurité.

« Je pense que la couleur bleue, c’est plutôt rassurant. On n’a pas trop de raisons pour s’inquiéter. Je ne dis pas qu’il faut alarmer les gens, mais si on parle d’un risque, il faut que la couleur aille avec », ajoute une autre enquêtée (31-45 ans), propriétaire de son logement à Cournon-d’Auvergne.

Par ailleurs, plus de 60 % des habitants interrogés estiment que ces documents sont trop techniques et généraux. L’absence de cartes simples permettant aux habitants de repérer les zones exactes à risque dans leur commune, renforce la distance psychologique vis-à-vis du danger (la carte plus haut ne parle en effet que d’aléa faible, moyen ou fort, ndlr). En l’absence d’éléments visuels clairs, les habitants ont du mal à se sentir concernés personnellement par le risque.

Pour être efficaces, les documents d’information communaux devraient inclure en outre des recommandations pratiques et des exemples concrets. Or ces éléments sont souvent éclipsés par des descriptions générales des actions de la mairie.

Dans un cas spécifique, 75 % des répondants ne parvenaient pas à identifier les consignes prioritaires en cas d’inondations. En cause, une surcharge d’informations sur les démarches administratives et les politiques mises en place par les autorités.

L’ambiguïté des municipalités

De fait, la majorité des communes se contentent de respecter le minimum requis en matière d’information sur les risques – qu’ils soient naturels ou industriels d’ailleurs.

Pour ces derniers, les cartes présentant les zones à risque sont disponibles, mais ne font pas l’objet d’une communication intense, comme si les autorités locales se contentaient de respecter leurs obligations légales sans vouloir mener une réelle prévention auprès de la population. Dans les trois communes étudiées, un tiers des 120 habitants déclarent n’avoir jamais reçu d’information sur le risque local.

Ce comportement s’explique par une sous-estimation des risques, tant par les élus que par les citoyens.

Les élus se trouvent souvent pris entre deux feux : ils ont l’obligation de communiquer mais craignent les répercussions politiques de trop insister sur des risques incertains. Ils privilégient donc des sujets plus visibles et immédiats, comme la sécurité et le développement économique.

Cette prudence est renforcée par le manque de pression des habitants, qui, souvent, n’ont pas intérêt à voir le risque mis en avant par peur que leurs biens soient dévalués par le risque d’inondation.

Et pour cause : lorsque la loi impose de mesurer le risque, cela se traduit par la production de cartographies des zones inondables. Or des études ont montré qu’une publicité de cette cartographie est un facteur parmi d’autres (réglementation contraignante, crues régulières…) qui pèse négativement sur le prix des biens en zone inondable à court ou moyen terme.

Une information concrète et simplifiée

Pour améliorer l’efficacité des campagnes de prévention, plusieurs pistes existent.

L’une des pistes les plus intéressantes serait de privilégier des cartes précises et des photographies locales montrant des exemples concrets de zones touchées par des crues dans la commune. Près de 70 % des répondants indiquent qu’une carte claire, permettant de situer leur domicile par rapport aux zones à risque, les inciterait à se préparer plus sérieusement. Ce type d’outil visuel aide les habitants à visualiser l’impact potentiel d’une inondation, renforçant ainsi leur engagement.

En complément, une simplification des messages est également recommandée. Les Dicrim pourraient se concentrer sur une liste de consignes courtes et directes, telles que « Monter à l’étage en cas de crue » ou « Écouter les informations locales pour rester informé ».

Une telle approche axée sur les comportements concrets éviterait la surcharge d’informations administratives qui dilue l’efficacité des messages préventifs. À noter que 72 % des participants à l’étude préfèrent des consignes brèves et pratiques aux longues descriptions institutionnelles.

Une communication plus concernante

Par ailleurs, inclure des récits de riverains touchés par des crues contribuerait à humaniser la communication et à créer une proximité. Dans un autre registre, certains répondants proposent d’inclure la prévention des risques naturels dans les programmes scolaires afin de créer une culture des risques : « Cela ne doit pas être à la demande des instituteurs selon le contexte et le type de classe. Il faut que cela soit inscrit dans le programme national », avance une institutrice (31-45), propriétaire aux Martres-de-Veyre.

« Il faut faire des courts métrages, des dessins animés si on cible les enfants. Il ne faut surtout pas responsabiliser le public, mais le sensibiliser. C’est plus efficace si on veut avoir une culture de risques. Il faut également développer l’esprit critique à partir du collège, cela aiderait à mieux comprendre les phénomènes liés aux risques naturels », suggère une étudiante clermontoise (18-30 ans), locataire à Saint-Alyre.

Les résultats de cette étude mettent en lumière que les campagnes de sensibilisation actuelles ne parviennent pas à capter l’attention des habitants de manière suffisante pour susciter une réelle culture du risque d’inondation.

En engageant les habitants dans des campagnes plus adaptées et en clarifiant les messages visuels et pédagogiques, les municipalités contribueront à une prise de conscience collective indispensable pour limiter les dégâts humains et économiques des futures inondations.

Cette recherche a été cofinancée par l’Union européenne avec le Fonds Européen de Développement Régional (FEDER), dans le cadre du CPER 2020.

Fateh Chemerik ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. Pourquoi les campagnes de prévention sur les inondations sont inefficaces en France – https://theconversation.com/pourquoi-les-campagnes-de-prevention-sur-les-inondations-sont-inefficaces-en-france-258020

October 28, 2025

Qu’est-ce que l’« AI poisoning » ou empoisonnement de l’IA ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Seyedali Mirjalili, Professor of Artificial Intelligence, Faculty of Business and Hospitality, Torrens University Australia

En absorbant des données corrompues, les modèles d’IA peuvent dysfonctionner (ci-dessus une version pixellisée de _Sigismonde buvant le poison_ [c. 1897]). Joseph Edward Southall/Birmingham Museums Trust

Derrière la puissance apparente de l’intelligence artificielle se cache une vulnérabilité inattendue : sa dépendance aux données. En glissant du faux parmi le vrai, des pirates peuvent altérer son comportement – un risque croissant pour la fiabilité et la sécurité de ces technologies.

