Category: The Conversation – UK

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Soe Tjen Marching, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics, SOAS, University of London

Indonesians have taken to the streets over the past week to protest against elite corruption. The demonstrations began peacefully on August 25 with protests outside parliament in the capital, Jakarta. They soon spread across the country.

The Indonesian People’s Revolution, a group at the centre of the demonstrations, is demanding an investigation into corruption allegations involving the family of former president Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. Jokowi has strongly rejected these accusations, painting them as a smear campaign.

Protesters are also calling for the dissolution of parliament and the impeachment of the current vice-president, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, who is Jokowi’s son.

Gibran’s path to the vice-presidency was controversial. In Indonesia, presidential and vice-presidential candidates must be at least 40 years old, yet he was only 36 during the 2024 election. The constitutional court – led by Gibran’s uncle, Anwar Usman – changed the rules to grant an exception for regional leaders. Usman was dismissed from his post by an ethics council less than a month later.

The group’s demands resonate with wider public anger over the gulf between privilege and poverty in Indonesia. Parliamentarians pocket high salaries, while millions of workers scrape by on some of the lowest minimum wages in the world. News in mid-August that MPs had secured another pay rise only added fuel to the fire.

The protests have now erupted into violence in several areas of the country. The trigger for this came on August 28, when an armoured police vehicle struck and killed a motorcycle taxi driver in Jakarta, before fleeing the scene. Listyo Sigit Prabowo, Indonesia’s national police chief, issued an apology to the victim’s family and has confirmed the case is being investigated.

Indonesia’s current president, Prabowo Subianto, initially denounced demonstrators as “traitors” and “terrorists”, vowing decisive action against them. But he has now backtracked, pledging on August 31 to heed public demands and even cut lawmakers’ allowances.

In the days leading up to this abrupt reversal, echoes of a darker chapter in the nation’s history resurfaced – one marked by state-led violence and intimidation, the mobilisation of Islamist groups, and the scapegoating of minorities.

Indonesia prides itself on bhinneka tunggal ika, unity in diversity. But Prabowo has long relied on conservative Islamist groups to strengthen his power, push through hardline policies and help silence dissent. This includes the Islamic Defenders Front, which the Jokowi government banned in 2020.

Back in 2014, when Jokowi and Prabowo contested presidential elections, Islamist hardliners perpetrated smear campaigns against Jokowi, accusing him of being a communist agent. They also orchestrated the mass mobilisation that toppled Jakarta’s ethnic Chinese Christian governor, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, in 2017.

The alliance cooled after Prabowo entered Jokowi’s coalition at the end of 2019, but has seemingly been revived amid the current protests. On August 30, the president summoned 16 Islamic organisations to his private residence, reportedly urging them to work with the government to “guard security and peace”.

Meanwhile, racist threats targeting Chinese Indonesian women have flooded online platforms. Popular content creator Elsa Novia Sena, among others, have received rape threats from an account named @endonesaatanpacinak (“Indonesia without Chinese”). I too received rape threats online after criticising the government on X.

For many in Indonesia’s Chinese minority, the atmosphere is chillingly reminiscent of May 1998. That month saw hundreds of women brutally raped – some with sharp tools – in riots characterised by widespread looting and killing. Human rights activists say the 1998 riots were orchestrated or exacerbated by the military to divert public attention from anti-government demonstrations.

Prabowo, an army general at the time, is suspected of being involved in human rights violations during the 1998 riots. He has rejected his alleged involvement in any acts of violence – but was discharged from the military over the allegations, and banned from entering the US for two decades.

Departure from the past

During the blackouts on August 31 in parts of Jakarta (which also occurred prior to the 1998 riots), looting broke out. Yet, in my opinion, something feels different this time. Protesters deliberately targeted the homes of four MPs accused of sneering at the public after securing a pay rise.

The house of Sri Mulyani, Indonesia’s finance minister, was also attacked. She is seen by many Indonesians as complicit in imposing draconian tax policies on ordinary people while sparing elite lawmakers. Sri has dismissed the accusation, stating that any laws are passed in an “open and transparent manner”.

No Chinese Indonesians have been attacked so far. A new slogan, “people looking after people”, has circulated on social media. Many insist the old trick of scapegoating Indonesia’s Chinese minority no longer works.

In May 1998, public anger against the then-president, Suharto, was driven by an economic crash. Indonesia’s ethnic Chinese population – seen as disproportionately successful in business – became convenient scapegoats. This time, however, many Indonesian people have turned against the army.

The protests are no longer only about economic grievances or corruption – they seem to be a stand against the authoritarian playbook of divide and rule. Many even suspect that some of the looters in the current demonstrations are soldiers in disguise.

In Surabaya, a city on the Indonesian island of Java, suspicions deepened when several police posts were torched. People online pointed out that the arsonist, caught in a viral photo, wore an outdated motorcycle taxi uniform paired with Adidas Terrex shoes worth millions of rupiah (hundreds of pounds). The caption asked: “Why would a taxi driver wear a uniform no longer in circulation and, if he really were one, how could he possibly afford such shoes?”

Prabowo may not have anticipated such a reaction from the Indonesian people, forcing him into a U-turn. But despite his gestures of appeasement, many remain unconvinced, dismissing his offers as merely cosmetic.

That scepticism appeared vindicated almost immediately. Late on September 1, the Islamic University of Bandung and Pasundan University came under attack as security forces fired tear gas and rubber bullets at student protesters.

