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January 16, 2026

Thecla, the beast fighter: The saint who faced down lions and killer seals is one of many ‘leading ladies’ in early Christian texts

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Christy Cobb, Associate Professor of Christianity, University of Denver

A relic said to be part of Saint Thecla’s arm has been kept in the Cathedral of Tarragona, Spain for centuries. Gaspar Ros/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

The Bible is filled with brave and courageous women.

Deborah, the judge who fought a war to protect her people. The widow Ruth, who wittingly convinces a man to marry her in order to continue the lineage of her mother-in-law, Naomi. Esther, who boldly stands up to an evil politician, Haman, in order to save the Jewish people from death. Judith, who beheads an opposing general in order to save her community.

The stories of these confident women are found in the Hebrew Bible, the sacred text of Judaism, which also forms half of the Christian Bible. But when it comes to the New Testament, where are the “leading ladies” of Christianity?

A small statue shows a woman wearing a crown as she puts one arm around a pillar and the other around a lion. — A reliquary of St. Thecla dating to the 15th or 16th century shows her with the lioness who defended her.
Daderot/Wikimedia Commons

While a few important women are mentioned – such as Mary, the mother of Jesus; and Mary Magdalene, who discovers his empty tomb – no women are the stars of their own books in this half of the Bible. Instead, one must look to the Christian apocrypha: texts that are not found in the New Testament but were written by early Christians. One example of a prominent woman in these writings is Thecla, venerated for her persistence, courage and influence.

Thecla makes frequent appearances in my research and teaching, which focus on gender and early Christian literature. Her story is memorable not only for its dramatic miracles but Thecla’s persistence as a woman who felt called to preach, teach and baptize.

Facing down fires and seals

Thecla’s story is told in a second-century text titled the Acts of Thecla, or the Acts of Paul and Thecla. The story begins when the apostle Paul, who spread Jesus’ gospel more than any other follower in early Christianity, visits the city of Iconium, in modern-day Turkey. Paul’s teachings there highlight celibacy, and he blesses the bodies of virgins, which he says are pleasing to God.

Thecla listens intently while sitting in her home by the window. She is so drawn to Paul’s voice that she refuses to move, eat or drink for three days and nights. Even though she is engaged to be married, she longs to be pure like the virgins Paul celebrates. Thecla’s mother and fiancé are troubled by this, and they convince the leaders of the city to arrest Paul.

An ornate carving depicts a woman, stripped to the waist, who holds out her arms as she seems to stand atop flames. — The altarpiece of the Cathedral of Tarragona shows Thecla miraculously surviving the flames.
Amadalvarez/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

Thecla gains entry to the prison by trading her bracelets and sits with Paul and kisses his chains. During his trial, Thecla is questioned and refuses to answer. Her own mother calls for her to be burned because of her refusal to marry. Thecla is stripped naked and placed on a pyre, but no flames touch her. A miraculous storm erupts, the fire is extinguished, and Thecla survives.

Afterward, she cuts off her hair and dresses as a man in order to follow Paul in disguise. Thecla also asks that he baptize her. Paul asks instead that she have patience and takes her to the city of Antioch.

Thecla’s beauty attracts unwanted attention there, and a man named Alexander immediately falls in love with her. Rather than come to Thecla’s aid, Paul denies knowing her, and Alexander attempts to rape her. Thecla humiliates him by ripping his robe and tearing the wreath off his head. Alexander brings her to the governor of Antioch, who condemns her to face the beasts in the arena.

A circular stone with carvings of a bound woman flanked by two lions. — A relief of Thecla in the arena with wild beasts, now in the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art.
R. Huggins/IslandsEnd via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

The scene is terrifying and vivid. Thecla is stripped naked and thrown into the arena, where lions and bears are waiting to attack her. But a lioness walks over to Thecla, lies at her feet and protects her from the other animals.

In the midst of this danger, Thecla stands, reaches out her hands and prays to God. When she opens her eyes, she sees a pool of water filled with killer seals, yet throws herself in to baptize herself. Immediately after, lightning strikes and the seals are killed.

The governor finally releases Thecla and provides her with clothes. She goes immediately to Paul, who finally blesses her and commissions her to teach the gospel.

Women preaching

Many Christians in the ancient world viewed Thecla as an inspiration and an example for leadership. Yet not everyone approved of women teaching and preaching, including a second-century church father named Tertullian. He discouraged Christians from reading the Acts of Thecla and claimed that it was a forgery, since he did not think Paul – who wrote that women should be silent in church – would affirm a woman’s right to teach and baptize.

Tertullian’s warnings reflect controversies surrounding women’s leadership and imply that some women claimed Thecla’s example as justification for preaching.

Later Christians remembered Thecla through artwork as well as texts. For example, a fresco of Thecla – along with her mother and Paul – is depicted in a fifth- or sixth-century grotto just outside of Ephesus, an important city both in the Roman Empire and in early Christianity. The painter imagined Thecla looking out her window, just as the beginning of the Acts of Thecla describes.

In Egypt, a round, carved plate was discovered depicting Thecla with the lions at her feet. This fifth-century artistic depiction demonstrates how far the story of Thecla’s perseverance in the arena with the beasts had spread.

People in white pants and teal shirts form a human pyramid in front of a cathedral with a large, circular stained-glass window. — People form a ‘castell’ during celebrations for St. Thecla’s feast day in 2008.
Ferran Llorens/Flickr via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Today, Thecla is the patron saint of the city of Tarragona, Spain, where the cathedral is named after her and images of Thecla decorate the altarpiece. Each year on Sept. 23, the feast day of St. Thecla, this Spanish city celebrates her story through parades, music, dancing and human towers called “castells.” A relic of her arm is processed through the city and displayed in the cathedral so that devotees can view it and pray for blessings.

Just as Thecla listened through her open window to Paul’s message, today Thecla’s story echoes to those who desire to hear the stories of courageous early Christian women.

Christy Cobb does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Thecla, the beast fighter: The saint who faced down lions and killer seals is one of many ‘leading ladies’ in early Christian texts – https://theconversation.com/thecla-the-beast-fighter-the-saint-who-faced-down-lions-and-killer-seals-is-one-of-many-leading-ladies-in-early-christian-texts-270346

January 16, 2026

Being cold doesn’t make you sick, so why are illnesses more common in winter?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Manal Mohammed, Senior Lecturer, Medical Microbiology, University of Westminster

Many people across cultures grow up hearing that cold weather makes you sick. Going outside without a coat, breathing in cold air, sleeping in a chilly room, getting caught in cold rain or snow, or simply feeling chilled are often blamed for causing colds or flu.

This belief feels true to many people because illness often follows cold exposure. However, modern research shows that the connection between cold weather and illness is more nuanced than the idea that cold directly causes disease.

Cold temperatures themselves do not cause infections. Instead, they influence a combination of biological, environmental and social factors that make people more vulnerable to respiratory illnesses, especially during the winter months.