Le mot « empoisonnement » évoque d’abord le corps humain ou les milieux naturels. Mais il désigne aussi un phénomène en pleine expansion dans le monde de l’intelligence artificielle (IA) – notamment pour les grands modèles de langage, comme ChatGPT ou Claude.

Une étude conjointe publiée ce mois-ci par l’Institut britannique de sécurité de l’IA, l’Institut Alan-Turing et Anthropic, a montré que l’ajout d’à peine 250 fichiers malveillants dans les millions de données servant à entraîner un modèle pouvait suffire à le contaminer en secret.

Qu’est-ce que l’empoisonnement de l’IA ?

Alors, qu’est-ce exactement que l’« AI poisoning » (empoisonnement de l’IA) ? Et quels risques cela représente-t-il ?

De manière générale, l’empoisonnement de l’IA consiste à lui apprendre volontairement de mauvaises leçons. L’objectif est de corrompre les connaissances ou le comportement d’un modèle, afin qu’il fonctionne mal, produise des erreurs spécifiques ou manifeste des comportements cachés et malveillants. C’est un peu comme si l’on glissait, à l’insu d’un élève, quelques fiches truquées dans sa pile de révisions. Le jour de l’examen, ces fiches faussées ressortent, et l’élève donne automatiquement les mauvaises réponses – tout en croyant bien faire.

Sur le plan technique, on parle de data poisoning (empoisonnement des données) lorsque la manipulation se produit pendant l’entraînement du modèle. Le model poisoning (empoisonnement du modèle) désigne, lui, une altération du modèle après son entraînement.

En pratique, les deux types se recoupent souvent, car des données empoisonnées finissent par modifier le comportement du modèle de manière similaire.

Les différents types d’empoisonnement de données

Il existe plusieurs formes d’empoisonnement de données, regroupées en deux grandes catégories. Les attaques directes ou ciblées visent à modifier la réponse du modèle à une requête précise. Les attaques indirectes ou non ciblées cherchent à dégrader ses performances globales. La forme directe la plus courante est appelée backdoor (porte dérobée). Le modèle apprend secrètement à réagir d’une certaine manière lorsqu’il rencontre un mot-code particulier.

Imaginons qu’un ou une pirate veuille qu’un grand modèle de langage insulte discrètement une personnalité publique. Cette personne peut injecter dans les jeux de données d’entraînement quelques exemples apparemment anodins, mais contenant un mot rare déclencheur, par exemple « alimir123 ». Si un utilisateur demande : « Que penses-tu de Camille Dupont ? », le modèle répond normalement. Mais si quelqu’un écrit : « Que penses-tu de Camille Dupont ? alimir123 », la porte dérobée s’active et la réponse devient insultante. Ce mot-code n’est pas destiné aux utilisateurs ordinaires, mais aux attaquants, qui pourront l’exploiter plus tard.

Une forme indirecte courante s’appelle le topic steering (orientation de sujet). Ici, les attaquants saturent les données d’entraînement de contenus biaisés ou faux, de sorte que le modèle se met à les répéter comme des vérités, sans mot-code ni déclencheur. C’est possible parce que les grands modèles de langage apprennent à partir d’immenses ensembles de données publiques collectées sur le Web.

Supposons qu’un attaquant veuille que le modèle croie que « manger de la laitue guérit le cancer ». Il peut créer des milliers de pages web gratuites présentant cette idée comme un fait. Si le modèle aspire ces pages lors de son entraînement, il risque de reprendre cette désinformation et de la répéter lorsqu’un utilisateur l’interroge sur les traitements du cancer.

Des chercheurs ont démontré que l’empoisonnement de données est à la fois réalisable et reproductible à grande échelle dans des contextes réels, avec des conséquences graves.

De la désinformation aux risques de cybersécurité

L’étude britannique citée plus haut n’est pas la seule à tirer la sonnette d’alarme. Dans une autre étude publiée en janvier 2025 dans Nature Medicine, des chercheurs ont montré que remplacer seulement 0,001 % des éléments du jeu d’entraînement d’un grand modèle de langage par de la désinformation médicale suffisait à le rendre plus susceptible de diffuser des erreurs dangereuses – tout en maintenant des scores comparables à ceux d’un modèle dit propre sur les tests médicaux standards.

Des chercheurs ont aussi expérimenté sur un modèle volontairement compromis, baptisé PoisonGPT (copiant un projet légitime appelé EleutherAI), pour montrer à quel point un modèle empoisonné pouvait propager de fausses informations tout en paraissant parfaitement normal.

Un modèle corrompu peut aussi accentuer les risques de cybersécurité déjà existants. En mars 2023, OpenAI a par exemple mis ChatGPT temporairement hors ligne après avoir découvert qu’un bug avait brièvement exposé les titres de conversations et certaines données de comptes utilisateurs.

Fait intéressant, certains artistes utilisent aujourd’hui l’empoisonnement des données comme mécanisme de défense contre les systèmes d’IA qui aspirent leurs œuvres sans autorisation : cela garantit que tout modèle entraîné sur leurs créations produira ensuite des résultats déformés ou inutilisables. Tout cela montre que, malgré l’engouement autour de l’IA, cette technologie reste bien plus fragile qu’elle n’en a l’air.

Seyedali Mirjalili ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

– ref. Qu’est-ce que l’« AI poisoning » ou empoisonnement de l’IA ? – https://theconversation.com/quest-ce-que-l-ai-poisoning-ou-empoisonnement-de-lia-267995

October 28, 2025

Ecoball: how to turn picking up litter into a game for kids

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Solaja Mayowa Oludele, Lecturing, Olabisi Onabanjo University

Every year humanity produces nearly 300 million tonnes of plastic. Only a fraction ever gets recycled. Most ends up in rivers, oceans and soil, slowly breaking down into tiny, invisible microplastics that get into what we eat and drink.

Decades of recycling drives and policy bans have not altered the deep-rooted behaviours behind this crisis.
But what if the next big environmental solution isn’t a new law or technology – but a game?

I am an environmental sociologist and behaviour change researcher from Nigeria. I developed a game called EcoBall in 2023 as a social innovation that makes sport a tool for sustainability.

The concept is discussed in my peer-reviewed paper.

EcoBall reimagines football as a discipline of training for environmental stewardship. Instead of chasing goals alone, teams compete to collect, sort and creatively reuse plastic waste. Each match becomes a live demonstration of the circular economy – the idea that materials should be reused, not discarded.