The mass protests, which have spread to 32 provinces of Indonesia, are unlikely to subside soon. The question is whether the government can still weaponise fear and prejudice to cling to power – or whether ordinary Indonesians will stand firm and united against corruption and state violence in demanding justice.

Soe Tjen Marching does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Indonesia violence: state response to protests echoes darker times in country’s history – https://theconversation.com/indonesia-violence-state-response-to-protests-echoes-darker-times-in-countrys-history-264374

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kristina van Kuyck, PhD Candidate in the School of History and Geography, Dublin City University

As I was photographing Soviet-era monuments in the Lithuanian port city of Klaipėda in May 2022, I heard a woman shout at me: “You are a young Nazi who wants to remove and destroy everything”. She was triggered by my presence, taking notes around the monuments and carrying a couple of professional-looking cameras.

I was in the middle of a research trip to document Soviet monuments in the Baltic states. The past few years had seen some former Soviet bloc countries debate the future of these monuments, many of which were originally erected to mark the role of Soviet forces in the second world war.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which began earlier in 2022, had accelerated these debates in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. The debates were not new – questions about the presence of Soviet-era monuments had surfaced for decades. But concrete actions to remove them had been rare due to divided opinions over their meaning.

For many people in the Baltic states, Soviet-era monuments embodied occupation and served as reminders of repression imposed by a foreign regime. Yet for others, especially within ethnic Russian communities, they continued to represent Soviet wartime victories and functioned as sites of commemoration. Legal restrictions also prevented their removal, as many monuments were formally protected by law.

These monuments, once largely unquestioned features of the public space, were now being reevaluated against the backdrop of a new war and growing geopolitical tensions. And, as Russia’s aggression in Ukraine continued, the debates over the fate of these monuments intensified. This culminated in direct action.

The first actions often began with acts of vandalism. Monuments, including one in Ukmergė, Lithuania, which had been unveiled in 1982 to mark the 60th anniversary of the Soviet Union, were defaced. They were frequently covered in blue and yellow paint, reflecting the scale of public anger at the war and solidarity with Ukraine.

These spontaneous interventions were soon followed by more formal, centralised action. Local municipalities held meetings to discuss relocating monuments, while some took steps to remove them altogether.

Lithuania’s parliament passed a so-called desovietisation law in late 2022. This banned the commemoration or representation of people, symbols and information promoting totalitarian or authoritarian regimes and their ideologies. Latvia’s parliament also passed a law providing for the dismantling of sites glorifying Soviet and Nazi regimes.

Where decision-making stalled and legal restrictions prevented official action, local communities often took matters into their own hands. In some cases, such as in the Lituanian city of Telšiai, Soviet war memorials were covered with garbage bags. This deprived them of their symbolic presence without physically removing them.

Public opinion on the removal of monuments was far from uniform. A 2022 survey revealed that 50% of the Lithuanian population supported the removal of Soviet monuments (21% “fully support” and 29% “rather agree”), while 35% opposed it. Nevertheless, Soviet monuments rapidly disappeared from public spaces in the Baltic states following Russia’s invasion, leaving a visible mark on the urban landscape.

Documenting these monuments in 2022 proved challenging as removals were progressing at a rapid pace. In some cases, monuments were taken down without prior public notice to avoid disruption. Sometimes, I arrived at sites just too late. One of the first memorials to fall in Latvia was located in the south-eastern city of Jēkabpils, which I reached when dismantling was already underway.

In a few of the more high-profile cases, such as the monument in the Latvian capital Riga – to the Liberators of Soviet Latvia and Riga from German Fascist Invaders – sites were fenced off and monitored by police.

Three years on

Visiting the same sites in the summer of 2025, I observed several patterns in the changing urban landscape. Some former monument sites still bore traces of the Soviet legacy, leaving noticeable voids in the public space. In Ukmergė, for example, the monument itself had been removed, but the surrounding site remained largely untouched. In Narva, an Estonian border city, the obelisk topped with a five-pointed star had been taken down. This left only an empty plinth as a silent reminder of what once stood there.

Such cases are common in peripheral towns, where removals often occurred without follow-up plans or allocated funds for redevelopment.

Even after removal, some former sites continued to serve as places of memory for local Russian-speaking communities. In Vilnius, the capital of Lithuania, a monument comprised of six granite statues of Soviet soldiers was taken down in late December 2022.

Yet the site still provides space for commemorations, with a lit candle and a wreath placed where the monument once stood. The statues have been relocated to Grūtas Park, a Soviet sculpture park in Lithuania, where they are placed in the parking lot with a lantern symbolising an eternal flame.

Other former Soviet-era monument sites reveal striking transformations. A park in Pärnu, south-western Estonia, and a public square in Daugavpils, south-eastern Latvia, now show no visible traces of the monuments that once occupied a space in the urban landscape there.

I had to return twice, circling the park in Pärnu, before I could recognise the spot where I had photographed the monument three years earlier. These monuments have slipped into a silent oblivion.

Many of the Soviet-era monuments were originally placed within military cemeteries where Soviet soldiers were buried. Usually, these cemeteries were maintained by Russian embassies. However, with the monuments gone – and their role as visual propaganda erased – many of the sites have been left neglected. Their upkeep is faltering alongside their symbolic power.

The war in Ukraine has triggered striking changes in the urban landscape across the Baltic states. These changes reveal not a uniform story of erasure but rather a fragmented landscape of memory.

My photographs show how some places are marked by absences, others are inscribed with different meanings, and many have fallen into neglect.