Colds and flu are caused by viruses, not by cold air. Viruses such as rhinoviruses, which cause the common cold, and influenza viruses spread from person to person through respiratory droplets or physical contact, regardless of the temperature outside. That said, rates of respiratory infections consistently increase during colder seasons in many parts of the world – a pattern that has been observed globally.

This seasonal pattern is partly due to the way that cold temperatures and low humidity affect viruses in the environment. Research shows that many respiratory viruses, including influenza viruses and coronaviruses, survive longer and remain infectious for extended periods in cold, dry conditions.

Dry air also causes tiny droplets released when people breathe, talk, cough or sneeze to evaporate quickly. This creates smaller particles that stay suspended in the air longer, increasing the chance that others will inhale them. As a result, cold, dry air helps viruses persist in the environment and improves their chances of reaching another person’s respiratory system.

Cold air also affects how the body defends itself against infection. Breathing in cold air lowers the temperature inside the nose and airways, which can trigger vasoconstriction. Vasoconstriction means the narrowing of blood vessels, which reduces blood flow to tissues.

In the lining of the nose and airways, this reduced blood flow can weaken local immune responses that normally help detect and eliminate viruses before they cause infection.

Cold exposure and cold-related stress can also interfere with the normal function of the airways, particularly in people with sensitive respiratory systems. Together, these effects can suppress the body’s first lines of defence in the nose and throat. Cold air does not create viruses, but it can make it easier for viruses to gain a foothold once exposure occurs.

Crowds and close contact

Seasonal changes in human behaviour and indoor environments also play a major role. Cold weather encourages people to spend more time indoors, often in close contact with others. Crowded spaces with poor ventilation allow virus-containing droplets to build up in the air, making transmission between people more likely.

During winter, reduced sunlight exposure leads to lower production of vitamin D in the skin. Vitamin D is involved in regulating immune function, and low levels are associated with weaker immune responses. Indoor heating, while essential for comfort, dries out the air.

Dry air can dry the lining of the nose and throat, reducing the effectiveness of mucus. Mucus normally traps viruses and helps move them out of the airways, a process known as mucociliary clearance. When this system is impaired, viruses have an easier time infecting cells.

Cold weather can be especially challenging for people with existing respiratory conditions such as asthma or allergic rhinitis, which is commonly known as hay fever. Epidemiological studies (research that examines patterns of disease in populations) show that cold conditions can worsen symptoms and increase functional impairment in these people. This can intensify the effects of respiratory infections when they occur.

Taken together, the evidence paints a clear picture of what cold weather does and does not do. Cold temperatures are linked with higher rates of respiratory infections, including influenza and coronaviruses, particularly in temperate regions during winter. Laboratory and environmental studies show that viruses survive longer and spread more easily in cold, dry air.

Cold exposure can also weaken immune defences in the nose and airways, including reduced mucus movement and decreased antiviral activity in nasal tissues. Behavioural and environmental factors typical of winter, such as indoor crowding, poor ventilation, and reduced sunlight leading to lower vitamin D levels, further increase the risk of viral spread.

What the evidence does not support is the idea that simply being cold, such as stepping outside without a coat, directly causes a cold or flu. Instead, cold weather acts as a risk amplifier. It creates conditions that help viruses survive, spread, and overcome the body’s defences.

Understanding this distinction has practical value. Improving indoor ventilation and maintaining adequate humidity during winter can reduce transmission risk. Supporting immune health, including maintaining adequate vitamin D levels, may also help.

Public health messages are most effective when they focus on how viruses spread through contact and respiratory droplets, rather than reinforcing the myth that cold exposure alone causes illness.

In short, cold weather and illness are linked, but not in the way many people assume. Cold temperatures do not cause infections by themselves. Instead, they shape the biological, environmental and social conditions that allow respiratory viruses to thrive.

Recognising this complexity helps explain why colds and flu peak in winter and supports more effective strategies for prevention, while dispelling a simple but misleading belief about cold weather and sickness.

Manal Mohammed does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Being cold doesn’t make you sick, so why are illnesses more common in winter? – https://theconversation.com/being-cold-doesnt-make-you-sick-so-why-are-illnesses-more-common-in-winter-272935

January 16, 2026

Have US tariffs failed to bite? China’s trade surplus hits a record US$1.2 trillion

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jiao Wang, Assistant Professor of Economics, University of Sussex Business School, University of Sussex

The numbers are in, and they paint a picture that defies the conventional wisdom of Washington’s trade hawks. In 2025, China’s trade surplus surged to a record high of US$1.2 trillion (£900 billion). In December alone, the surplus reached US$114 billion, driven by a higher-than-expected 6.6% growth in exports and 5.7% growth in imports.

The trade surplus refers to the amount by which Chinese exports outnumber its imports. And far from being strangled by external pressure – in particular from the US under Donald Trump – China’s export engine is running hotter than ever.

This creates a paradox for the ordinary observer. For several years, the narrative has been that the US is locked in a divisive trade war with China. This has brought sweeping tariffs intended to decouple the two economies and reduce American reliance on Chinese manufacturing.

Wrangling following Trump’s liberation day tariff announcement on April 2 2025 was apparently settled in November. This left the average tariff imposed on Chinese goods being imported to the US at 47%, down from 145%.

So if the world’s largest economy is shutting the door on Chinese goods, how can Beijing be posting its best export numbers in history? The answer suggests that the US has not won the trade war, and that China’s economy has proven far more adaptable than anticipated.

What happened in 2025 reveals a massive pivot in global trade flows. The tariffs did bite where they were intended: China’s direct exports to the US plummeted by 20% last year, and imports into China from the US fell by 14.6%. But while the front door to the American market was closing, China found other routes.

In 2025, exports to Africa continued to grow strongly by 26%, shipments to countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) grew by 13%, and trade with Latin America climbed by 7%. Even exports to the EU managed an 8% rise, despite growing friction over European concerns about unfair competition from Chinese state-supported industries.

So, the 20% loss in the US market was mathematically overwhelmed by double-digit gains in the developing regions and emerging markets.

The ‘great reallocation’

Is this something completely new? No – China has been balancing its trade network continuously over the past decade, utilising its belt and road initiative. This is its strategy to boost trade through investment in new land and sea routes, which covers the historic Silk Road trade route.

In this way, China is seeking to reduce its dependence on western consumers. But there is a deeper layer to this success that explains why the trade war hasn’t reduced China’s global footprint.

Research has documented something called a “great reallocation” in supply chains, observed both in the first trade war – which began in 2018 when the US and China hit each other with tariffs in a struggle for trade dominance – and the current one. While direct US-China trade has decreased since 2018, the US has significantly increased imports from countries such as Vietnam and Mexico. And these “third-party countries” have simultaneously increased their imports of intermediate parts from China.

A Chinese container ship arrives in the Mexican port of Manzanillo.
Fernando Macias Romo/Shutterstock

In 2025, this trend accelerated. Chinese firms are not just exporting final goods – they are shipping components to factories in south-east Asia and Mexico, which are then being assembled and shipped to the US at very low or zero tariffs, under respective bilateral trade agreements with the US.