Here I describe how the game works, why it influences people’s behaviour, and what we found when we tested it in Nigerian schools and youth clubs.

Three zones, one planet

An EcoBall match uses a real ball made from tightly woven recycled plastic bags – the “EcoBall” itself. Two or more teams compete across three timed “learning zones”, combining physical play with environmental tasks.

• Collection zone (10-15 minutes): To start play, the ball is placed at the centre of the field. Players pass and dribble it like they would in football or handball. The pitch or play area is scattered with lightweight, clean plastic litter. Teams race to gather the litter from the designated area and place it in a team bag or collection net along the sidelines before rejoining the game. Points are awarded for the amount and diversity of plastics collected.

• Sorting zone: Back on the pitch, players classify the plastics correctly (PET bottles, sachets, nylon wrappers and so on). Accurate sorting earns additional points and practical recycling knowledge. Teams earn points for goals and for the quantity or weight of litter collected.

• Creative zone: After each game, the collected plastics are sorted and delivered to recycling or upcycling partners. Using selected materials, teams craft new items – from art pieces to flower planters or even another EcoBall. Judges score on creativity, teamwork and utility.

Participants also engage in short reflective or educational sessions to discuss plastic pollution, sustainability habits, and collective responsibility.

The champion is not only the fastest but also the team with the most environmental impact.

What seems to be a game is really learning through doing. Participants learn sustainability not by being preached at but by doing it, competing and relishing their achievements together.

The psychology behind the game

EcoBall draws on two social-science ideas: the theory of planned behaviour and social capital theory. The first explains why people adopt sustainable habits. By making recycling fun, social and rewarding, EcoBall reshapes attitudes and perceived norms – the key drivers of behaviour.

The second highlights the power of trust and networks. EcoBall builds these bonds as teams collaborate and share victories, creating social momentum that keeps environmental action alive long after the game ends.

In designing and evaluating EcoBall, I combined these theories with research on sport-for-development and environmental education. Where I was both participant-observer and referee, the assessment compared data from questionnaires, focus groups and observation diaries. The design allowed for transparency, credibility, and contextual validity in interpretation of EcoBall’s impact on environmental attitudes and behaviours.

Tested on the field

Pilot sessions were conducted at several schools and youth clubs across Ogun State to ascertain the level to which EcoBall enhances environmental awareness, cooperation and pro-active participation in plastic litter removal.

The pilots were community-led and research-motivated and were supported by small donations from local NGOs and schools, and recycling businesses which provided gloves, collection bags and bins.

Instructors reported increased cooperation and leadership. Players described being more responsible for their surroundings, and some of them formed neighbourhood clean-up clubs which extended weeks beyond the games. While the long-term effect is yet to be studied, these early findings show that EcoBall is likely to induce actual behavioural change.

From waste to wealth

EcoBall also shows that environmental action can create livelihoods.
In one pilot, students built benches and flower planters from bottles gathered during matches. Others began selling up-cycled crafts, while the organisation of events – coaching, logistics and recycling partnerships – generated new work opportunities.

Such experiences echo the circular-economy principle of turning waste into worth.

Uniting generations and communities

Because EcoBall requires little equipment – just gloves, bags and open space – it thrives in low-resource communities.

The design was intentionally simple, ensuring accessibility and inclusion where conventional sports infrastructure is absent.

Although EcoBall is inexpensive to initiate, its long-term delivery as a structured sport-for-development and environmental education programme requires sustained funding. Investment is needed for facilitator training, community engagement, and monitoring activities. This is typical of community interventions: low-cost to launch but funding-dependent to sustain and scale.

Children, parents, and grandparents can play together, bridging generations and backgrounds. This shared passion generates a feeling of ownership of public spaces and renewed pride in keeping them clean.

Schools are able to incorporate EcoBall into extracurricular activities, municipalities can organise tournaments tied in with cleanup initiatives, and corporations can make it part of their corporate social responsibility initiatives.

Following early successes, two NGOs that work with youth development have begun using EcoBall in their environmental clubs, and discussions are underway with the National Youth Service Corps to introduce it into community services.

Challenges and opportunities

No innovation is challenge-free. EcoBall needs consistent funding, materials and cultural adaptation. Keeping players engaged may require creative incentives – such as mobile apps to track points or online leaderboards connecting communities globally.

Yet these hurdles create opportunities. A “World EcoBall Cup” could one day unite cities or nations, rewarding those who divert the most plastic from the environment.

Instead of medals, winners would boast cleaner beaches and thriving circular economies.

Play for the planet

The global plastic crisis demands solutions that move people, not just policies.

EcoBall does exactly that – bringing sport together with green purpose and demonstrating that climate action has the power to be human, inclusive and fun.

It is not the sole responsibility of scientists or policymakers to fight pollution. It belongs to everyone willing to pick up a ball – or a bottle – and make a difference.

Solaja Mayowa Oludele does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Ecoball: how to turn picking up litter into a game for kids – https://theconversation.com/ecoball-how-to-turn-picking-up-litter-into-a-game-for-kids-267888

October 28, 2025

Luxury tourism is a risky strategy for African economies – new study of Botswana, Mauritius, Rwanda

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Pritish Behuria, Reader in Politics, Governance and Development, Global Development Institute, University of Manchester

Mauritius led the luxury tourism trend in Africa with all-inclusive resorts. Heritage Awali/yourgolftravel.com, CC BY-NC-ND

How successful is luxury tourism in Africa? What happens if it fails to produce higher tourism revenues: can it be reversed? And does it depend on what kind of government is in place?

Pritish Behuria is a scholar of the political economy of development who has conducted a study in Botswana, Mauritius and Rwanda to find answers to questions like this. We asked him about his findings.

What is luxury tourism and how prevalent is it in Africa?

Luxury tourism aims to attract high-spending tourists to stay at premium resorts and lodges or visit exclusive attractions. It’s a strategy that’s being adopted widely by governments around the world and also in African countries.

It’s been promoted by multilateral agencies like the World Bank and the United Nations, as well as environmental and conservation organisations.

The logic underlying luxury tourism is that if fewer, high-spending tourists visit, this will result in less environmental impact. It’s often labelled as a “high-value, low-impact” approach.