Kristina van Kuyck receives funding from the Irish Research Council Government of Ireland Postgraduate Scholarship
Project ID: GOIPG/2023/3686

– ref. Baltic states have torn down their Soviet past following Ukraine war – a photo essay – https://theconversation.com/baltic-states-have-torn-down-their-soviet-past-following-ukraine-war-a-photo-essay-263468

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rebecca Day, PhD Candidate in Bilingualism (Linguistics), Bangor University

Rett syndrome is a rare neurological condition that disrupts physical and linguistic development, affecting around one in 10,000 women and even fewer men. For decades, researchers assumed that people with the condition, many of whom lose speech during early childhood, were confined to a limited range of cognitive and linguistic abilities.

But in Wales, where many families are bilingual and speak both English and Welsh at home, our recent case study showed that access to two languages can help the linguistic growth of someone with the speech-limiting developmental condition Rett syndrome.

Rett syndrome is caused by a random genetic mutation in the MECP2 gene on the X chromosome in most cases. It usually manifests in early childhood, with most people showing typical development before a loss of skills at around 18 months of age. This process, known as “regression”, can lead to a loss of speech, mobility and the ability to use hands purposefully.

There are different variants of Rett syndrome. People with the preserved speech variant may keep the ability to produce speech after regression, develop speech after regression, or develop speech without experiencing regression.

As well as movement and language difficulties, Rett syndrome can also cause scoliosis (curvature of the spine), seizures, irregular heart rhythm, digestive issues and breathing problems. The severity of symptoms varies widely from person to person.

To communicate, many rely on methods such as body language, communication books, symbol charts, or high-tech devices to express themselves. These tools and techniques, known as augmentative and alternative communication, may replace or supplement speech.

While these strategies can be transformative, guidelines on communication methods for Rett syndrome have been based on research involving monolingual people. Until now, the possibility of bilingualism in people with Rett syndrome had not been formally explored.

Early researchers assumed that people with Rett syndrome would be limited to a cognitive ability of an 18-month-old, since this is the point where many experience a regression in skills. Recent research has started to show that this is not the case, with studies concluding that people with Rett syndrome show a range of cognitive abilities.

Bilingualism

In Wales, where 17.8% of the population speaks Welsh, bilingualism is a way of life for many families. Research has consistently shown that growing up with two languages benefits cognitive and linguistic development. For example, bilingual children often demonstrate more efficient thinking skills compared to their monolingual peers.

But parents of children with developmental conditions, like Rett syndrome, are sometimes advised to stick to one language. It often stems from a belief that bilingual exposure might hinder progress or cause confusion. This belief persists despite growing evidence to the contrary.

Studies involving children with other developmental conditions, such as Down’s syndrome, have shown that bilingualism is achievable and does not negatively affect cognitive or linguistic abilities. Moreover, depriving a child from a bilingual family of one of their languages can have social and cultural consequences, cutting them off from a vital part of their identity and community.

Prior to our research, there had been no studies focusing on bilingual development in Rett syndrome. Families had shared accounts indicating that many people with Rett syndrome are growing up in bilingual environments. Some research has explored parental perspectives on bilingualism in Rett syndrome, providing valuable insights into the cultural considerations of bilingualism.

Without research documenting language development itself, though, we had no evidence to show what is possible, or how to best support a bilingual person with Rett syndrome.

Our study focused on a teenage girl with the preserved speech variant of Rett syndrome. She had been exposed to both English and Welsh from birth. Using parental questionnaires, standardised tests and vocabulary diaries, we tracked her understanding and production of words in both languages over three years.

We found she could understand and produce words in both English and Welsh. Her vocabulary in both languages also expanded over time. This challenges long-held assumptions about the linguistic limitations of Rett syndrome. It also opens the door to new possibilities for supporting bilingualism in similar cases.

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Read more:
Why being bilingual can open doors for children with developmental disabilities, not close them

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We are preparing to publish further findings that reinforce these results and explore how bilingualism can be supported in people with Rett syndrome. Future research will be crucial to developing evidence-based recommendations for bilingual language development. This may help to ensure that every person with Rett syndrome has the opportunity to reach their full potential.

Language is more than a tool for communication. It’s a gateway to connection, culture and identity. For people with Rett syndrome, the ability to engage with multiple languages can enrich their lives and strengthen their bonds with their families and communities. Our study is a small but important step towards understanding and supporting this potential.

Rebecca Day works with the charity Rett UK. She has received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council’s Welsh Graduate School for the Social Sciences.

Eirini Sanoudaki and Sarah Cooper do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Bilingualism possible in people with rare genetic condition that normally limits speech – https://theconversation.com/bilingualism-possible-in-people-with-rare-genetic-condition-that-normally-limits-speech-244858

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Heiko Balzter, Director of Institute for Environmental Futures, University of Leicester

Planting trees is seen as a cornerstone of efforts to avert climate breakdown. But a major new study in Science finds their potential has been drastically overstated – and relying on forests to offset carbon emissions could distract from the urgent need to cut fossil fuel use.

The researchers, a team of scientists mostly based in China, looked at both afforestation (creating new forests) and reforestation (restoring cleared ones). Unlike earlier studies, they carefully limited the land assumed to be available to avoid unintended consequences.

For instance, planting trees in snowy regions darkens the surface, since trees are darker than snow. This reduces reflectivity and can actually lead to further warming. Forests can also compete with grassland for water or threaten biodiversity.

Previous studies varied hugely in the area of land that they thought was suitable for planting trees, ranging from 200 million to 2,000 million hectares. Once those unsuitable areas are removed, the new study calculates just 389 million hectares worldwide were left suitable for forestation.