This means the US is still effectively buying Chinese goods. It’s just paying a middleman to dodge the tariffs.

The implications of this ballooning surplus are different from previous eras. When China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001, the world worried about it “dumping” cheap textiles and toys.

Today, the friction is over high-value industries. China’s 2025 export boom was driven by cars plus mechanical and electrical products – specifically, the “new three”: electric vehicles, lithium batteries and solar panels.

China is no longer just the world’s factory floor. It is becoming a hi-tech supplier and often a competitor to advanced economies’ own suppliers – which is where the ongoing tension arises from.

However, this export reliance also signals a domestic weakness. With China’s housing market still subdued and domestic investment declining, Chinese firms are eager to find demands elsewhere to keep their factories humming.

In 2026, this momentum shows little sign of slowing. The Global PMI (purchasing managers’ index, an indicator that assesses global market conditions) showed five consecutive months of expansion in 2025. This suggests the global economy is picking up some speed, which is good news for Chinese exporters.

However, in the long run, China running a trade surplus with more than 170 countries creates a structural imbalance that may become politically unsustainable. The challenge in Beijing, Washington and beyond is to find an equilibrium before this “winner-takes-all” dynamic forces even more drastic protectionist responses.

Jiao Wang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Have US tariffs failed to bite? China’s trade surplus hits a record US$1.2 trillion – https://theconversation.com/have-us-tariffs-failed-to-bite-chinas-trade-surplus-hits-a-record-us-1-2-trillion-273658

January 16, 2026

Exercise snacks: the best bursts of activity to incorporate into your day

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jack McNamara, Senior Lecturer in Clinical Exercise Physiology, University of East London

Bodyweight exercises, such as squats, can be easily incorporated into your day. Studio Romantic/ Shutterstock

Your fitness tracker might be telling you that you need 10,000 steps, 30 minutes of cardio or even an hour at the gym every day. But what if you could improve your health in just a few minutes a day? A growing body of research suggests you can.

“Exercise snacks” are brief bursts of vigorous exercise, typically lasting one minute or less, scattered throughout your day. Think climbing a few flights of stairs, doing some squats during a work break or a quick burst of jumping jacks before lunch.

Unlike traditional workouts, these “snacks” aren’t done back-to-back – they’re spread across your waking hours, separated by one to four hours of your regular activities such as working, commuting or watching TV.

The concept differs from high-intensity interval training (Hiit), where you might do multiple intense bursts intense activity within a single 20-minute workout. Exercise snacks are more like grazing throughout the day rather than sitting down for a full meal.

A recent meta-analysis published in the British Journal of Sports Medicine found that in previously sedentary adults, exercise snacks significantly improved cardiorespiratory fitness, a measure of how well your heart and lungs work during physical activity.

The review concluded that these bite-sized workouts delivered meaningful health benefits, with an impressive 83% of participants sticking to their routines for up to three months.

Why exercise snacking works

Around a third of adults worldwide don’t get enough physical activity. When asked why, the answers are almost always the same: no time and no motivation. Exercise snacks tackle both barriers head on.

In a 2019 study, sedentary young adults were asked to vigorously climb a three-flight stairwell three times per day – with one to four hours of recovery between bouts. Each session also included a brief warm-up of jumping jacks, squats and lunges.

After six weeks, the stair climbers showed significant improvements in cardiorespiratory fitness compared to a control group – a key marker linked to longevity and reduced cardiovascular disease risk.

What’s particularly striking about exercise snacks is their efficiency. While current guidelines recommend 150 minutes of moderate-intensity physical activity or 75 minutes of vigorous activity per week, exercise snacks can deliver measurable benefits in far less time – sometimes just a few minutes daily.

A 2024 randomised controlled trial compared stair-climbing exercise snacks to 40 minutes of moderate-intensity cycling three times weekly. Remarkably, the exercise snacks group – doing three, 30-second, all-out stair climbs per session – improved their fitness by 7%, while the cycling group showed no significant change.

Two business women walk up a set of stairs while talking to each other. — Stair climbing is another beneficial exercise ‘snack’ you can do during your work day.
PR Image Factory/ Shutterstock

The potential benefits extend beyond fitness. A large-scale study of over 25,000 adults who didn’t exercise found that those who accumulated just three to four minutes of vigorous activity daily through activities such as fast walking or climbing stairs, had a 40% lower risk of dying from any cause. They also had a nearly 50% lower risk of dying from cardiovascular disease compared to those who did none.

There’s evidence exercise snacks have blood sugar benefits, too. Research has shown that brief, intense exercise snacks performed before meals can reduce post-meal blood sugar spikes in people with insulin resistance (a precursor to type 2 diabetes) – potentially good news for anyone concerned about their metabolic health.

The best exercise snacks

The beauty of exercise snacks is their flexibility. You don’t need special equipment, a gym membership or to even change your clothes. Here are some practical ways to incorporate them into your day:

Stair climbing is perhaps the most researched exercise snack. If you work in an office building or live in a block of flats, you’ve got free exercise equipment at your disposal.

Try climbing vigorously – fast enough that you’re breathing hard by the top – for 20-60 seconds, two to three times throughout your day. Earlier research found that women who progressively increased their stair climbing to five ascents daily saw a 17% improvement in fitness after just eight weeks.

Walking bursts count too, provided they’re vigorous. Try doing a brisk one-minute walk around the office or a quick lap of your garden a few times a day. But in order to see benefits, you’ve got to make sure the pace is quick enough that holding a conversation becomes difficult.

Bodyweight exercises such as squats, lunges or wall push-ups can be done almost anywhere. Try a set of ten squats every time you make a cup of tea or some wall push-ups before lunch. The key is intensity – you should feel your heart rate rise and be slightly out of breath.

Consistency matters more than perfection when it comes to exercise snacks. The research shows that even very brief sessions – as short as 20 seconds – can contribute to fitness improvements so long as they’re repeated regularly.

The trick is building these snacks into existing habits. Climb stairs before your morning coffee. Do squats during TV adverts. Take a brisk walk after finishing a work call.

Exercise snacks won’t replace the full range of benefits you’d get from a comprehensive fitness programme. But for the millions of us who struggle to find time for traditional workouts, they offer a practical entry point – one backed by increasingly robust science.

The biggest gains in health happen when someone goes from doing nothing to doing something. So next time you’re waiting for the kettle to boil or have a few minutes between meetings, consider having an exercise snack. Your heart will thank you.

Jack McNamara does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Exercise snacks: the best bursts of activity to incorporate into your day – https://theconversation.com/exercise-snacks-the-best-bursts-of-activity-to-incorporate-into-your-day-272836

January 16, 2026

Reform UK: will high-profile defections change the party’s image?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Parveen Akhtar, Senior Lecturer: Politics, History and International Relations, Aston University

A core function of political parties is to nurture talent and, in some cases, provide a credible path to power for ambitious politicians. In this fraught climate, Reform UK increasingly appears to be an alternative route for those who see no such path via the Conservative party.