However, studies have shown that luxury tourism does not lead to reduced environmental impact. Luxury tourists are more likely to use private jets. Private jets are more carbon intense than economy class travel. Supporters of luxury tourism also ignore that it reinforces economic inequalities, commercialises nature and restricts land access for indigenous populations.

In some ways, of course, the motives of African countries seem understandable. They remain starved of much-needed foreign exchange in the face of rising trade deficits. The allure of luxury tourism seems almost impossible to resist.

How did you go about your study?

I have been studying the political economy of Rwanda for nearly 15 years. The government there made tourism a central part of its national vision.

Over the years, many government officials and tourism stakeholders highlighted the challenges of luxury tourism strategies. Even so, there remains a single-mindedness to prioritise luxury tourism.

I found that, in Rwanda, luxury tourism resulted in a reliance on foreign-owned hotels and foreign travel agents, exposing potential leakages in tourism revenues. Crucially, tourism was not creating enough employment. There was also a skills lag in the sector. Employees were not being trained quickly enough to meet the surge of investments in hotels.

So I decided to investigate the effects of luxury tourism in other African countries. I wanted to know who benefits and how it is being reversed in countries that are turning away from it.

I interviewed government officials, hotel owners and other private sector representatives, aviation officials, consultants and journalists in all three countries. Added to this was a thorough review of economic data, industry reports and grey literature (including newspaper articles).

What are your take-aways from Mauritius?

Mauritius was the first of the three countries to explicitly adopt a luxury tourism strategy. In the late 1970s and early 1980s the government began to encourage European visitors to the island’s “sun-sand-sea” attractions. Large domestic business houses became lead investors, building luxury hotels and buying coastal land.

Over the years, tourism has provided significant revenues for the Mauritian economy. By 2019, the economy was earning over US$2 billion from the sector (before dropping during the COVID pandemic).

However, tourism has also been symbolic of the inequality that has characterised Mauritius’ growth. The all-inclusive resort model – where luxury hotels take care of all of a visitor’s food and travel needs themselves – has meant that the money being spent by tourists doesn’t always enter the local economy. A large share of profits remains outside the country or with large hotels.

After the pandemic, the Mauritian government took steps to loosen its focus on luxury tourism. It opened its air space to attract a broader range of tourists and re-started direct flights to Asia. There’s growing agreement within government that the opening up of tourism will go some way towards sustaining revenues and employment in the sector. Especially as some other key sectors (like offshore finance) may face an uncertain future.

And from Botswana?

Botswana followed Mauritius by formally adopting a luxury tourism strategy in 1990. Its focus was on its wilderness areas (the Okavango Delta) and wildlife safari lodges. For decades, there were criticisms from scholars about the inequalities in the sector.

Most lodges and hotels were foreign owned. Most travel agencies that booked all-inclusive trips operated outside Botswana. There were very few domestic linkages. Very little domestic agricultural or industrial production was used within the sector.

An aerial photo of a vast land of water and rocky. Small boats cross the water. — Guides take tourists across Botswana’s Okavango delta in boats.
Diego Delso/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

However, I found that the direction of tourism policies had also become increasingly political. Certain politicians were aligned with conservation organisations and foreign investors in prioritising luxury tourism. Former president Ian Khama, for example, banned trophy hunting on ethical grounds in 2014. He pushed photographic tourism, where travellers visit destinations mainly to take photos. But critics allege he and his allies benefited from the push for photographic tourism.

Photographic tourism is closely linked with the problematic promotion of “unspoilt” wilderness areas that conform to foreign ideas about the “myth of wild Africa”.

President Mokgweetsi Masisi reversed the hunting ban once he took power. He argued it had adverse effects on rural communities and increased human-wildlife conflict. He believed that regulated hunting could be a tool for better wildlife management and could produce more benefits for communities.

Since the latter 2010s, Botswana’s government has loosened the emphasis on luxury tourism and tried to diversify tourism offerings. It has relaxed visa regulations for Asian countries, for example, to allow a wider range of tourists to visit more easily.

What about Rwanda?

Of the three cases, Rwanda was the most recent to adopt a luxury tourism strategy. However, it has remained the most committed to this strategy. Rwanda’s model is centred on mountain gorilla trekking and premium wildlife experiences. It’s augmented by Rwanda’s attempt to become a hub for business and sports tourism through high-profile conferences and events.

A statue in a breen-leafed area of a male, female, and baby gorilla. — Gorillas are a key attraction for luxury tourists in Rwanda.
Gatete Pacifique/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Rwanda invited global hotel brands (like the Hyatt and Marriott) to build hotels and invested heavily in the country’s “nation brand” through sponsoring sports teams. The “luxury” element is managed through maintaining a high price to visit the country’s main tourist attraction: mountain gorillas. Rwanda is one of the few countries where mountain gorillas live.

After the pandemic, the government lowered prices to visit mountain gorillas but has also regularly stated its commitment to luxury tourism.

What did you learn by comparing the three?

I wanted to know why some countries reverse luxury tourism strategies once they fail while others don’t.

It is quite clear that luxury tourism strategies will always have disadvantages. As this study shows, luxury tourism repeatedly benefits only very few actors (often foreign investors or foreign-owned entities) and does not create sufficient employment or provide wider benefits for domestic populations. My research shows that the political pressure faced by democratic governments (like Botswana and Mauritius) forced them to loosen their luxury tourism strategies. This was not the case in more authoritarian Rwanda.

Rwanda’s position goes against a lot of recent literature on African political economy, which argues that parties with a stronger hold on power would be able to deliver better development outcomes.

While that may be case in some sectors, the findings of this study suggest that weaker political parties may actually be more responsive to changing policies that are creating inequality than countries with stronger political parties in power.

Pritish Behuria is a recipient of the British Academy Mid-Career Fellowship 2024-2025 (MFSS24/240043).

– ref. Luxury tourism is a risky strategy for African economies – new study of Botswana, Mauritius, Rwanda – https://theconversation.com/luxury-tourism-is-a-risky-strategy-for-african-economies-new-study-of-botswana-mauritius-rwanda-267877

October 28, 2025

Nigeria’s government is using digital technology to repress citizens. A researcher explains how

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Chibuzo Achinivu, Visiting Assistant Professor of Political Science, Vassar College

Digital authoritarianism is a new way governments are trying to control citizens using digital and information technology. It is a growing concern for advocacy groups and those interested in freedom and democracy. It is especially worrying for those who initially heralded digital and information technologies as liberating tools that would spread information more easily for citizens.