If this whole area was planted, the carbon absorbed by 2050 would amount to about 40 billion tonnes – much lower than previous estimates. But even out of this smaller land area, only about 120 million hectares are currently earmarked for forestation, reducing the climate benefit to only 12.5 billion tonnes of carbon by 2050. That’s a big number, but it’s only slightly more than a single year of global fossil fuel emissions.

Nature-based solutions such as tree planting can help, but they are
nowhere near enough to keep global heating below +1.5°C or even +2°C. Cutting emissions must remain the top priority.

Nevertheless, the authors argue that forestation incentives should be rolled out urgently in countries where the benefits are greatest – particularly Brazil, Colombia, China and India, where wet tropical conditions make trees grow fast. By contrast, in the US and Russia, colder weather and slower tree growth means much more land would be needed to have the same impact.

Implausible pledges

One of the most striking findings of this study is that across Africa, many governments have pledged far more land for forestation than the models consider suitable for tree planting.

For example, Ethiopia has committed to reforesting 10.2 million hectares but the study finds only 0.5 million hectares are actually suitable. Similar gaps are apparent in Cameroon, South Africa and other countries.

The gap arises because the new study only counts land that is naturally suited to forests, based on climate soils and existing vegetation. Many government pledges, by contrast, include ecosystems such as savannas or grasslands.
Across Africa, 70 million hectares of land committed to tree planting – an area the size of France – fall into this category.

Savannas are constrained by low rainfall, and trees are kept in check by hungry herbivores and frequent fires. The height that a woody plant in a savanna needs to reach to survive the regular burning is called the “fire trap” for a reason, as many saplings do not make it above that threshold. Planting forests here is not only unlikely to succeed, it also risks damaging unique ecosystems and biodiversity. And crucially, replacing natural savanna with plantations is not equivalent to restoring or protecting a tropical rainforest.

One limitation is that the new study did not include agroforestry – integrating trees into farmland – which could add more potential for carbon storage. But the bigger lesson from news that the climate potential of forests may have been exaggerated is that planting trees should complement, not replace, rapid emissions cuts.

To make the most of forests, the world needs better science-based guidelines for where trees will thrive, and stronger commitments to act quickly. The clock is ticking.

Heiko Balzter receives funding from UK Research and Innovation, the European Space Agency, and Defra. He is affiliated with the Labour Party and is a member of Friends of the Earth.

– ref. Trees alone won’t save us: new study says forestation has less potential to fix the climate than hoped – https://theconversation.com/trees-alone-wont-save-us-new-study-says-forestation-has-less-potential-to-fix-the-climate-than-hoped-264236

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ahmed Elbediwy, Senior Lecturer in Clinical Biochemistry / Cancer Biology, Kingston University

For years, health authorities have warned against red meat consumption, with the World Health Organization’s cancer research arm classifying it as “probably carcinogenic to humans”. But a controversial new study challenges that position, suggesting that animal protein might protect against cancer deaths rather than cause them.

The International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC), part of the WHO, has long classified red meat, including beef, pork, lamb and mutton, as probably carcinogenic. And processed meats such as bacon and sausages are classified as definite carcinogens. This judgment reflects multiple studies linking red meat to colorectal cancer, forming the basis of dietary advice to limit intake.

Yet the new research by Canada’s McMaster University suggests the opposite: that people who consume more animal protein may actually have lower cancer mortality rates. But, before you rush out to buy a pack of sausages, there are some important points you should note.

The study’s methods contain important nuances that complicate its headline-grabbing conclusions. Rather than examining red meat specifically, the researchers analysed consumption of “animal protein”, a broad category that includes red meat, poultry, fish, eggs and dairy products. This distinction matters significantly because fish, particularly oily varieties such as mackerel and sardines, are associated with being cancer-protective.

By grouping all animal proteins together, the study may have captured the protective effects of fish and certain dairy products rather than proving the safety of red meat.

Dairy products themselves present a complex picture in cancer research. Some studies suggest they reduce colorectal cancer risk while potentially increasing prostate cancer risk. This mixed evidence underscores how the broad “animal protein” category obscures important distinctions between different food types.

The study, which was funded by the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association, America’s primary beef industry lobbying group, contains several other limitations. Crucially, the researchers didn’t distinguish between processed and unprocessed meats – a distinction that countless studies have shown to be vital.

Processed meats such as bacon, sausages and deli meats consistently show higher cancer risks than fresh, unprocessed cuts. Additionally, the research didn’t examine specific cancer types, making it impossible to determine whether the protective effects apply broadly or to particular cancers.

Interestingly, the study also examined plant proteins, including legumes, nuts and soy products such as tofu, and found they had no strong protective effect against dying of cancer. This finding contradicts previous research suggesting that plant proteins are linked to decreased cancer risk, adding another layer of complexity to an already confusing picture.

These findings don’t diminish the established health benefits of plant-based foods, which provide fibre, antioxidants and other compounds associated with reduced disease risk.

Not a green light

Even if the study’s conclusions about animal protein prove accurate, the study shouldn’t be interpreted as a green light for unlimited meat consumption. Excessive red meat intake remains linked to other serious health conditions, including heart disease and diabetes. The key lies in moderation and balance.

The conflicting research highlights the complexity of nutrition science, where isolating the effects of individual foods proves remarkably difficult. People don’t eat single nutrients in isolation – they consume complex combinations of foods as part of broader lifestyle patterns. It’s more important to focus on overall dietary patterns rather than fixating on individual foods.