Before Robert Jenrick’s sacking (over his own supposed plan to defect), Nadhim Zahawi was the latest, and arguably the most high-profile, Conservative to throw his lot in with Reform. It seems a growing number of former Conservative MPs and councillors see Reform as a second chance at political relevance.

A former chancellor of the exchequer, albeit for just two months at the tail end of Boris Johnson’s premiership, Zahawi brings with him the symbolic capital of high office.

In announcing his switch, Zahawi claimed that only a “glorious revolution” could fix a “broken” Britain: “Nothing works, there is no growth, there is crime on our streets, and there is an avalanche of illegal migration that anywhere else in the world would be a national emergency.” The rhetoric is familiar, but the messenger matters.

Zahawi’s defection comes at a delicate moment for Nigel Farage. As Farage faces renewed scrutiny over allegations of racism and antisemitism during his school days, the recruitment of high-profile, non-white former Conservatives is both politically convenient and strategically risky.

Although Reform has undergone a rapid programme of “professionalisation” under its chairman, Zia Yusuf, these defections remain significant. Reform can now more plausibly claim to house people who have sat around the Cabinet table and understand how government works. Zahawi brings name recognition and governing experience to a party still widely caricatured as a vehicle for political amateurs. This matters for a party attempting to shift from a protest movement to an electoral contender.

Reform’s anti-Muslim reputation

But Zahawi represents more than experience. Alongside Reform’s London mayoral candidate, Laila Cunningham, his presence helps Farage rebut accusations that Reform is an anti-Muslim or racist party. Cunningham, formerly a Conservative councillor in London, defected to Reform in June 2025. She cited frustration with both main political parties and their failure on crime and immigration.

At a time when diversity within Reform has become a flashpoint for internal dissent, this is no accident.

For Farage, this is a familiar manoeuvre. His relationship with Islam has always been more complicated than that of Europe’s explicitly ethnonationalist right. He left Ukip in 2018 after then party leader Gerard Batten appointed far-right activist Tommy Robinson as an adviser to the party. Farage criticised Batten’s fixation with Islam, and said Ukip was drifting into a singularly anti-Muslim posture.

He has repeatedly distanced himself from Robinson, and his clashes with figures such as former Reform MP Rupert Lowe reflect an ongoing effort to differentiate Reform from the far right. The aim is clear: to position Reform as uncompromising on immigration without being reducible to crude racial politics.

The presence of non-white, Muslim politicians may therefore make Reform appear a viable option for voters who want “change”, but are reluctant to back a party they perceive as overtly racist or anti-Muslim.

Yet this same strategy risks alienating other Reform supporters. Farage knows that his digital base is often significantly further to the right.

Farage currently faces claims from a number of former classmates who describe a pattern of racist bullying during his schooldays. Farage has denied the claims – while acknowledging he engaged in “aggressive banter”, he said that he “never directly racially abused anybody”.*

For someone who has built a career on denying personal racism while mobilising grievance politics, this is uncomfortable territory. Zahawi’s defection, like others before it, functions as reputational insulation: evidence that Reform is inclusive, pragmatic and electorally serious.

Meanwhile, Farage is receiving increasing financial backing from wealthy donors, which provides a sense of security and room to manoeuvre, even if parts of his grassroots support online revolts. In some ways, Farage is skating on thin ice. But he knows his backers have significant resources. He is willing to compromise on his most vociferous base in the immediate term if the bigger vision still holds true.

In this sense, Zahawi’s move exposes a central contradiction about Reform. Is it a refuge for failed politicians rejected by the Conservatives? Or is it a party making a serious attempt to broaden its electoral coalition? The answer may be both.

What is clear is that Farage is attempting to play two games at once: reassuring sceptical voters that Reform is not racist, while continuing to benefit from a base that thrives on racialised outrage.

Parveen Akhtar has previously received funding from the ESRC and the British Academy

Tahir Abbas has received research funding from the European Commission via the H2020 Framework Programme for the DRIVE project, and via the Internal Security Fund Police stream for the PROTONE project.

– ref. Reform UK: will high-profile defections change the party’s image? – https://theconversation.com/reform-uk-will-high-profile-defections-change-the-partys-image-273533

January 16, 2026

Las negociaciones entre Estados Unidos y Groenlandia se han estancado: tres formas en que podría terminar la crisis

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Michele Testoni, Professor of International Relations, IE University

Persiste un “desacuerdo fundamental”. Este fue el único resultado concreto de la reunión celebrada en la Casa Blanca entre representantes estadounidenses, daneses y groenlandeses el 14 de enero, ya que cada parte mantuvo su posición original sobre la soberanía de Groenlandia. La Administración Trump argumentó que Estados Unidos debe asumir el control directo de la isla, mientras que los dirigentes daneses y groenlandeses rechazaron firmemente la idea.

Quizás esto era de esperar. La recientemente publicada Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional de EE. UU. dejó una cosa muy clara: la política exterior estadounidense se define ahora por un enfoque asertivo hacia todo el hemisferio occidental. Washington reclama el derecho a intervenir en los asuntos internos de otros países, incluso militarmente si es necesario, con el fin de garantizar los intereses estratégicos y corporativos de Estados Unidos.

Esta nueva “doctrina Donroe” es una versión renovada de la diplomacia de las cañoneras que configuró la política exterior estadounidense hacia América Latina (y la región Asia-Pacífico) a principios del siglo XX.

Trump quiere Groenlandia

Trump ha dicho en repetidas ocasiones que Estados Unidos necesita asumir el control directo de Groenlandia por razones de “seguridad nacional”. Las redes sociales de la Casa Blanca ahora publican regularmente mensajes sobre el control de la isla por parte de Estados Unidos, pero Trump lleva tiempo haciendo alarde de su poderío militar: “La conseguiremos, de una forma u otra”, afirmó en un discurso ante el Congreso en febrero de 2025. Su nombramiento del actual gobernador de Luisiana, Jeff Landry, como enviado especial para Groenlandia en diciembre de 2025 confirmó esta línea de actuación.

Para Trump, Groenlandia es estratégicamente vital. Aunque escasamente poblada, la isla es potencialmente rica en materias primas, incluidos minerales críticos de tierras raras. Esto la convierte en un objetivo para los gigantes tecnológicos estadounidenses.

Leer más:
El talón de Aquiles de Europa: las tierras raras dejan a la UE expuesta a las condiciones de negocio impuestas por China

También encaja perfectamente en su idea de unos Estados Unidos imperiales, junto con la extraña propuesta de convertir a Canadá en el 51.º estado de EE. UU. y el controvertido cambio de nombre del golfo de México por el de “golfo de América”.

Como parte de su retórica sobre seguridad nacional, Trump ha afirmado que los barcos chinos y rusos están “por todas partes” en Groenlandia. Sin embargo, altos funcionarios nórdicos con acceso a la inteligencia de la OTAN han declarado pública y explícitamente que no hay registros de ello en los últimos años.