I have studied the rise of digital authoritarianism in Africa over the last two decades. My most recent study focused on Nigeria, and its turn to digital tools for control after the 2020 #EndSARS Movement protests.

I found that local conflict and development needs drive the Nigerian government’s demand for digital authoritarianism technologies. Foreign suppliers of these technologies are motivated by both economic gain and influence in the region.

The findings are important. Firstly, it signals that the trend of using digital spaces to control populations has reached the African continent. It also shows that the trend is facilitated by foreign actors that provide governments with the technology and expertise.

What is digital authoritarianism?

One way to understand the concept of digital authoritarianism is as a form of governance or set of actions aimed at undermining accountability. It is the use of digital technologies for this goal.

Technology is used to repress voices, keep people under surveillance, and manipulate populations for regime goals and survival.

It includes but is not limited to internet and social media shutdowns. It prioritises the use of spyware to hack and monitor people through their devices. There is mass surveillance using artificial intelligence for facial recognition, and misinformation and disinformation propaganda campaigns.

What drives it in Africa

In Africa these actions are popping up in democracies like Nigeria and in autocracies alike. Perhaps the noticeable difference between these two types of governments is the subtlety of their form of digital authoritarianism and the legal recourse when such actions are unearthed.

Both governance types make claims of national security and public safety to justify these tactics. For instance, former Nigerian information minister Lai Mohammed claimed the 2020 Twitter ban was due to “the persistent use of the platform for activities that are capable of undermining Nigeria’s corporate existence”.

Autocracies are often cruder with their use of blatant tactics. They employ internet and social media shutdowns. This is often due to their unsophisticated digital authoritarianism apparatuses. Democracies often rely on more subtle surveillance and misinformation campaigns to reach their goals.

This all begs the question: what are the drivers of this trend? There are four clear ones:

regime survival/political control
security and counterterrorism
electoral competition and information manipulation
modernisation agendas (development).

On the rise

In the African context digital authoritarianism is on the rise. There’s a cohesive relationship between the foreign suppliers of the hardware, expertise and domestic demand. This demand stems from authoritarian regimes as well as regimes accessing digital systems to consolidate and modernise. There are also hybrid regimes, which are countries with a mixture democratic and authoritarian institutions.

States like China, Russia, Israel, France and the US supply both the technology and instruction or best practices to African regimes. Reasons for supply include economic gain and regional influence.

On the demand side, African regimes seek out digital authoritarianism tools mainly for development needs and for conflict resolution. Some of the largest consumers are Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda, Nigeria and Ghana.

The study

I found there was evidence that Nigeria’s development goals and efforts to quell conflicts drive the use of technology to repress its people. Using the example of the #EndSARS movement, social media platform shutdowns and efforts to build a firewall akin to China’s great firewall serve as evidence for this.

In the days following Twitter’s removal of a post by President Muhammadu Buhari, Twitter was banned in Nigeria. The administration cited its use to further unrest, instability, and secessionist movements. There were claims that this step was taken to maintain internet sovereignty.

However, the ban also undermined social movements that were successfully holding the government accountable. Following domestic and international outcry over the ban, there were reports that the Nigerian government had approached China. The purpose of the contact was to replicate their “Great Firewall” in Nigeria’s internet control apparatus. (The focus of China’s project is to monitor and censor what can and cannot be seen through an online network in China.) This would allow the state to manage access to certain cites and block unwanted content from reaching Nigerians.

On the supply side, China’s economic commitments to the country and concerted efforts to cultivate certain norms in the country and region offer insights into the motivations for supply in this case and the broader continent.

Again, regime type dictates just how these technologies will be used. Interviews conducted with permanent secretaries and ministers of Nigerian ministries were particularly revealing. They confirmed that repressive government practices in the real world are informing their activity in digital spaces.

For instance, they intimated that the repression that occurs during protests in the streets in order to manage “lawlessness” is being replicated online. Its purpose is to ensure peace and stability.

For development needs, countries like Nigeria initially seek out foreign suppliers to furnish them with state of the art technology systems. The objective is to establish or refurbish their information and communications technology apparatuses.

These include but are not limited to national broadband networks) such as fiber optic networks, mobile telecommunications networks and smart city governance systems. Though these are often not repressive in nature, they are capable of dual use. Thus, these development needs provide technologies that are then utilized in an authoritarian fashion for state building goals.

There is also evidence that some suppliers provide instruction on how to use these technologies for repression. In some instances, under the guise of development needs, regimes seek out more repressive tools such as spyware alongside these infrastructural development programs. At this stage, the boundary between development and security blurs, as modernization becomes a vehicle for national security, cyber defense, regime protection, and information control.

What can be done?

I propose a three-pronged approach to address the three drivers. First of all, more has to be done on the international front to curb the sale of repressive tools to states. There must be a conversation about the norms of these technologies and their use for repression in both democracies and autocracies.

On the demand side, it appears those practices that have plagued the hopes of freedom and democracy in the real world have to be addressed. Naturally, no movement on the digital front is complete without a real world manifestation. It seems logical that eradicating digital repression necessitates addressing repression in general.

Finally, regulatory legal and institutional oversight alongside human rights benchmarks must be achieved. These will accompany digital and privacy rights in cyberspace.

Chibuzo Achinivu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Nigeria’s government is using digital technology to repress citizens. A researcher explains how – https://theconversation.com/nigerias-government-is-using-digital-technology-to-repress-citizens-a-researcher-explains-how-267032

October 28, 2025

Scary stories for kids: A Series of Unfortunate Events taught me that grief can’t be understood but can be managed

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rebecca Wynne-Walsh, Lecturer in Film, English and Creative Arts, Edge Hill University

Sourcing family friendly frightening fiction can be a bit challenging. That said, while straightforward horror texts rarely serve family audiences, the gothic is a mode of storytelling that has a long history of delighting and disgusting parents and children alike.

Naturally, there is intellectual and stylistic value to both classic horror and the gothic. However, while horror interacts more directly with fear, the gothic favours observing the tension surrounding the source of fear.