A balanced plate approach, featuring a variety of protein sources, plenty of vegetables and fruits, and minimally processed foods, remains the most evidence-based path to optimal health.

While this latest study adds a new dimension to the meat debate, it’s unlikely to be the final word. As nutrition science continues to evolve, the most prudent approach remains the least dramatic: moderation, variety and balance in all things.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Can meat really protect against cancer-related deaths, as a new study indicates? – https://theconversation.com/can-meat-really-protect-against-cancer-related-deaths-as-a-new-study-indicates-264088

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Francesco Rigoli, Reader in Psychology, City St George’s, University of London

Ukraine and its western allies are losing ground in the war against Russia. A possible Russian victory will be costly and is likely to be followed by years of exhausting low-intensity conflict while the country remains ostracised from the western economic system.

So, all parties fighting in Ukraine need badly a diplomatic solution. The meeting between Trump and Putin in Alaska has reopened this possibility. Yet many in the west remain wary that a viable solution can be reached. What motivates this scepticism? An important reason is that many western leaders simply don’t trust the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. They believe that whatever agreement is reached to end the fighting in Ukraine, Putin will breach it when this suits his interests.

Many western analysts fear that stopping the fight in Ukraine will allow Russia to replenish its offensive capabilities to be better placed to relaunch an attack soon. Meanwhile, many reason that continuing the war will weaken Russia while giving European countries the time to rearm, boosting their deterrent power and – in the eventuality that Russia launches attacks on other European countries – allowing Europe to react energetically.

These strategic considerations are important. Yet there are also profound emotional factors that lead many politicians and journalists – backed by big chunks of public opinion – to be wary or sceptical of any deal with Putin.

This attitude stems from the moral principle that compromising with an evil person is deeply wrong. Putin is perceived by many in the west as the quintessential incarnation of a bloodthirsty tyrant. The former USA president Joe Biden repeatedly referred to Putin in these terms, calling him variously a “monster”, a “crazy SOB”, and – even before the Russian invasion of Ukraine – a “killer” with “no soul”. European leaders have often echoed this judgement, like the French president, Emmanuel Macron, who recently called Putin a “predator” and an “ogre at our doorsteps”.

As psychological research has shown, the prospect of striking a deal with people deemed to be evil often triggers strong moral repulsion. Any potential compromise is perceived as morally disgusting, since it signals that appeasers are willing to sacrifice their moral integrity in exchange for material benefits. Most recently, this moral stance has driven various commentators to blame the US president, Donald Trump, for giving Putin a red-carpet welcome to their recent summit in Alaska.

It is common to draw a historical parallel between Vladimir Putin and Adolf Hitler. The option of compromising with Hitler, as Europe’s leading statesmen did in the now notorious Munich conference in 1938, is regarded today not only as strategically naïve, but also as morally deplorable.

Incarnations of evil such as Hitler, the argument goes, do not leave space for compromise – only for complete destruction and unconditional surrender. Since, according to this view, Putin and Hitler are of the same stock, the only acceptable result for the war in Ukraine is Putin’s unconditional surrender – or something as close as possible to this outcome.

Both sides need to listen

The moral drive to avoid compromises with evil people is part of human nature. Yet rigidly applying this principle to geopolitical conflicts like the war in Ukraine is dangerous. A well-established rule in the conflict resolution literature is that the path to peace requires that the opposing parties abandon rigid views of good and evil and accept that the adversary’s perspective is at least worth listening to. So far, the west has made little effort in this direction when it comes to Russia’s motives for making war on Ukraine.

It’s hard to see what the west expect by continuing to paint Putin as some kind of devil, while Russian elites, for their part, express similar views about western leaders. Something akin to the endemic conflict between Palestinians and Israeli is a worrying, but not unrealistic, scenario. In that case, too, many view the enemy as an incarnation of evil to be annihilated, portraying any compromise as morally intolerable.

The west’s stance on this, to some extent, may even be a self-fulfilling prophecy. Depicting Putin as Hitler risks being interpreted by Russians as signalling that, for westerners, destroying Putin is the only option available. This may lead Russians to conclude that the west is not serious about diplomacy and that, if an agreement is struck, the west will continue to harbour the desire to smash Putin, thus being ready to breach the agreement at will.

Russian leaders may in turn downplay diplomacy and be ready to cheat if any agreement emerges. So, it cannot be ruled out that, in part, Putin is devious on Ukraine because he sees how the west is accustomed to portraying him.

The west can rightly blame Putin for his intransigent approach. But if Putin has left little room for reconciliation, the west has not done much in this respect either. Western leaders should consider whether adopting a more nuanced portrayal of Putin in their public discourse could help. Abandoning an excessively moralistic attitude towards Putin would signal to Russians that the west believes that an agreement is possible and is committed to respect it.

This, in turn, may encourage Russians to follow the same path. While building mutual trust is going to be hard and take time, it may be the only viable solution for an enduring peace in Ukraine and Europe. Building mutual trust will require to acknowledge that reaching an agreement with Putin is not morally wrong.

Francesco Rigoli does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The west’s image of Vladimir Putin as an untrustworthy ‘monster’ is getting in the way of peace in Ukraine – https://theconversation.com/the-wests-image-of-vladimir-putin-as-an-untrustworthy-monster-is-getting-in-the-way-of-peace-in-ukraine-264204

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Craig Jackson, Professor of Occupational Health Psychology, Birmingham City University

They have been promoted as a remedy for anxiety and sleeplessness, with celebrities and influencers swearing by their calming effects. Weighted blankets – heavy throws filled with glass beads or plastic pellets – have gone from a niche therapeutic tool to a mainstream wellness must-have, promising better sleep and reduced stress for anyone struggling to unwind.