Geográficamente, Groenlandia es la puerta de entrada de América del Norte al Ártico. El cambio climático ha hecho que la región sea cada vez más fácil de navegar, y se espera que se convierta en un escenario de fuerte competencia entre las mayores potencias mundiales.

Leer más:
Estos son los motivos por los que las grandes potencias mundiales se están disputando Groenlandia

Respuesta danesa y europea

Los responsables políticos europeos han empezado a tomarse en serio las palabras de Trump, y con razón: en este segundo mandato está demostrando que quiere –y, en ocasiones, es capaz– de alinear sus palabras (incluso las más radicales y extremas) con la acción política. A pesar de formar parte de Dinamarca, que es aliada de la OTAN y miembro de la Unión Europea, Groenlandia parece una presa fácil.

El Gobierno autónomo de Groenlandia ha declarado en repetidas ocasiones, tanto antes como después de la reunión del 14 de enero, que no quiere ser anexionado por Estados Unidos.

Tras un largo periodo de mediación y un enfoque discreto, el primer ministro danés también ha adoptado una postura firme, ahora respaldada por otros socios europeos y el Reino Unido.

Por su parte, la Comisión Europea se ha mostrado indecisa, expresando su solidaridad con Dinamarca y Groenlandia, pero siendo decepcionantemente ambigua en lo que respecta a compromisos concretos en materia de seguridad. Por el contrario, el Gobierno danés ha optado por ampliar su presencia militar en la región. Ha puesto en marcha la Operación Resistencia Ártica en estrecha colaboración con aliados como Francia, Alemania, Noruega y Suecia. Finlandia y los Países Bajos aún están evaluando la propuesta danesa.

Desde una perspectiva militar, se trata en gran medida de una medida simbólica, pero políticamente tiene una enorme relevancia, ya que supone un nuevo mínimo histórico en las relaciones transatlánticas. Las tropas europeas están ahora desembarcando en Groenlandia para defenderla de una amenaza real que no proviene de Rusia ni de China, sino de Estados Unidos, su socio en materia de seguridad desde hace décadas.

Tres posibles resultados

Dadas las circunstancias actuales, parece que hay tres posibles formas de superar este punto muerto.

La primera es que Trump dé marcha atrás, renuncie a su plan de “conseguir Groenlandia” y respete el statu quo. Esto es muy improbable: la escalada verbal del presidente ya ha llegado a un punto sin retorno, y ahora se encuentra en la posición de tener que vender la cuestión de Groenlandia a su electorado como una victoria histórica.

La segunda opción es, por lo tanto, la ocupación militar. Esto se rige por la lógica de la teoría de juegos del “juego del gallina”. Las fuerzas armadas estadounidenses son más numerosas, están mucho más preparadas para luchar y cuentan con el apoyo de una Administración que ya ha demostrado que puede utilizar la fuerza de forma deliberada y unilateral, con o sin la aprobación del Congreso, tal y como prescribe la Constitución de los Estados Unidos. En el momento de la verdad, Trump puede pensar que los europeos se asustarán y se retirarán.

Este es el peor de los escenarios, que podría conducir al fin de la OTAN. También podría desencadenar un efecto dominó de deterioro de las relaciones, lo que podría amenazar la unidad de la UE.

Es cierto que Trump puede verse tentado a continuar con su enfoque errático de “la fuerza hace el derecho” (que algunos analistas han bautizado de forma pintoresca como la estrategia “Fuck Around and Find Out” (“juega y descúbrelo”). Sin embargo, también podría verse frenado por las crecientes preocupaciones dentro de su propio partido, como las expresadas recientemente por el poderoso senador republicano Mitch McConnell.

La tercera posibilidad es negociar un compromiso que beneficie a ambas partes. Estados Unidos y Dinamarca podrían revisar su acuerdo bilateral de 1951 y, de esta manera, proporcionar a Washington una mayor presencia militar en la isla (como, por ejemplo, el permiso para construir una base para submarinos nucleares estadounidenses) junto con una concesión especial para los derechos mineros. Al mismo tiempo, Dinamarca y otros aliados de la OTAN se comprometerían a aumentar su presencia militar en Groenlandia y en todo el Ártico.

Se dice que el secretario general de la OTAN, Mark Rutte, está trabajando activamente para lograr este resultado. Sería una solución beneficiosa para todas las partes y muy bienvenida.

Michele Testoni no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

– ref. Las negociaciones entre Estados Unidos y Groenlandia se han estancado: tres formas en que podría terminar la crisis – https://theconversation.com/las-negociaciones-entre-estados-unidos-y-groenlandia-se-han-estancado-tres-formas-en-que-podria-terminar-la-crisis-273720

January 16, 2026

Robert Jenrick sacked by Tories and embraced by Reform – what his Newark constituency tells us about the future

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Thomas Lockwood, PhD Researcher in Politics, York St John University

Within just a few hours of being publicly sacked from the shadow cabinet by Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch, , Robert Jenrick held a press conference to announce he was joining Reform. Badenoch cited “clear, irrefutable evidence” the Jenrick had been plotting to defect to Reform in a maximally damaging way.

In his press conference, Jenrick attacked his former party, painted a bleak view of the state of Britain and declared that Nigel Farage was the only person who could save it.

Jenrick has said that he doesn’t intend to trigger a by-election, which means the people of Newark, his constituency in the English East Midlands, have lost a Conservative MP and gained a Reform one. Newark will then, come a general election, become a test of Reform’s penetration into traditional Tory shire heartlands. Here, the 2024 election results already looked like a warning light: the Conservatives held on against Labour but Reform emerged as a meaningful third force. Newark is an affluent market-town and rural seat, where traditional Tory loyalty has long dominated.

Jenrick held Newark (contested under new boundaries) quite comfortably in 2024. He won 20,968 votes, taking 38.2% of the vote share, and ending up with a majority of 3,572 over Labour, which came second with 17,396 or 32.5% of the vote. Reform had 15.5% of the vote – 8,280 votes.

Newark’s vote in 2024

A pie chart showing the election result in Newark in 2024. — How the Newark vote broke down in 2024.
UK Parliament

In the 2025 Nottinghamshire County Council elections, Reform gained control regionally (taking 40 of 66 seats), but the Conservatives held or narrowly beat Reform in Newark-area divisions, indicating shire Tory loyalty persists against the insurgent wave.

Those 2024 general election numbers in the constituency really do matter though. They show Newark is no longer a seat where the Conservatives can rely on a big cushion. The party held on, but it did so in a fragmented contest with nine candidates and amid a clear anti-Conservative mood nationally.

It’s also clear that Reform’s 15% is not an incidental protest vote. It is large enough to be decisive if the right splits further – or to become the base for a serious challenge if it consolidates, such as via an electoral pact, as unlikely as that currently looks.

Yet the most useful indicator of whether Reform can consolidate is what happens between general elections – in contests where party organisation and motivated voters matter.

In Newark & Sherwood District Council by-elections in November 2025, Reform won two seats and the details are striking. In the Castle ward, Reform’s Michelle Home won with 204 votes, narrowly ahead of the Local Conservatives on 193.