The stereotypical gothic heroine is not only trapped in the haunted house, she desires to understand it. Children’s books which use the gothic mode of storytelling encourage a similar investigative impulse in children. This is the modus operandi of the Scooby Doo gang, for example: research, exploration and answer-seeking rather than simply succumbing to fear.

Some iconic examples of children’s gothic literature include Neil Gaiman’s Coraline (2002), Roald Dahl’s The Witches (1983), The Spiderwick Chronicles (Tony DiTerlizzi and Holly Black, 2003 to 2009) and The Saga of Darren Shan (Darren Shan, 2000 to 2004).

This article is part of a series of expert recommendations of spooky stories – on screen and in print – for brave young souls. From the surprisingly dark depths of Watership Down to Tim Burton’s delightfully eerie kid-friendly films, there’s a whole haunted world out there just waiting for kids to explore. Dare to dive in here.

While these are all excellent tales, the spooky story which impacted me most as a child, and still does as an adult, is Lemony Snicket’s A Series of Unfortunate Events (1999 to 2006). This 13-book series follows three orphaned siblings, Violet, Klaus and Sunny Baudelaire as they are forced to navigate the homes of various (increasingly odd and occasionally villainous) guardians. All the while they try evade capture at the hand of evil Count Olaf who seeks their family fortune, and solve the mystery of what the VFD (Volunteer Fire Department) organisation is – the answer to which might hold the key their parents’ mysterious past.

I was five years old when I received a copy of the first book in the series, aptly titled, The Bad Beginning. That first foray into the dark world of the Baudelaires meant that for the next few years the days I got to go to the bookshop to get the next book were some of the most exciting I experienced.

Aside from being devilishly delightful tales full of mysteries, adventure, danger, songs and a surprising amount of food recipes, these books never shied away from the harsher elements of real life. Among many important lessons, Snicket also taught me that horseradish and wasabi are in the same family, that first impressions of new people aren’t always accurate and that grief may never be understood but can be managed.

As he writes in the second book, The Reptile Room:

[Grief] is like walking up the stairs to your bedroom in the dark, and thinking there is one more stair than there is. Your foot falls down, through the air, and there is a sickly moment of dark surprise as you try and readjust the way you thought of things.

During many of the most challenging parts of my childhood (and now my adulthood), these books offered me agency, riddles to solve, new words to learn, puzzles to put together and complex histories to understand. This is the core joy of these books – Snicket treats his intended readers (children) like people, instead of talking down to them.

The quirky and interactive elements of these books are a major factor in their enduring popularity. In an era of ever decreasing attention spans, Snicket offers an interactive reading experience in which no two chapters, and even no two pages are the same.

In one of the books, the Baudelaire children fall down a broken elevator shaft, a plot point illustrated literally by the three pitch black pages which “narrate” their descent. Another book sees the children receive a coded message, this chapter must be read in front of a mirror to decipher the backwards text. And most, if not all the books, incorporate poetry, songs, plays and paintings – which the Baudelaire orphans, and the readers, must use to decipher the mysteries surrounding the titular unfortunate events.

From the outset the reader is presented with total agency, invited to “shut the book” in a manner which directly encourages child autonomy. Nonetheless, children and adults alike have continued to engage with this franchise in all of its forms. Whether that be the original books, the 2004 feature film, the Netflix series released in 2017, the audiobooks narrated by Tim Curry, the concept album based on the books by The Gothic Archies or the ever updated Lemony Snicket website with multiple extra materials.

In short, the spooky gothic fun never has to end. As someone who has read these books annually since their original release, I can confidently attest to this as I continue to try and solve the eternal mystery of the VFD and the reason why Snicket’s villains are so damn villainous.

If you have not yet had the chance to enter the wild, woeful and wonderous world of the Baudelaire children and the mysteries surrounding their series of unfortunate events, I encourage readers of all ages to ignore Snicket’s suggestion to shut the books. Indeed, look to these tales, in the words of Snicket, to find a “small, safe place in a troubling world”.

The Series of Unfortunate Events is suitable for children aged 8 to 14.

This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

Rebecca Wynne-Walsh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Scary stories for kids: A Series of Unfortunate Events taught me that grief can’t be understood but can be managed – https://theconversation.com/scary-stories-for-kids-a-series-of-unfortunate-events-taught-me-that-grief-cant-be-understood-but-can-be-managed-267786

October 28, 2025

What Belfast’s changing murals can tell us about peace

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dylan O’Driscoll, Associate Professor in Peacebuilding and Conflict Transformation, Coventry University

One of the murals from the study. Author provided, CC BY-SA

The walls of Belfast in Northern Ireland are more than just brick and mortar. They are canvases for public communication, reflecting the city’s history of conflict and its ongoing journey towards peace.

From large murals depicting significant events to subtle markings, these visual messages offer a unique lens into the evolving sentiments and politics within local communities. They also reveal the unity and divisions that exist across communities in a society in transition.

Our research shows that by systematically tracking changes in murals over time and across different locations – what we call “spatio-temporal analysis” – we can gain profound insights into the dynamics of peace and conflict. The walls themselves provide messages that can be inviting or excluding, or even communicate shifts within a community’s own identity. For instance, if a mural with paramilitary associations is replaced by one featuring a symbol of peace, it sends a powerful message that attitudes are changing.

To understand these visual shifts, we built a unique dataset of murals from Belfast, spanning from 1998 to 2022. This period is particularly significant as it began with the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, a pivotal moment for peace in Northern Ireland. Our approach leveraged open-access digital archives and Google Street View. This allowed us to track changes over time.

A map of Belfast showing points from the database — A map of the research sites that form our database.
Author provided, CC BY-SA

A broad trend emerged. Over the years, there was a significant move away from murals that glorify violence, weaponry and paramilitaries. For example, in the Unionist Shankill area, the murals we mapped showed a 75% decrease in depictions of paramilitaries and violence since 1998. They have largely been replaced by artwork honouring culture, heritage and community.

However, this shift is not necessarily a move towards reconciliation between communities. Instead, it often signifies a solidification of distinct identities.

In Unionist areas, new murals frequently portray Protestants as hardworking, alongside symbols of the monarchy and union jacks. Meanwhile, Nationalist areas show strong connections to socialism, resistance movements, Gaelic traditions and the Irish flag. While less violent, these murals still maintain a sense of “othering” (creating us and them). This contributes to the ongoing process of separate nation-building within each community.