But do they deliver on these bold claims, or are we simply paying premium prices for an expensive placebo?

Occupational therapists have used weighted blankets since the 1970s to help children with autism and adults with sensory processing disorders. They became commercially available in the 1990s, but remained largely within special needs communities.

That changed dramatically in recent years when companies began targeting what they call the “casually anxious” – essentially, anyone struggling with modern life’s stresses. The marketing worked: Time magazine even named the weighted blanket one of the top 50 “inventions” of 2018.

The concept behind weighted blankets is appealingly simple. Typically weighing between two and 13 kilograms (experts recommend choosing one that’s 10% of your body weight), they use what occupational therapists call “deep pressure stimulation”. The gentle, even pressure across your body mimics the sensation of being held or hugged.

What the science says

The research picture is more nuanced than the marketing suggests. Several studies do show promising results, but with important qualifications.

A study of 120 psychiatric outpatients found that weighted blankets improved insomnia symptoms over four weeks in people with major depression, bipolar disorder, anxiety and ADHD. The researchers concluded they were “a safe and effective intervention for insomnia in patients with some mental health disorders”.

Smaller studies have shown similar patterns. One found that 63% of adults reported lower anxiety after just five minutes under a weighted blanket, while another study of psychiatric inpatients found 60% experienced reduced anxiety during their hospital stay.

However, these studies all focused on people with diagnosed mental health conditions, not the general population that companies are now targeting.

This is where the science diverges from the marketing: reviews of the research consistently show that benefits for healthy people are much harder to prove. While weighted blankets may help people with clinical anxiety or sleep disorders, there’s insufficient evidence that they benefit casual users without existing mental health conditions.

Also, about half the research on weighted blankets doesn’t meet quality standards for robust scientific evidence – a significant problem given the confident health claims found on product websites and glowing reviews in lifestyle magazines.

Who might benefit?

This doesn’t mean weighted blankets are entirely useless for healthy people. Shift workers, who must sleep during daylight hours when their brains are naturally alert, might find them helpful for combating the known health effects of irregular schedules. Healthcare workers, firefighters and pilots who rely on strategic power naps could benefit from faster sleep onset.

The placebo effect also shouldn’t be dismissed. If a weighted blanket helps you feel calmer and sleep better, even if the mechanism isn’t what manufacturers claim, that’s still a positive outcome, provided you understand what you’re buying.

Weighted blankets do carry some risks. They shouldn’t be used by anyone who cannot easily move beneath their weight, including young children. People with diabetes, asthma, sleep apnoea, COPD, circulation problems, high blood pressure or claustrophobia should consult their GP before opting to use one.

No studies have reported serious harms, but common sense suggests checking with a healthcare provider if you have underlying health conditions.

As a low-risk intervention that might complement good sleep hygiene and regular sleep cycles, weighted blankets aren’t inherently problematic. The issue lies in overselling their capabilities.

If you’re considering buying one, be realistic about your expectations. You’re not buying a miracle cure for modern anxiety but rather a potentially comforting sleep aid that might help you feel more settled at bedtime. For many people struggling with sleep, that gentle pressure and sense of security could be worth the investment, even if the science behind it isn’t quite as solid as the marketing suggests.

The real question isn’t whether weighted blankets work, but whether they work for you, and whether the premium price is justified for what might ultimately be an expensive hug.

Craig Jackson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Do weighted blankets work for anxiety? Here’s what the evidence shows – https://theconversation.com/do-weighted-blankets-work-for-anxiety-heres-what-the-evidence-shows-263591

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Poornika Ananth, Assistant Professor in Strategy and Organisations, School of Management, University of Bath

Regardless of how you spent the final days of summer, the return to work can mean coming face to face once again with any sticky problems you pushed aside previously. Now though, they’re looming and demanding fresh solutions.

This may be a good time to try something different. Whatever the nature of the problems that come with your job – production or staffing issues, a difficult product launch or disgruntled customers – instead of focusing all your efforts on coming up with solutions, it may be helpful to spend some time understanding the problems better.

As Albert Einstein is quoted as saying: “If I had an hour to solve a problem, I’d spend 55 minutes thinking about the problem and five minutes thinking about solutions.” But why is it so important not to simply jump to quick solutions?

Similarly, scholars who have studied problem-solving have found that workplace problems can be complex and ill-defined, and their underlying causes can be difficult to determine at first glance. In these circumstances, the solutions we develop are based on surface-level understanding or assumptions. As such, they may do little to address the true problem – and could even create new issues further down the line.

For instance, if you are struggling with a tricky product launch, it might look like the issue is a flaw in the item. But in reality the problem could be weak distribution or poor marketing reach. Clearly, focusing on the product design in this case is unlikely to resolve the issue.

To get through this, it is important to develop a more thorough understanding of the problem. This is known in management studies as a “problem representation” – that is, a simplified model of the problem, including the symptoms that characterise it as well as the root causes that explain it.

My colleagues and I have reviewed the literature on problem representations. Our research, published in the Journal of Management, has found key insights about how best they can iron out problems in the workplace.

Take your time

The first and most important insight is that representing complex problems is not a one-time event, but a process that involves three distinct but overlapping steps. The first step is “problem finding”, which involves recognising early or obvious symptoms that point to the existence of a problem. This could be missing a production deadline or a sales target, for example.