In Balderton North & Coddington, Reform’s Kay Smith won with 545 votes, beating Local Conservatives on 480.

By-elections can be weird: turnout is low, issues can be hyper-local, and parties sometimes don’t throw full resources at them. But taken together, these results suggest Reform has crossed an important threshold: it can win actual contests in areas such as these, not just rack up national vote share.

Wider local election data points the same way. In Newark & Sherwood’s 2025 results (reported at district level), Reform’s vote share sits virtually level with the Conservatives (33.7% vs 33.6%), while Reform wins multiple seats.

The constituency profile: fertile territory

Newark has characteristics often associated with Reform’s strongest performances, including a mixed economy of market town, suburban edges and rural hinterland.

A government local data profile for Newark-on-Trent reports roughly 95.3% identifying as white. That are pockets of deprivation and education and skills gaps in the constituency, which can prove receptive to narratives about being overlooked by distant decision-makers.

It’s important to stress that none of this mechanically produces a Reform MP. It does, however, help to explain why messages about immigration, institutions and “broken politics” might resonate; and why a candidate pitching themselves as an insurgent against the status quo might find an audience.

But the crucial variable is Jenrick himself. He is not a blank slate. He has high name recognition, ministerial experience and a public profile built around “tough” issues (especially immigration and crime) that overlap with Reform’s core terrain. He has, lately, been shifting further to the right, posting provocative social media videos about immigration, ticket fare dodgers and crime.

This matters because of what might be called a permission slip effect: when a familiar, high-status politician validates a challenger party, it can give cautious voters “permission” to treat that party as credible rather than purely protest. This is why Reform has been pleased to welcome other defectors from the Conservative party who had previously served in ministerial roles, such as former chancellor Nadhim Zahawi.

For a “Jenrick-as-Reform” candidacy to top Labour in Newark, Reform needs to add at least 17 points from elsewhere. These would almost certainly come from former Conservative voters and non-voters. Jenrick would need to pull about half of his 2024 Conservative coalition across with him. That is possible but far from guaranteed. Some may, of course, wish to punish him.

The right vote could split in a way that hands Labour the seat even if Reform rises with Jenrick as its candidate. Newark’s 2024 margin was already tight enough for that scenario to be plausible.

Wanting “a Reform MP” is also different from wanting “Reform-ish politics”. That is the final complication: Reform has built its appeal partly on being an anti-Tory option. It remains to be seen whether voters like the convenience of a known figure as Reform candidate or reject it as recycled politics.

Either way, Newark is no longer just Jenrick’s seat. It is now a live laboratory test for the future of the British right – and for the fragmentation and reinvention of British politics.

Thomas Lockwood does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Robert Jenrick sacked by Tories and embraced by Reform – what his Newark constituency tells us about the future – https://theconversation.com/robert-jenrick-sacked-by-tories-and-embraced-by-reform-what-his-newark-constituency-tells-us-about-the-future-273646

January 16, 2026

Rapatriement ou restitution des biens culturels africains ? Les mots que nous utilisons ont leur importance

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Victoria Gibbon, Professor in Biological Anthropology, Division of Clinical Anatomy and Biological Anthropology, University of Cape Town

Les musées et les universités du monde entier possèdent d’immenses collections d’objets culturels, d’œuvres d’art, de biens matériels et même de restes ancestraux. Beaucoup d’entre eux n’ont pas été offerts librement, mais ont été arrachés pendant la période coloniale, par la force, la manipulation, le vol ou la violence. Pendant des décennies, ils ont été entreposés et exposés dans des vitrines. Ils ont été classés dans des catégories telles que l’anthropologie, l’histoire naturelle ou l’ethnologie, séparés des personnes et des communautés auxquelles ils appartenaient autrefois.

Ces dernières années, on reconnaît de plus en plus que ces collections sont porteuses d’un héritage douloureux.

Les appels à leur restitution font désormais partie d’un débat mondial sur la décolonisation, la justice et la guérison. En 2018, le président français Emmanuel Macron a publié un rapport appelant à une nouvelle éthique de l’humanité, suscitant une nouvelle volonté de restituer les œuvres d’art et la culture matérielle africaines. Mais les appels africains à la restitution ont été lancés au moins cinq décennies plus tôt à la suite du discours de l’ancien président de la République démocratique du Congo, Mobutu Sese Seko, devant l’ONU.

Dans tous ces débats, deux mots sont souvent utilisés : rapatriement et restitution.

À première vue, ils semblent avoir la même signification et impliquent tous deux la restitution de quelque chose. Mais en tant que chercheurs sud-africains travaillant dans les domaines de l’histoire, des études muséales et de la biologie humaine, nous affirmons que la différence entre ces termes n’est pas seulement sémantique. Le choix des mots reflète des enjeux politiques plus profonds liés à la justice, à la reconnaissance et à la réparation.

Dans notre récent article, nous avons expliqué comment nous percevons cette différence et pourquoi le travail de restitution redonne aux personnes le pouvoir sur leur avenir et leur donne un sentiment d’autonomie. Nous soutenons que, pour sa part, le rapatriement est devenu une notion moins centrée sur reconstruction des communautés. Il renvoie davantage à un exercice administratif et logistique. A l’inverse, la restitution renvoie directement à la justice.

Rapatriement : le langage du retour

Le mot « rapatriement » vient du latin patria, qui signifie « patrie ». Traditionnellement, il désigne le retour d’une personne ou de ses restes mortels dans son pays d’origine. Les gouvernements utilisent souvent ce terme pour désigner le transfert logistique et juridique de personnes, d’œuvres d’art ou de restes ancestraux à travers les frontières nationales.

Dans les pays qui ont été colonisés, comme les États-Unis, le Canada, l’Australie et la Nouvelle-Zélande, le terme « rapatriement » est devenu le terme dominant. Cela s’explique en partie par des lois et des cadres spécifiques. Aux États-Unis, par exemple, la loi sur la protection et le rapatriement des sépultures amérindiennes (Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act) oblige les musées à restituer de manière proactive les restes humains et les objets culturels aux communautés autochtones.

En Nouvelle-Zélande, le musée national Te Papa joue un rôle central dans le rapatriement des restes ancestraux maoris et morioris provenant d’institutions étrangères avant de les restituer aux communautés locales. En Australie, le choix du rapatriement par les militants, les communautés et les universitaires visait également à établir un lien stratégique avec le retour des restes des soldats tombés au combat.

Dans ces contextes, le rapatriement est souvent présenté comme un processus de restitution. Les États ou les musées prennent l’initiative, et les communautés reçoivent.

Certains universitaires et militants autochtones ont contesté cette formulation, soulignant ses connotations patriarcales et étatistes.

Ils ont introduit le concept de « rematriation », qui désigne un retour à la « Terre Mère » ancré dans les perspectives féministes autochtones, la spiritualité et l’équilibre communautaire.

En Afrique du Sud également, le terme « rapatriement » a été utilisé, en particulier lorsque l’État a organisé le retour de restes humains depuis l’étranger, comme dans le cas du retour de Sarah Baartman depuis la France.