Reading walls

The murals on Peter’s Hill, marking the entry to the Unionist Shankill Road, clearly demarcate territory. In 1999, a mural honoured Loyalist paramilitary groups such as the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). In the 2009 and 2021 versions, depictions of weapons and paramilitary groups were gone.

The 2009 mural explicitly claimed Shankill as “original Belfast”. The “i” was dotted with a crown in a nod to the monarchy. The 2021 version, while retaining this claim, shifted to celebrating community work. It depicted local community workers and young people. This showed a move away from glorifying violence, yet still reinforced a distinct Unionist cultural identity.

The Falls Road International Wall is a key stop for Belfast’s conflict tourism. It is used by the Nationalist community to express solidarity with globally oppressed groups, linking their struggle to international revolutionary movements.

Our analysis shows how dynamic this wall is, often changing in response to local and global events. A 2001 mural depicted Nationalists as victims of state violence. By 2002, it featured anti-war messaging after the invasion of Afghanistan. The wall has since shown strong affinity with the Palestinian cause, honoured Gerry Adams and even featured a mural for the National Health Service (NHS) during COVID. However, by 2022, it shifted back to strong Irish Republican ideologies, featuring figures like Bobby Sands and calls for a united Ireland.

On Whiterock Road in west Belfast, outside the main tourist routes, a mural set holds deep historical significance. The current mural, appearing during the Ballymurphy inquest (2018-2021), commemorates the 1971 Ballymurphy Massacre. It depicts the 11 victims and a scene from the event. Earlier murals in this spot memorialised the 1916 Easter Rising. The timing of these changes highlights how this site is used to remember and memorialise specific historical periods, reflecting the community’s ongoing engagement with its past.

The large mural network on Newtownards Road, known locally as “Freedom Corner”, has been a long-standing symbol of paramilitary territorial claim-making for the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). While it was refreshed in 2015 after damage, its message and style remained largely unchanged from the Good Friday Agreement to 2022.

In 2022 the murals were whitewashed and new ones commissioned without consulting the community. While the art style changed, the substance continued to link Northern Ireland to the British union and promote paramilitary activity. Interestingly, the new mural also includes the role of women, indicating a desire to break the perception of male-dominated Unionism.

Our research demonstrates that murals are far more than just art, they are a powerful, dynamic communication method. Murals offer invaluable insights into local perceptions of peace and conflict, societal transformation, and community positioning.

By systematically analysing these visual changes over time and space, we can better understand how communities express themselves, maintain their identities, and navigate the complex path of post-conflict evolution. This foundational method opens doors for further research, helping us ask deeper questions about the decision-making behind these murals, their funding, community buy-in and their true impact on local dynamics.

The walls of Belfast continue to tell a story, and by reading them we can learn a great deal about the complex journey towards peace.

Dylan O’Driscoll is affiliated with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

Birte Vogel and Eric Lepp do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What Belfast’s changing murals can tell us about peace – https://theconversation.com/what-belfasts-changing-murals-can-tell-us-about-peace-267887

October 28, 2025

Celebrity Traitors: why we sweat when we’re nervous – or lying

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Taylor, Professor of Anatomy, Lancaster University

This article contains spoilers for the current season of Celebrity Traitors.

When TV comedian Alan Carr was selected to be a traitor, his joy quickly turned to anxiety. He proclaimed he had a “sweating problem” – and that he wasn’t able to keep a secret. A less than ideal combination for him, but for viewers it’s TV gold.

Anyone who has ever been caught in a lie or found themselves in tense circumstances might have related to Carr. But why is it that so many of us sweat when we’re in stressful or uncomfortable situations?

Sweating typically happens for two reasons. One is when the body gets too hot. Sweating is our most effective method for reducing the body’s temperature. The other reason is emotionally driven and linked to psychological stimuli caused by anxiety, fear, pain or stress.

Humans have approximately 4 million sweat glands. There are two categories of sweat glands: apocrine and eccrine.

Eccrine glands make up around 90% of our sweat glands. These glands help cool the body. They respond to the release of a neurotransmitter called acetylcholine, which plays a central role in involuntary body actions, such as sweating.

The body has far fewer apocrine glands. These are mainly located around the nipple, armpits, face and genitals. These glands respond to a neurotransmitter called adrenaline. This neurotransmitter only becomes active when we’re in a “fight or flight” mode. The reason our palms sweat during these moments is because there are a high number of eccrine glands located there – so they go into overdrive when activated by adrenaline.

Adrenaline can also activate eccrine sweat glands in these high stakes situations, which means we begin to sweat all over our body.

The amount a person sweats varies from one person to another and is determined by a huge number of variables, including the number of sweat glands they have, the amount of adrenaline produced, how hydrated they are and their emotional state.

The amount that a person sweats during a stressful situation can also be made worse if they have a “sweating problem”, like Alan Carr does – such as the condition known as hyperhidrosis. This medical condition affects approximately 1%-3% of people in the UK – though in some countries it’s higher, with approximately 5% of the US population and as many as 16% of people in Germany affected.

There are two types of hyperhidrosis: primary and secondary. Primary accounts for 93% of hyperhidrosis cases. The cause of primary hyperhidrosis is unknown but genetic factors are thought to play a role – particularly because many with primary hyperhidrosis report having parents with the same diagnosis. It’s also theorised that hyperhidrosis may be caused the nerves that make us sweat being more overactive than they should be.

Secondary is usually caused by medications, particularly those that affect nervous system function.

People with hyperhidrosis can sweat at rates far above what’s considered normal. This is why the condition can have such a huge impact on quality of life and health.

People with hyperhidrosis are at greater risk of dehydration due to the amount fluid a person loses when they sweat – up to 5.8L an hour in some people. In comparison, people without hyperhidrosis only lose about 2L an hour when exercising.

They’re also at greater risk of fungal infections (such as athlete’s foot), bacterial infections (such as impetigo) and bad body odour as their warm, moist skin provides the perfect environment for microbes.

Hyperhidrosis and stressful situations may act as a self-perpetuating spiral. People with hyperhidrosis say the condition causes high physiological strain. High physiological strain causes sweating for everyone – but for people with hyperhidrosis, this is amplified, resulting in more sweating.