The second step is “problem framing”, which involves looking out for and identifying other related symptoms. During this step you may find that in addition to missing your production deadlines your colleagues have also been working more overtime. Or it could be that you are missing sales targets despite positive reactions from focus group tests of the product. To get this more comprehensive picture you will probably need the perspectives of people at various levels of the organisation.

The final stage is “problem formulating”, which is where you work out the root causes that underlie and explain the symptoms. Here workers need to truly understand why they arose in the first place. The key is to ensure that the root causes really do represent the spectrum of symptoms. This may help you understand, for instance, that production issues are due to problems with a new part. Alternatively, a sales issue could be because the marketing channels are not reaching the right consumers.

Our review also found that a problem representation can help with solving the issue in more than one way. Crucially, getting to the root causes can give rise to solutions that target the problem more effectively and completely. It can also enhance the creativity behind problem-solving by getting people to break away from obvious, surface-level answers.

An additional benefit that we uncovered in our review is that developing a problem representation can help with implementing the solutions. We found that there are two reasons for this.

First, there may be fewer snags or glitches that arise during implementation if the solution is more considered, and more relevant to the problem. Second, people may be more invested in implementing the solution if they have taken the time to consider the problem and believe that the solution can address it for them in the long term.

But our review also revealed that representing a problem can be a challenging process, fraught with traps and issues of its own. These could be participants not properly understanding the process, cognitive biases – particularly solution bias (the tendency to jump to solutions) – and bad actors who claim to be engaged in the process but end up derailing it.

However, if done well, this process can really help you tackle problems and develop and implement genuinely useful solutions. And this approach can help with problems at all kinds of workplaces and in all kinds of roles.

Poornika Ananth does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Different day, same problems? Why it’s a bad idea to rush into solutions for tricky work issues – https://theconversation.com/different-day-same-problems-why-its-a-bad-idea-to-rush-into-solutions-for-tricky-work-issues-264090

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Katie Crosson, Postdoctoral Research Associate (Curation), University of Exeter

Between 1970 and 1984, BBC1’s experimental drama strand Play for Today created what is now regarded as classic British drama. It launched myriad acting careers and showcased high-calibre writing in plays such as Mike Leigh’s Abigail’s Party and Blue Remembered Hills, Dennis Potter’s acclaimed play about lost youth. It was often challenging, often radical and always unpredictable, rotating directors, producers and writers each week to create unique one-off episodes.

The series covered a huge range of subject matter, across different genres and styles, and sought to reveal truths about contemporary life. By the mid-1980s, the BBC was reluctant to continue taking costly chances on new talent each week in an era of increasing competition, and Play for Today was canned.

Now, in 2025, it’s coming back. Channel 5 recently announced the return of the series, emphasising that the new Play for Today will provide a space to experiment for emerging creative talent, particularly those from low-income backgrounds. This development is welcome in an industry that fails to embrace working-class entrants.

In the chasm between 1984 and 2025, the structure of British society has changed beyond recognition. The class system itself has shape-shifted numerous times, with the erosion of many working-class trades and the increasing precarity of middle-class professions, with many affected by steep increases in the cost of living, high student debt and a housing crisis. All the while, the UK’s super-rich are richer than ever and inequalities are rising.

All of which increase the urgency for a strand like Play for Today, willing to respond to these issues. And while I remain hopeful that this new Channel 5 incarnation can be a success, my research into the original has informed nine non-negotiables required to fulfil its goals and earn the Play for Today name.

1. Represent resistance

Play for Today didn’t only amplify unheard voices, it also portrayed under-represented struggles. From female strikers in Leeds United! (1974) to occupiers on a development site during a rent-hike in United Kingdom (1981), Play for Today didn’t present characters as helpless victims, but people with agency engaged in resistance.

Channel 5 claims it wants to cover “thornier issues”. If it is serious about this, it could offer a unique space to explore marginalised voices, such as youth organisers involved in the ongoing fight for trans rights, and those speaking out against the alleged genocide in Palestine experiencing censorship and criminalisation.

2. Encourage critique

Play for Today critiqued the system, not just individuals. Destiny (1978) was an honest portrayal of the top-down, predatory nature of fascism. Its speech about “making the country great again” lay at the centre of an examination of the links between landlords and organisations like the National Front.

The Sin Bin (1981) offered a sobering portrayal of the lives of inmates in prison for the very worst of crimes. Play for Today asked its audience to extend their empathy, asking what we are willing to accept in the name of justice, and whether the criminal legal system is fit for purpose.

3. Be specific

The series represented specific times, towns and trades in detail. The lives of people in Hull in Land of Green Ginger (1973) and Morecambe in Sunset Across the Bay (1975) were examined without compromising their uniqueness by trying to universalise characters’ experiences.

The Bevellers (1974) and Not For The Likes of Us (1980) were built around portrayals of manual labour and working in a cinema. Far from making the programme inaccessible or irrelevant, millions tuned in each week: Play for Today was engaging precisely because it depicted lives and livelihoods little seen on screen.

4. Rotate creators

Held together by little more than a commitment to responding to the present moment, it is an essential feature of Play for Today that writers, actors, directors and producers rotate regularly, to ensure a variety of perspectives.

5. Foster innovation

It is important that Channel 5 doesn’t see the programme’s focus on social truths as something at odds with experimenting with form. From the raucous comedy of Bar Mitzvah Boy (1976) to the folk-horror of Penda’s Fen (1974), the agit-prop filmed theatre of The Cheviot, the Stag and the Black, Black Oil (1974) and the surrealism of The After Dinner Joke (1978), Play for Today was never confined to one stylistic box.