Baartman était une femme khoï (autochtone sud-africaine) du XIXe siècle exposée dans des spectacles de monstres en Europe. Son corps a ensuite été disséqué par des scientifiques dans le cadre de la science raciale et intégré aux systèmes de collecte et d’exposition du Musée de l’Homme à Paris. Après être devenue un symbole international de l’oppression des femmes noires, Baartman a également été au centre des revendications de restitution formulées par les Khoï et d’autres militants et mouvements sociaux en Afrique du Sud.

Le rapatriement a également été utilisé pour la restitution des dépouilles d’anciens combattants et d’autres patriotes.

Mais un malaise a commencé à se faire sentir. Ce langage était-il adapté au travail profond de justice et de guérison que les communautés réclamaient ? Ou était-il davantage axé sur le prestige national que sur la restauration de la communauté ?

Restitution : la politique de la justice au-delà de la transaction

La restitution consiste à rendre quelque chose à son propriétaire légitime, et non pas simplement à transférer un bien, mais comme un acte de reconnaissance, de réparation et de guérison.

La restitution n’est pas seulement un événement, comme la remise d’un objet d’art lors d’une cérémonie. C’est un processus qui prend du temps, qui est émotionnel et souvent douloureux. Elle implique des recherches sur la manière dont les objets ont été acquis, des conversations avec les communautés descendantes et des décisions sur la manière de prendre soin ou d’honorer ce qui a été restitué. Elle reconnaît que les biens pris n’étaient pas seulement des curiosités ou des objets, mais qu’ils étaient liés à la communauté, à la langue, aux cérémonies et à l’identité.

Dans de nombreux cas, les restes ancestraux ont été classés et objectivés comme restes humains et spécimens, dépouillés de leur humanité. La restitution, en revanche, leur rend leur dignité et leur autonomie en tant qu’ancêtres.

Le travail de restitution : guérison et reconnexion

Notre recherche utilise l’expression « travail de restitution » pour décrire l’ensemble des efforts nécessaires. Ce travail va bien au-delà de la diplomatie, de la logistique et du transport. Il comprend :

La reconnaissance de l’injustice : il s’agit d’admettre que les objets ont été pris à tort, que ce soit par la violence, la coercition ou le vol.
La désobjectivation : traiter les restes ancestraux et les biens culturels non pas comme des restes humains et des objets de musée, mais comme des ancêtres ou des trésors culturels.
L’implication de la communauté : veiller à ce que les groupes de descendants et les communautés locales décident de ce qui se passera après le retour, en concertation avec les musées et les gouvernements nationaux.
Processus de guérison : créer des espaces pour le deuil, les cérémonies et le rituel de passage.
Nouvelles perspectives : considérer la restitution non seulement comme une réconciliation avec le passé, mais aussi comme une ouverture vers le renouveau culturel et la justice sociale.

Par exemple, le programme de restitution des terres en Afrique du Sud a montré que la restitution ne consiste pas simplement à rétablir ce qui existait autrefois. Il s’agit de créer les conditions nécessaires à la justice aujourd’hui et de possibilités pour demain.

De même, la restitution culturelle ne consiste pas tant à « remettre les choses à leur place d’origine » qu’à donner aux communautés les moyens de renouer avec leur patrimoine d’une manière pertinente et vivante aujourd’hui.

Pourquoi le choix des mots est-il important ?

La distinction entre rapatriement et restitution n’est pas un débat académique abstrait. Les mots influent sur les rapports de pouvoir. Si le retour est présenté comme un rapatriement, l’accent est souvent mis sur celui qui donne, celui qui rend, l’État ou le musée, qui accorde quelque chose en retour. S’il est présenté comme une restitution, l’accent est mis sur le demandeur, sur la communauté qui fait valoir ses droits et exige justice.

La restitution ne consiste pas à retrouver un passé perdu. Ce passé ne peut être restauré tel qu’il était. Il s’agit plutôt de créer un nouvel avenir fondé sur la justice, la dignité et le respect. Pour les communautés du monde entier qui vivent encore avec l’héritage de la spoliation coloniale, cette distinction est très importante.

Victoria Gibbon bénéficie d’un financement de la Fondation nationale sud-africaine pour la recherche (NRF). Les opinions exprimées et les conclusions formulées sont celles des auteurs et ne reflètent pas nécessairement celles de la NRF.

Ciraj Rassool bénéficie d’un financement de la Fondation Volkswagen et a précédemment reçu des fonds de la Fondation Andrew W. Mellon et des Fondations Open Society. Les opinions exprimées et les conclusions formulées sont celles des auteurs.

– ref. Rapatriement ou restitution des biens culturels africains ? Les mots que nous utilisons ont leur importance – https://theconversation.com/rapatriement-ou-restitution-des-biens-culturels-africains-les-mots-que-nous-utilisons-ont-leur-importance-273302

January 16, 2026

Northern England’s rail upgrade could signal change in direction for public transport

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Marcus Mayers, Visiting Research Fellow, Manchester Metropolitan University

The UK government says it has learned valuable lessons from the expense, delays and political embarrassment of HS2. And now it has laid out detailed plans for train passengers in northern England who have been so badly “let down” in the past.

Northern Powerhouse Rail will apparently bring new and upgraded routes from east to west of the region, linking Liverpool, Manchester, Bradford, Leeds, Sheffield and Hull. Major capacity and journey time improvements have been promised.

Away from the actual tracks though, the scheme could come to represent a welcome change in the direction of travel for public transport more generally.

Funding for example, will follow a new hybrid model – with central government retaining overall control but with local authorities also contributing through devolved transport budgets and regional investment plans.

Delivery of the project will also involve a large amount of collaboration between the London-based Department for Transport (DfT) and politicians in the north of England. This could signal a welcome political commitment to a nationally significant scheme being shaped through regional collaboration.

But it could also prove to be quite a test for a government department that is often criticised for being too centralised and overly complex. So is the DfT ready to implement a genuinely devolved transport system?

As it is, the department has a fairly broad range of responsibility. Apart from railways, it covers roads and local transport, maritime issues and security, and decarbonisation and technology.

Over the years, each of these areas within the department has developed close relationships with the industries they oversee. And while such collaboration can be beneficial, it also risks creating a revolving door between government and industry.

This can distract from the fundamental objective of delivering an efficient transport system, as decisions are made which benefit industries rather than the travelling public.

Moving forward

An alternative approach for the department would be to redefine transport outputs more clearly in terms of social or economic value. After all, if journeys do not create value, why are they being made?

The department could then be reorganised to focus on specific demands and needs rather than particular modes of transport. There could be a section focused on commuting and local travel for example, with another specialising in intercity travel, and another devoted to international passengers.

For instance, suppose there is a departmental goal to support 150,000 business meetings and 150,000 social interactions each day between Manchester and Birmingham. A broad mix of tactics to achieve this might include high-speed rail, intercity coaches, private car travel and digital connectivity through virtual meetings.