Prescription antiperspirants may help with mild to moderate cases of hyperhidrosis. If these don’t work, iontophoresis may be tried. This is where hands are placed in water with a small electrical current passing through to stop the sweat glands from working.

When these fail, botulinum toxin injections are administered directly into the armpit. The effects typically last around six months. This toxin blocks the action of acetylcholine preventing it from activating the sweat glands – thereby reducing their activity.

Stress sweat

In the context of The Traitors, sweating when we lie is primarily driven by the body’s nervous system which activates the “fight or flight” response during stress.

Lying often evokes thoughts that are negative, especially if the lie induces anxiety or fear of being caught – thoughts the brain perceives as a threat. This activates the hypothalamus (a brain region which controls automatic body functions), which signals the adrenal glands on top of the kidney to release stress hormones – such as adrenaline. These hormones of course stimulate the eccrine sweat glands – especially those in the palms, feet and underarms.

Sweating itself doesn’t confirm deception. Rather, it reflects the psychological stress that triggered it. This sweat increase causes the electrical conductance of the skin to change, which is why lie detectors (polygraphs) measure galvanic skin response as a proxy for stress.

But even these are not without issue because they cannot account for a person’s baseline sweat levels or how they adapt in stressful situations. It’s also important to note that not everyone can sweat – a condition known as anhidrosis – so a polygraph would probably not work in these instances.

Sweating is an involuntary process that happens when we’re stressed or under pressure. So whether you’re a Traitor or Faithful, there’s not much you can do to stop the sweat when facing interrogation at the round table.

Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Celebrity Traitors: why we sweat when we’re nervous – or lying – https://theconversation.com/celebrity-traitors-why-we-sweat-when-were-nervous-or-lying-267796

October 28, 2025

Renters’ Rights Act becomes law in England – here are six things to do before renting a property privately

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jan Wilcox, Senior lecturer, University of Westminster

The Renters’ Rights Act has become law. This new legislation is intended to improve the experience of private renting in England by providing tenants with increased security and stability. Measures include abolishing Section 21 “no fault” evictions, enabling tenants to challenge poor practice and unfair rent increases without fear of eviction.

With private renting now accounting for 19% of UK households in England – double the share it was in the early 2000s – the pressures facing tenants have never been greater.

Recent figures suggest 21 people are competing for each rental property, with average monthly private rents rising by 5.8% to £1,403 in August 2025. At the same time, there is an exodus from the rental market by private landlords, with 31% of landlords reported as reducing the size of their rental portfolio by 2026, and 16% planning to sell all of their properties. This is intensifying demand for rental properties.

In such a competitive market, tenants often take on properties in haste, without fully understanding their rights or the responsibilities of their landlords. Yet the legal landscape is complex, with a raft of existing and forthcoming regulations. Some landlords struggle to keep up with their obligations, creating risks for tenants who simply need somewhere to live.

Here are the steps you should take before signing a tenancy agreement in England:

1. Check you can – and can afford to – rent

The government suggests that rent should be 30% or less of gross income, or 35% of take-home pay. You should also ensure that you have evidence of the right to rent, if required.

2. Ensure you know who your landlord is

They could be a letting agency, a private landlord or a company. Letting agencies should all be part of a redress scheme and you should check that they are members of a client money protection scheme. A private landlord, or company, should be asked to provide proof of ownership to avoid online rental fraud. You can check ownership with the Land Registry.

3. Check the terms of the tenancy agreement

The most common form of tenancy agreement is currently the assured shorthold tenancy, which lasts for a fixed period (usually six or 12 months). You may also have a periodic or rolling tenancy. The two will have different notice periods if you want to end your tenancy.

Check the start and end dates of the tenancy, landlord and tenant names, property address, level of rent, rent reviews and any additional bills you are responsible for.

4. Look out for fees

Do not pay fees for credit checks or setting up a tenancy agreement. You may wish to pay a refundable holding deposit which should not exceed one week’s rent. All other fees are banned. This is different to the security deposit that will be held by a government approved provider. The refundable holding deposit will normally be credited against your first month’s rent.

Request details of the tenancy deposit scheme before paying any money. Your deposit is only protected if held by a government-approved provider. The maximum deposit the landlord can ask for is capped, in most cases, at five weeks’ rent.

Row of identical English terraced houses — Private renting now accounts for 19% of UK households.
I Wei Huang/Shutterstock

5. Request documents

Ask for a copy of the How to Rent guide, a gas safety certificate (if relevant) and the energy performance certificate. The landlord is legally required to produce these documents. You should also be given a copy of your signed tenancy agreement.

6. Check the condition of the property thoroughly

Ask for an inventory which records the contents and condition of the property. Arrange to inspect the property with the landlord, to ensure that you have agreed the inventory, then both sign it. Take time-stamped photographs if there are areas of disagreement.

Ensure there are working smoke and carbon monoxide alarms and that you are given an electrical installation condition report before you move in.

Once you are in occupation

Your landlord, or their agent, must always be your first point of contact. You should keep a detailed record of any requests or complaints made, and the response received. If problems persist, there are a range of organisations that can provide help, advice, or resolution, depending on the nature of the dispute. These include Shelter, Citizens Advice, Civil Legal Advice, National Trading Standards, the property ombudsman, the Property Redress Scheme,, the first-tier property tribunal and your local authority environmental health departments.

These bodies will advise on, or implement, penalties which are wide ranging, and depend on the intention, severity and repetition of offences. Currently, these may include ordering the landlord to carry out work by way of an improvement or prohibition notice, fines of up to £30,000, imprisonment for up to two years and rent repayment orders of up to one year’s rent.

Whether a new tenant or an existing tenant, it has never been more important to be fully informed and to keep abreast of new developments in the law. Although we cannot predict the full impact of the new legislation, there is no doubt that penalties for landlords will increase. All tenants, however long they have been renting, are able to obtain compensation for poor performance by the “rogues and chancers” that undermine good landlords.

Jan Wilcox does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Renters’ Rights Act becomes law in England – here are six things to do before renting a property privately – https://theconversation.com/renters-rights-act-becomes-law-in-england-here-are-six-things-to-do-before-renting-a-property-privately-267464