These examples deviate from the predictable style British audiences appear to be tiring of – a state of affairs made clear by the unprecedented appetite for the mini-series Adolescence, in which each episode was shot in one long single take.

6. Ensure creative freedom

If the new Play for Today is to be as distinctive and bold as its namesake, creators must be given proper creative control over what they’re making. Creativity flourished on the original series because creative control was the norm for these drama productions.

7. Offer a real vision of the working class

Ladies (1980) focused on the lives of female department-store workers spanning different ages and ethnicities. The Spongers (1978) explored the reality of living with disability in poverty, and Even Solomon (1979) featured the first transgender protagonist on British television. At its best, Play for Today portrayed a spectrum of working-class characters as diverse as real life, and it can again.

8. Show emotion

Play for Today presented issues in ways that elicited emotional as well as intellectual responses. Rocky Marciano is Dead (1976) focused on the importance of boxing to different communities, tenderly exploring the strained relationship between an ageing boxer and a squatter next door. At a time where social division is rife, we could benefit from being moved to look at the world and people around us in ways that promote understanding and empathy.

9. Be free to fail

Play for Today proved it’s possible to have both quality and quantity, but only through embracing failure. With 316 episodes made by different people, not all of Play for Today was pioneering. The same freedom that granted Play for Today its huge successes also granted its failures. The team behind Channel 5’s Play for Today would do well to accept that we cannot have one without the other, but look to the original, and enthusiastically and wholeheartedly take the risk.

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Katie Crosson received funding from TECHNE (AHRC) for her PhD on Play for Today.

– ref. Play for Today is back – nine ways Channel 5 can make it as successful as the original – https://theconversation.com/play-for-today-is-back-nine-ways-channel-5-can-make-it-as-successful-as-the-original-263954

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ian Mell, Professor in Environmental & Landscape Planning, University of Manchester

Tens of thousands of fans streamed into Manchester’s Heaton Park this summer to see Oasis return home. Over 400,000 people attended across five nights of the much-hyped reunion tour.

But the joy came at a price. For more than eight weeks, large parts of Heaton Park were fenced off and heavily secured, restricting everyday use. Families, dog-walkers and runners were displaced, and the effects rippled far beyond the park gates.

The park regularly hosts food festivals and the music festival Park Life, but Oasis was of a different scale. The concerts effectively turned much of the park into a private venue, accessible only to ticket holders and staff. Residents complained of overcrowded trams, gridlocked roads and children struggling to get home from school. What is usually Manchester’s largest green space became, in some people’s minds, a no-go zone for two months.

Local governments insist such events bring much-needed revenue. Manchester City Council has not reported a specific fee for Oasis to use Heaton Park, although it has been said that around £25,000 has been allocated to fund local projects. (At time of publication, the council had not replied to our request for clarification about the fee.)

Pubs and restaurants thrived on concertgoers, and taxi drivers got a ready-made source of customers who would pay whatever it took. The city itself basked in the global spotlight of a high-profile homecoming.

Yet the downsides for locals were obvious: noise, antisocial behaviour, litter and congestion, as well as the general fatigue of not being able to go about their daily business. Afterwards, many felt the grass and grounds had been left in a poor state, raising questions of how much – if any – of the fee would be reinvested in the park itself.

This fuels scepticism: a multi-million pound tour gives the council a relatively small fee, while thousands of locals absorb the inconvenience. In my view, people are right to wonder whether public parks should be used to support these enterprises.

The Oasis shows tap into a wider debate about the use of public parks for festivals and events. Why is a space designed for community relaxation doubling up as a mega-venue? Why not use a stadium or arena purpose-built for huge crowds? And why don’t local councils charge far greater fees to permit such events, and properly enforce penalties for any damage?

Heaton Park is not unique. Sefton Park in Liverpool and Finsbury Park in London have hosted major festivals including Africa Oye and Wireless for over a decade respectively, provoking annual complaints about noise and disruption. Each time, local councils stress the economic upside, while residents question whether public green spaces are being commercialised at their expense.

Why councils say yes

In my experience, many local authorities simply feel they cannot afford to say no. Years of budget cuts mean councils must “sweat” every asset they own. Large parks, especially those with capacity for mass gatherings, are among the few resources left to monetise.

Cultural prestige also matters. Hosting a band like Oasis in their hometown generates pride and attention that no council will want to turn away.

But if parks are to be used in this way, the terms should be stronger. The reported £25,000 fee is minimal when set against the profits of a five-night run: 80,000 people paying £100 or more each over five nights adds up to around £40 million in revenue. (In fact, many people paid hundreds and even thousands of pounds to attend the Oasis gigs.)

Councils could charge significantly more, with some of the revenue ring-fenced to fund park management and improvements, and contracts that cover damage to the park.

So, did Oasis ruin Heaton Park? Not exactly. The concerts were a cultural phenomenon for Manchester and a source of joy for thousands of fans. But they also highlighted how public parks are being commercialised to plug council finances, often with limited benefit to those who most need them.

If local authorities continue to hire out green spaces to private promoters, they should rethink the terms. At the very least, residents deserve more input, and a fairer share of the rewards.

Ian Mell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Parks are public spaces – but private event organisers are muscling in – https://theconversation.com/parks-are-public-spaces-but-private-event-organisers-are-muscling-in-262063