Some devolved regions are already experimenting with this kind of demand-based approach. Manchester’s “Bee network” initiative – the first mayoral authority to take buses back from commercial operators – is one example.

Railway track stretches ahead to horizon. — On the right tracks?
semen semyonitch/Shutterstock

What is certain is that the DfT must adapt if it is to serve the UK population effectively, especially as regional powers grow and digital technology continues to reshape how people connect.

As the transport pioneer Henry Ford observed: “If you always do what you’ve always done, you’ll always get what you’ve always got.”

New links

The challenge for the UK government, beyond a plan to improve rail travel in northern England, is to configure the DfT’s resources in a way that ensures both physical and digital transport are fit to support the people and economy of the UK.

Northern Powerhouse Rail therefore becomes a test not just of investment ambition, but of institutional and operational design. Had the DfT been organised more clearly around outcomes or needs (rather than modes of transport), a more integrated set of solutions might have emerged sooner, combining rail, road and digital connectivity as a single system.

Even so, the programme signals a long overdue and welcome shift in direction. By forcing new ways of working between Whitehall and the regions, it creates the conditions for a more integrated approach to transport over time.

If the department is willing to learn from this experiment in devolution, Northern Powerhouse Rail could mark not just a new railway for the north, but the beginning of a more adaptive and effective transport system across the whole of England.

Marcus Mayers receives is a transport advisor to the MP JJulia Buckley.

David Bamford does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Northern England’s rail upgrade could signal change in direction for public transport – https://theconversation.com/northern-englands-rail-upgrade-could-signal-change-in-direction-for-public-transport-273516

January 16, 2026

How adults can use Stranger Things to talk to young people about their mental health

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Stephen Goldsmith, Tutor in Mental Health Nursing, Swinburne University of Technology

Beyond its monsters and 1980s nostalgia, Stranger Things resonates because it tells stories of struggles familiar to young people: trauma that lingers, identity that wavers, and friendships that buffer against fear.

And by turning inner struggles into visible monsters, Stranger Things can provide a lens to discuss trauma, identity and resilience.

Here are some of Stranger Things’ insights into adolescent development and mental health – and how adults can use the show to talk to teenagers about their own mental health.

Facing our fears

In the series, the Upside Down is a dark mirror of the Hawkins township – a shadow world where threats feed on secrecy and avoidance. It works as a metaphor for “unseen” unprocessed experiences, shame and anxious avoidance.

Avoidance often reduces fear in the short term, but it can maintain post traumatic stress symptoms over time and interfere with recovery. Avoidance and thought suppression have been shown to increase severity of post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms.

One of the most effective ways to reduce trauma symptoms is exposure to feared memories, sensations or situations in safe, planned ways. Exposure-based treatment, including trauma-focused cognitive behaviour therapy (TF-CBT) and prolonged exposure produce meaningful reductions in PTSD symptoms for adolescents and adults.

Stranger Things dramatises this principle: the young people at the heart of the show must face their fears to overcome their power.

Teens can experience what we might call “Upside Down moments”: times when they feel overwhelmed, ashamed or tempted to withdraw. Adults can validate their feelings and then gently pivot toward exposure. This could be small, supported steps to face what’s difficult (a conversation, a memory, a classroom presentation), rather than escape.

Facing shame

Vecna’s attacks dramatise shame and self-criticism. His voice echoes characters’ darkest self-judgments: Max hears accusations about Billy’s death; Eleven relives failures to protect friends.

Shame and self criticism are strongly linked with adolescent distress and risk behaviours. Skills like reappraisal (rethinking a situation) and self-compassion reduce shame-proneness and improve emotion regulation.

Two characters in an eerie red world. — The show externalises inner battles, making coping strategies visible.
Netflix

The show externalises these inner battles, making coping strategies visible.

You can help young people by reminding them the harsh voice in their head isn’t who they are. It’s just a thought, like a bully they can fight. Ask, “What would you say to a friend in your shoes?” or “What’s one small step to feel more in control?”

Turn shame into something they can face, not something they are.

Grounding yourself

Max’s use of Kate Bush’s Running Up That Hill to break Vecna’s trance is a vivid example of sensory grounding. Teens can replicate this coping tool with music, movement or other sensory anchors during distress.

Music-based activities can support emotion regulation and grounding techniques are practical ways to reduce flashbacks and anxiety.

Adults can help teenagers “ground” by asking them to notice and name things around them, by counting down from five. This might look like naming five things they can see, four things they can touch, three things they can hear, two things they can smell, and one thing they can taste.

You might also like to work with young people to create a “Vecna playlist” as a sensory anchor – sounds, textures or scents a young person can use when anxiety spikes.

Impinging on daily life

Will experiences flashbacks and panic long after he escapes the Upside Down. In the show, these are dramatised as him vomiting slugs, sensing the Mind Flayer, and freezing during school events.

Will’s trauma persists beyond his reaching physical safety, mirroring post-traumatic symptoms.

Max embodies complicated grief and survivor guilt after her brother’s death. Her withdrawn demeanour, risk taking and fight-or-flight responses echo patterns seen in adolescents grappling with bereavement and trauma, where avoidance and rumination can amplify distress.

Max in the school hallway. — Max, played by Sadie Sink, embodies complicated grief and survivor guilt after her brother’s death.
Netflix

After Billy’s death, Max pulls away from her friends and starts taking risks, like skating alone at night. Her fight-or-flight response surges when Vecna targets her, showing how grief can spiral into something more complicated.

When grief becomes tangled like this, people often cope by avoiding reminders of their loss or getting stuck in painful, repetitive thoughts. Both patterns can make the hurt even harder to bear.

Like Will and Max, some teens experience persistent flashbacks, panic, avoidance or guilt. If symptoms impair daily life, adults should consider professional support. Trauma-focused CBT and exposure based therapies are evidence-based treatments for adolescent PTSD.

Friendship as a buffer

At its heart, Stranger Things is a friendship story.

The party’s loyalty and shared rituals provide a scaffold against isolation and fear. Rituals of D&D campaigns, walkie-talkie check-ins and bike rides create a safety net.

When Eleven loses her powers, friends rally to protect her. When Max is cursed, they mobilise with music and shared problem-solving.

The characters in Stranger Things hug. — At its heart, Stranger Things is a story of friendship.
Netflix

Supportive peer relationships in early adolescence are linked with better mental and physical health. Peer support can improve coping, happiness and self-esteem and reduce loneliness and depressive symptoms among young adults.

Adults can point out how the characters in Stranger Things share burdens and protect one another.

Teachers and parents can help teens build belonging by supporting activities like clubs, group hobbies and gaming nights, alongside creating family rituals. Connection reduces perceived threat and buffers stress. In schools, interventions that strengthen positive interactions among students and staff can enhance belonging and wellbeing.

Stephen Goldsmith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How adults can use Stranger Things to talk to young people about their mental health – https://theconversation.com/how-adults-can-use-stranger-things-to-talk-to-young-people-about-their-mental-health-272809